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The trusts issue culminated in the passage of the Clayton Act in 1914, which conventional wisdom holds was a response to the perceived ineffectiveness of the Sherman Antitrust Act of 1890. Using ordered & multinomial logit analysis, we were able to detect economic interest variables that explain the senators' votes. The empirical findings strongly support the wealth transfer hypothesis, & the regression results clearly show that senators responded to interest groups. While we also found some support for the ideological perspective, it is clear that there was much more to the vote than the conventional story would suggest. 5 Tables, 2 Figures, 25 References. Adapted from the source document.

Many hypotheses have been proposed to explain why women remain underrepresented in congress. One of those hypotheses is that some voters have blatant prejudices against women politicians, while others hold stereotypes about men & women politicians that favor men. In contrast, others claim that women candidates for Congress actually have an advantage in running for office because voters prefer women politicians. We test those hypotheses using pooled 1988, 1990, & 1992 National Election Studies data & the pooled 1988-1992 Senate Election Study & building on Krasno's (1994) model of voter choice in House & Senate elections. We find evidence that some voters prefer women candidates in House races, but not in Senate races. The advantage for women candidates in races with a challenger & incumbent is slight & can be attributed to the strong support of well-educated women voters. An advantage for women candidates is more pronounced in open-seat contests. In open-seat races, women voters, regardless of their education levels, more strongly support women candidates. Overall, candidate sex was not significant to male voters. 2 Tables, 1 Appendix, 26 References. Adapted from the source document.

The municipal elections held on 11 & 18 Mar 2001 have not introduced deep political changes in Marseille: the outgoing majority has been reconfirmed & the united left has not lost other districts. Nevertheless, several phenomena are worth laying stress on, as they show the exhaustion of a leadership inherited from defferrisme: considerable decrease of voters as well as of citizens registered on the electoral list, success of alternative lists, persistence of extreme-right parties, particularly in the young & popular districts of the city. Left parties are the main losers of this evolution: started from the end of the 80s, the erosion of their traditional areas is now marking a new stage. More generally, the local political elites as a whole have to face the unprecedented difficulty of mobilizing the electors, the young people, & the newcomers. Elected representatives out of step, with whom the recent populations badly identify themselves, networks which become obsolete, leaders that find it difficult renewing their practices: such are the chief features that today characterize the government of Marseille. 2 Tables, 24 References. Adapted from the source document.

Since 1978, the vote reported for House incumbents in the American National Election Studies (NES) has been significantly higher than the actual incumbents' vote in the districts surveyed; in NES surveys before 1978, the reported vote was much closer to the actual vote. The prime suspect for the source of this bias is the new question format introduced in 1978 & used in all subsequent studies. We document the problem & review the results of several question-wording experiments that confirm the superior accuracy of a format that does not mention the candidates' names over the ballot format currently in use. We also find evidence that a modified version of the ballot format may reduce the pro-incumbent bias, so that improvement may be possible without a major interruption of the post-1978 NES times series. 6 Tables, 2 Figures, 7 References. Adapted from the source document.

Previous theoretical & empirical research finds that enhanced veto authority has little systematic effect on level of spending. This paper takes a new tact, examining the effect of veto power on the centralization of governmental services. It proposes & tests a model of federalism in which different types of veto authority lead to differing degrees of centralization when the executive & legislature have disparate preferences over the level of government that should provide services. Empirical results indicate that governors in the US use enhanced veto authority to centralize state & local government spending. 2 Tables, 28 References. Adapted from the source document.

MacKuen, Erikson, & Stimson (1996) argue for a "banker" model of the electorate in which the expectations of economic experts flow through the news media to the mass public, then influencing presidential approval. Using business elites' expectations & retrospections, a content analysis of print media, & the electorate's presidential approval ratings, we evaluate the parts of this process. We find that news is not transmitted unchanged between elites & the public. Rather, there is partial news autonomy, by which the media assist in interpreting economic conditions. Also, political events & objective indicators of the economy have considerable impact on both news reports & mass expectations. Finally, it is elite retrospections that influence the electorate's economic expectations. While the mass public holds less sophisticated views than those of elites, we argue that this does not mean the electorate is naive or that its own prospective views of the economy are politically inconsequential. 4 Tables, 79 References. Adapted from the source document.

"In der politikwissenschaftlichen Literatur wird ein Anstieg der Wahlbeteiligung mit zunehmendem Alter konstatiert, wobei die Wahlbeteiligung alter und sehr alter Menschen jedoch gar nicht oder auf ungesicherter empirischer Grundlage zum Thema gemacht wird. Postuliert wird, dass die Wahlbeteiligung auf Grund gesundheitlicher Defizite abnimmt. Mit den Daten der Berliner Altersstudie wird untersucht, welche Faktoren für diesen Rückgang verantwortlich sind. Die Analyse zeigt, dass gesundheitliche Einbußen zur Verminderung der Wahlbeteiligung beitragen. Daneben erweisen sich die Bildung und der Heimaufenthalt der Befragten als bedeutsam, was die Erklärungskraft sozioökonomischer Faktoren für die politische Beteiligung auch im hohen Alter unterstreicht." (Autorenreferat)

Contends that the cross-regional trend to vote for politicians associated with repressive communist or fascist regimes is due less to the appeal of extremists & more to party transformation. It is argued that, when the communist countries of Eastern Europe liberalized, many communist & socialist parties modified & moderated their proposed political programs to meet public demands. Since market liberalization has led to high rates of unemployment, poverty, & income inequality, citizens have been widely attracted by these transformed party platforms of the Left. It is concluded that political parties of the New Left have become increasingly flexible & adaptive to public demands. M. Nichols-Wagner

Based on observations that Canadian political, anthropological, & sociological journals presented information from an elitist point of view, it was hypothesized that political surveys & questionnaires might take a similar perspective. Three questionnaires used for the study of national elections in Canada, France, & the US were examined & the characteristics of each presented. It was shown that all tended to present information from an elitist viewpoint, favor verbal formulations over visual images, emphasize the individual over the groups to which he/she belongs, & wrongly assume measuring the positive features of a person's attitude reveals all that is necessary about the negative. A call is made for more balanced questionnaires. 4 Tables. Adapted from the source document.