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This article deals with the relation of objective political competences and the subjective assessment of one's own political competence. The theoretical frame states that at least in early adulthood, only the subjective competence but not political knowledge is an autonomous and important determinant for (socio-)political participation, mediating the influence of objective political competences (or political knowledge, respectively). To test the role of subjective political competence and the (remaining) effect of political knowledge in early adulthood, empirical evidence using a sample of university students is presented. Cross-sectional analyses show that political knowledge has at least, if anything, an impact on voting, while fully mediated by subjective political competence relating non-electoral legal political activities. In contrast, the more profound competence of political reasoning has clear and stable positive effects on the intention to engage in non-electoral legal political actions – here subjective competence seems to be less important. Eventually, after a short excursus on school participation the findings are summarised and discussed by relating them back to framework and hypothesis. A concluding section proposes two opposing developmental-psychological considerations about the findings, raising further questions and giving an outlook into future research.

This article argues that the existing literature on world city formation overlooks geopolitics and political struggles in accounting for a city's transformation. Using Taipei as a case study, the article shows that geo‐economics, geopolitics and local politics each played an important role in Taipei's ambiguous world city formation in the late 1990s and are expected to continue to do so in the not too promising future. It is argued that the globalization process in the 1980s and the corresponding restructuring of the Taiwan economy induced the state to adopt a new developmental strategy that enhanced Taipei's competitiveness. However, the democratization process facilitated a new nation‐building process in the late‐1990s and the newly‐elected regime suppressed the city of Taipei's ongoing development, as a consequence of which Taipei's competitiveness as a regional world city has been declining. Geopolitics and local politics are thus found to explain to a large degree the ambiguities currently defining Taipei's world city formation.La littérature existante sur la formation des villes mondiales néglige les luttes géopolitiques et politiques dans ses explications de la transformation d'une ville. Prenant comme cas Taipei, l'article montre que géo‐économie, géopolitique et politique locale ont chacune joué un r^le important dans la formation complexe de cette ville mondiale vers la fin des années 1990, rôle qu'elles devraient conserver dans un avenir peu prometteur. Le processus de mondialisation des années 1980 et la restructuration subséquente de l'économie taiwanaise ont conduit l'&#5´tat à adopter une nouvelle stratégie de développement, laquelle a renforcé la compétitivité de Taipei. En revanche, le processus de démocratisation a encouragé un processus de construction nationale dans la fin des années 1990 et le régime récemment élu a asphyxié l'évolution de cette ville, en conséquence de quoi la compétitivité de Taipei en tant que ville mondiale de la région a décliné. La géopolitique et la politique locale peuvent donc expliquer en grande partie les ambiguïtés qui définissent actuellement la formation de la ville mondiale de Taipei.

The most incisive twentieth century students of language converge from different premises on the conclusion that language is the key creator of the social worlds people experience, and they agree as well that language cannot usefully be understood as a tool for describing an objective reality. For the later Wittgenstein there are no essences, only language games. Chomsky analyzes the sense in which grammar is generative. For Derrida all language is performative, a form of action that undermines its own presuppositions. Foucault sees language as antedating and constructing subjectivity. The "linguistic turn" in twentieth century philosophy, social psychology, and literary theory entails an intellectual ferment that raises fundamental questions about a great deal of mainstream political science, and especially about its logical positivist premises.While the writers just mentioned analyze various senses in which language use is an aspect of creativity, those who focus upon specifically political language are chiefly concerned with its capacity to reflect ideology, mystify, and distort. The more perspicacious of them deny that an undistorting language is possible in a social world marked by inequalities in resources and status, though the notion of an undistorted language can be useful as an evocation of an ideal benchmark. The emphasis upon political language as distorting or mystifying is a key theme in Lasswell and Orwell, as it is in Habermas, Osgood, Ellul, Vygotsky, Enzensberger, Bennett, and Shapiro.

The article provides a political analysis of the political participation of citizens, especially youth in the dynamic processes of democratization of society in modern Uzbekistan. The reasons and factors of the preservation of negative inertia in the conditions of liberalization and modernization of the political system of a renewing society, as well as the phenomenon of absenteeism, the non-identity of political activity and political participation, factors of activating the political participation of youth are highlighted.

This study adopts a broad approach to problems associated with confusion in the literature on media orientations and political processes. Three different dependent variables representing cognition, attitude and behavior are examined in relation to multiple measures of media dependence: time spent, reliance, exposure to content, level of attention and gratifications sought. Results suggest complex relationships between media use and the dependent variables and again confirm an integrative role for television that is often hidden in analyses based on simple exposure time.

Research on electoral events in conjunction with social media provides opportunities to describe an interesting phenomenon that can be analyzed using sentiment analysis techniques. The goal of the study is to analyze the support of political parties during electoral periods from Twitter comments, including 250 000 tweets regarding the Spanish general elections of 2015 and 2016, respectively. Text mining and natural language processing techniques enable information analysis, and the methodology emphasizes good practices for large-scale data collection retrieved from Twitter through a quantitative analysis of text collection written in the Spanish language. After information extraction obtained in three Spanish regions defined by geolocation, as well as feature selection based on keywords of the main four political parties, we conducted an in-depth examination of Twitter users' support during the course of the election. By weighting the tendency of tweets, we were able to obtain a proposed indicator of support: the positiveness ratio (PR). The results suggest that PR is a feasible barometer to demonstrate the measurable patterns of support tendency regarding political parties and users' behavioral activity to track their affinity on Twitter. The findings indicate consistent support behavior by users toward traditional parties and optimistic users' behavior regarding emerging political parties.

Many studies have focused on the relationship between political information and the use of ideology. Here, we argue that two "evaluative motivations"-general investment of the self in politics and extremity of partisanship-serve as moderators of this relationship. Specifically, we use data from two recent national surveys to test whether the possession of information is more strongly associated with a tendency to approach politics in an ideological fashion among individuals high in both types of evaluative motivation. Results supported this hypothesis, revealing that information was more strongly associated with ideological constraint and with a tendency to give polarized evaluations of conservatives and liberals among those who highly invest the self in politics and those with more extreme partisanship. As such, this study suggests that information and involvement interact to shape the use of ideology. Adapted from the source document.

В сентябре РИА Новости и НИУ ВШЭ опубликовали очередной мониторинг качества бюджетного приема в вузы России. В этом году Факультет политологии МГИМО МИД России согласно этому мониторингу вновь стал лидером политологического образования в стране.