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The article examines the specifics of the situation in Southeast Asia (Southeast Asia) from the point of view of military security issues and in connection with the situation in the Indo-Pacific region (ITR). The author proceeds from the fact that a serious destabilizing factor in the region remains the presence of intraregional contradictions - political, territorial and ethno-confessional, which are used by extra-regional actors under the auspices of the United States. Having identified China and Russia as the main rivals, Washington improved its Indo-Pacific strategy, activated the activities of existing ones and began to form new military-political alliances, on the basis of which it is envisaged to create an Asia-Pacific branch of NATO to contain them. The author believes that Washington's policy in Southeast Asia is opposed by the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN), which proceeds from its central role in the evolution of the regional security architecture. In the context of the escalating rivalry between the United States and China, ASEAN sees a way to overcome the complex of regional contradictions in creating a security system based on mechanisms associated with ASEAN. In the ASEAN concept, the ITR appears as a region of dialogue and cooperation, not competition, open to China and other interested states to participate in the project. The author comes to the conclusion that such a statement of the question is justified both from the point of view of the strategic interests of the Southeast Asian countries themselves, and in general of the entire ITR. Analyzing the strategy adopted by Washington, the author believes that it becomes a long-term factor of strategic planning in the Pentagon. Its main goal will be to forcefully counter China's policy and put pressure on Russia and ASEAN, which seek to resist the dominance of the United States in the IT. In his opinion, in the current conditions of the situation, it is necessary to further strengthen the comprehensive strategic partnership between Russia and China and deepen cooperation with ASEAN on the basis of common interests in order to ensure regional security and stability.

The promotion and popularization of scientific knowledge among all members of society is one of the most important tasks of all scientific and cultural institutions. The related library also solves this problem. But does its functional structure change at the same time? The author examines the essence of communicative and intermediary functions. The purpose of the article is to find an answer to the question: what function does the library perform in order to promote the interaction of science and society. The author shows the differences between the communicative and intermediary functions of libraries of different types in the formation of a scientific worldview. The author comes to the conclusion that, due to the humanitarian education of their employees, municipal, city and regional libraries are able and obliged to perform a communicative function for solving leisure tasks, and intermediation – through a system of mass events – for the development of a scientific worldview. University libraries, depending on their direction, can perform both a communicative and intermediary function (this is especially true for libraries of technical and natural science universities). The author believes that theoretically it is possible to explain the intermediary function only on the basis of studying the more general ability of the library to "communicate". This function is the original universal. And in this universality intermediation tasks come to the fore in the library in the interaction of science and society. In order to implement the communicative and intermediary functions, librarians need to possess certain knowledge, not formal, but substantive: the communicative function requires not only "purely" library and bibliographic knowledge of service, but also knowledge ranging from the history of science to understanding its modern problems and tasks. It may seem that the knowledge that cultural universities currently provide is enough to implement the intermediary function. But advanced training courses are needed tо introduce new popular science literature on any scientific field, new names, new scientific achievements. This is necessary not just in order to hold mass events known from university library education, but to invite certain scientists and specialists.

This scientific article is devoted to the study of the features of mediatization of the socio-political sphere in modern Ukrainian society. Using methodological approaches, the author proposes to clarify the main theoretical principles underlying the study of mediatization.The article identifies and classifies the key factors that influence the process of mediatization in Ukrainian society. Special attention is paid to the impact of the Internet, information warfare, media space and "new media" on the socio-political sphere.Applying content analysis of reports of analytical centers of Ukraine, the author identifies and systematizes specific signs of mediatization of Ukrainian society. Analyzing these features, the article examines the impact of mediatization on the socio-political landscape of the country and identifies potential challenges and opportunities that arise in connection with this process. It has been proven that the progress of the technical component of the mediatization process entails both the emergence of new opportunities and significant threats to national security. It was established that the development of "new mass media" leads to a gradual increase in the role of messengers as sources of reliable information and the displacement of other (non-digital) ways of information dissemination. Initiatives unrelated to state intervention and self-regulation mechanisms in the information sphere are singled out as one of the most effective means of combating disinformation.The final part of the article provides recommendations regarding state regulation of the mediatization process in Ukrainian society. The author reveals the essence of the institution of public diplomacy as a potential means of strengthening national security in the context of the information society. The author points to the need for effective regulation, balanced protection of the rights and freedoms of citizens in the media environment, and also emphasizes the importance of developing media literacy among the population. The article offers a valuable contribution in the context of understanding the process of mediatization of the socio-political sphere in Ukrainian society and provides practical recommendations aimed at ensuring the sustainable development of this process.Keywords: Inte

The article analyzes the discussion by political scientists and some Russian intellectuals of the ideas of the Moscow Methodological Circle (MMC), whose representatives are accused of arming the modern government with inadequate methodology, trying to control it, almost ideologically preparing a special military operation. The author separates two main directions of methodology - philosophical research and applying it into practice, arguing that the accusations relate primarily to the second direction, in addition, he argues that there is no single methodology, there are different groups of methodologists with different views and tasks. In order to develop criteria for understanding and evaluating the discussion, a reconstruction of the evolution of the views and concepts of the MMC is proposed: from the first program for the study of thinking, through the program for constructing the theory of activity and mental activity, to organizational activity games (OAG) and the concepts of management and OLM (organization, leadership, management). At the same time, the influence of Marxist ideas, which led to the reduction of sociality and management to activity, is demonstrated. The nature of the OAG is discussed. At the end of the article, the achievements of methodology are characterized, which the author refers to the "golden fund of methodology", obtained in the framework of philosophical research. The study is accompanied by an analysis of the positions of methodologists and their critics, as well as social situations that predetermined the development of methodology. In particular, they point to the crisis of socialism in the USSR, the weakening of ideological pressure, the expansion of freedom, and the expansion of the activity of philosophers and scientists. According to the author, the main methodological schemes for reforming sociality were created at the MMC (Moscow Methodological Circle) without a serious study of sociality, which was used by some political scientists and ambitious intellectuals, blaming methodologists, attributing imperious intentions and goals to them. As the author shows, everything is much more complicated, it is necessary to take into account both the difference in methodological views, and the division of methodology into two directions, as well as the political context influencing it.

China's diplomatic approach under Xi Jinping is notably distinct from previous eras. Instead of pursuing the road of peaceful development, China appears to have abandoned its self-positioning as a "ancient civilized country" and has grown increasingly aggressive in the international community. Western academics and journalists have even coined the term "war wolf diplomacy" to characterize this trend. However, the author contends that this transformation is unavoidable since China is in the process of discovering itself, which implies that it is modifying its foreign policy in response to the genuine demands of its own development, defining its diplomatic "dao". One of the most significant aspects in this procedure is the "shi" and only by accurately assessing, following, and planning the "shi" can the aforementioned duties be completed more effectively and finally achieve the aim of successful rising. In this paper, the author not only discusses classical Chinese philosophical writings in order to select key points from the sages' thought for analyzing and explaining modern Chinese foreign policy, but also demonstrates some of the more successful theoretical constructions of the Chinese school of international relations theory. The author begins the first part by debating the "Way of the King" and "hegemony strategy", pointing out that currently China's foreign policy applies both concepts, with the former principle assisting China in implementing the fundamental principal of "not solving international problems by force". While the "hegemonic" strategy is largely utilized to give a powerful reaction to external challenges, as indicated by the rising number of (counter)sanctions imposed in recent years. The author wants to present a reasonable explanation for China's change in foreign policy style in the second half of the paper. According to him, this change represents a sound strategic decision by the Chinese leadership to "act in line with the 'shi'". However, because the transformation is still in its early stages, it is not yet feasible to foresee the eventual conclusion, therefore the overall trend in China's foreign policy today should be judged in a way that does not unnecessarily laud or discredit it.

There are several indicators which reflect the level of economic development of each country. Among most important — GDP, GDP per capita, scientific and technological potential human resources, the country's positions in the world trade and capital transactions. The author makes a conclusion that the US positions remain strong in the world economy and international economic relations. The article aims to show the evolution of the American model of capitalism and its opportunities to adapt to new challenges of the 21st century. The author reviews the basic characteristics of this model and its distinction from other market economy models. It is demonstrated that in the USA, the leading role in economic development is played by private sector, and the government occupies much more modest positions. The author demonstrates that due to the liberal model the country has reached significant economic and social results, including high economic growth and high living standards. The advantages of the American model are quite obvious: commitment to high economic efficiency, development of science and innovations, economic growth and high living standards. The shortcomings of the American model are also quite evident. Among them there are: a problem of social and income inequality, the emergence of new economic challenges, including those connected with pandemics and climate change, which test the American model for its sustainability and effectiveness. Another issue is new emerging markets that are not liberal at all. Especially we can talk about China which became the real rival to the American economy. The modern stage of globalization puts several new problems before the American capitalism, such as the is exacerbation of contradictions between old industrial countries and emerging economies, between strengthened multinational corporations and the governments of the countries they came from. The author makes a conclusion that despite both internal and external challenges the existing potential of the American economic model is still not exhausted. At the same time, it is evident that the question of its adaption to all existing issues is quite real and demands solution.

The features of an autobiographical narrative allows the reader to trace not only the main stages of the life path of the hero of the story, but also to get a more complete picture of the events of the past, when the desire inevitably arises to agree, and in some ways disagree with the author's vision and perception of events, people, features of the formation of new foundations of Russian statehood. The rather voluminous narrative of the author about the work of the First Congress of People's Deputies of the RSFSR, where he was elected chairman of the Committee of the Supreme Soviet of the RSFSR on legislation, deserves attention. By virtue of his position, he also became a member of the Presidium of the Supreme Soviet of the RSFSR, which was headed by B.N. Yeltsin. Constant communication with the head of the Russian parliament helped to form a clear idea among the author of the memoirs and his colleagues, which made it possible to convince B.N. Yeltsin of the need to adopt the law on a referendum as the first practical step of the new parliament. It is obvious that such a decision made it possible to overcome many negative consequences that were the result of unprecedented political processes that took place in society in the early 1990 s. in the last century. The creation of a mechanism for holding referendums allowed the head of state to largely maintain control over the development of the situation in the country. We note the simple language of narration that is accessible to the reader, the book contains the author's assessments of legal battles that are tough in their content, emotionally colored political clashes, capacious, but at the same time objective characteristics of statesmen and public figures are given. It can be said that the author, with his work, became a forerunner for those who dare to write such memoirs, especially when it comes to such a difficult period, which began with the events of thirty years ago

This article reveals the peculiarities of idiostyles referring to works by nineteenth-century classical Russian writers (F. M. Dostoevsky, L. N. Tolstoy, A. P. Chekhov, and I. S. Turgenev). Based on intertext and inter-style statistical comparison, the author aims to reveal lexical compatibility and some individual particularities of using some frequent reporting verbs in literary texts belonging to the same period. The research is methodologically based on the ideographic approach to literary text analysis which takes into consideration internal correlations existing between lexical paradigmatics and syntagmatics. Lexical bigrams (pairs of words used in one phrase context) are taken as a unit of comparative lexicostatistical and contextological analysis. Word combinations of this type are used by the same writer in different texts, though they are not found in works by the other authors. The only obligatory element of a lexical bigram is a word which is often used by all the writers in question as it reveals the specific patterns of an author's work with the same language material (such reporting verbs as сказать ('say'), спросить ('ask'), ответить ('answer'), заметить ('note') are very representative for this purpose). So-called "idiostylistic markers" most frequently used to describe the moment of speech are identified for each writer in question. The author draws conclusions about the individual specificity of these stylistic patterns. Author-specific lexical compatibility shows that in the contexts of the verbs in question with lexical bigrams extracted from novels by L. N. Tolstoy, the use of the verb отвечать ('answer') prevails and involves an expression of emotions. The verb замечать ('note') which is frequently used in novels by F. M. Dostoevsky, reveals psychological perceptional particularities of speech of the other. The author argues that the use of the verb говорить ('say') for introducing direct speech is typical of А. P. Chekhov's idiostyle where it is syntactically combined with adverbial participles denoting various nonspeech actions drawing the reader's attention to a particular detail. The verb промолвить ('utter') is specific for I. S. Turgenev's idiostyle and reveals implicit but semantically important correlations existing between the concepts of speech, thought, and motion.

This article considers the reasons for the aggravation of the ecological situation which manifested itself in the wind erosion of soil over vast territories during the mass development of virgin lands in the Soviet Union through the prism of the history of agricultural science. The author refers to materials from central and regional archives, most of which are being introduced into scholarly circulation for the first time; the article also refers to special agricultural literature. The author outlines the main approaches to solving the grain problem in the eastern part of the USSR: the introduction of new territories into agricultural use, on the one hand, and the introduction of new varieties of grain crops into production, on the other. In conditions where the main attention of the state was directed to accelerated industrialisation, scientists considered these approaches the most accessible and realistic. It is substantiated that the subsequent reorientation of science towards selection as the main means of developing agricultural production led to the curtailment of research in the field of soil science and agricultural technology. According to the author, this negatively affected both the process of allocating land for virgin land development and limited the possibilities of science in terms of the operational development of a soil-protective system of agriculture. Later, by the end of the 1950s, the accumulation of virgin soil experience and research by scientists made it possible to propose recommendations to ensure soil protection from wind erosion. However, their implementation was restrained by the predominance of administrative approaches in implementation activities and the associated mistrust of production workers in the recommendations of science. The author concludes that the widespread introduction of a soil-protective system of agriculture became possible only in the second half of the 1960s when the necessary state-legal and organisational-scientific conditions were created for this and administrative "excesses" were eliminated. The development of the entire front of scientific research and the formation of a mechanism for the rapid introduction of scientific recommendations into production are necessary conditions for the implementation of major national economic programmes.

This article analyses dialect lexemes recorded in the Russian dialects of Karelia, which genetically go back to the Finnic lexical fund and represent a fragment of the semantic field "A speaking person". The purpose of the article is to describe the features of the adaptation of loanwords and the peculiarities of their functioning in Russian dialects at the formal-grammatical level. Such an analysis of a genetically and semantically related group of words borrowed into dialects has never been carried out previously. The author focuses on verbal nominations denoting the speaking process and derivatives from them referring to Russian dialect and etymological dictionaries and dialectological and etymological research as a source base. For comparison, the author uses data from dictionaries of the Karelian, Vepsian, and Finnish languages. The analysis of words reveals a high variability of the material due to the adaptation of genetically different morphemes. As a foreign word entered the system of the receiving language, the root morpheme carried the main load, and to adapt it, the language used a Slavic word-formation element. The correlation of the derived nominations demonstrates that there are certain lacunae in the fixation of materials due to the peculiarities of data collection. In some cases, missing lexemes can be reconstructed according to well-known grammatical and most popular and active word-formation models in the Russian language. Also, the author puts forward a hypothesis about the time of possible occurrence of such words in the system of dialects. Russian studies of the features of formal and grammatical adaptation of the nominations of the speech process prove that loanwords first became a fact of the lexical system of the Russian language in the border territories of interaction between Russians and Veps and Karelians, and then they were introduced into the speech of Russian-speaking residents of Karelia in a wider space. The latter is confirmed by the geography of the existence of the studied lexemes related to the Russian dialects of Karelia and adjacent regions. The author pays special attention to bright indicators of borrowing at the grammatical and morphemic levels — the verbs ending in -андать/-айдать.

PurposeThis study proposes a framework based on salience theory and shows that focusing on one type of risk (idiosyncratic or systemic) can explain overpricing of securities ex ante, and resales at low prices during crisis periods.Design/methodology/approachThe author consider an overlapping generations (OLG) model where each generation lives for two periods and there is no population growth. Agents (investors) start their lives with an endowment W > 0 and have mean-variance utility. They invest their endowment when young and consume when old. Each period, the young investors optimally choose their portfolio from different risky assets acquired from the old generation, all assumed to be in fixed supply.FindingsThe author show that investor salience bias can explain excess volatility of asset prices and the resulting fire-sales in periods of financial turmoil. A change in salience – from one component (idiosyncratic) to the other (systemic) – will generate excess volatility. Interestingly, higher risk aversion generally exacerbates the excess volatility of prices. Moreover, the model predicts that if a big systemic shock hits the financial system, due to salience bias the price of systemic assets falls sharply. This relates to the observed fire-sales of assets during the global financial crisis.Practical implicationsThe proposed model and results suggest that there may be a scope for intervention in financial markets during turbulences. In terms of ex ante policies the study suggests that investors and regulator should use better risk assessment technologies.Originality/valueThis is the first study constructing a tractable model based on the argument that investor salience may exacerbate the excess volatility of prices during financial downturns. The author relate salience to two types of risk; idiosyncratic and systemic and assume that investors' risk perception is biased towards the type of risk that is currently salient based on prior beliefs or past data. The author show that the diversification fallacy of the precrisis period, where seemingly safe assets were overpriced, can be explained by agents overweighing idiosyncratic risk and ignoring systemic risk.

This paper is dedicated to studying the value of democracy and authoritarian government in the political consciousness of citizens of post-communist countries three decades after the democratic transition. The author primarily examines the dynamics of said value and the complex ways in which a country's socio-demographic characteristics, political regime type and economic development can impact their acceptance of democratic values. The author also analyzes such a thesis as "crisis of democracy", particularly in post-communist regimes, what sort of causes, factors lie at the bottom this crisis and how potential deconsolidation can affect political culture. The study is built on comparative data from surveys by project "Life in Transition Survey", which was conducted in 28 post-communist countries in 2006, 2010 and 2016. In the beginning the author's reasoning is rooted in modernization theory and transitology — the most prevalent approaches in the study of post-communist regimes — with them being examined in critical light, and used as a foundation to put forward three key theses on the effect of individual and national factors on the value of democracy.
The study shows that levels of support for democracy can vary significantly from country to country. Regardless, it is in higher demand in the vast majority of post-communist societies compared to the authoritarian alternative and the absentee position. However, while continuing to be the most sought after, democracy's value rating is deteriorating. With the help of multi-level ordinal regression analysis, the author was able to identify certain stable patterns: first of all, the more social resources people possess — the more inclined they are to maintain the value of democracy, secondly, the less economically developed a country — the higher the value of democracy among its citizens, thirdly, regime type does influence the value of democracy, but the effects of such influence vary from year to year. Nevertheless, these results in part disprove the logic of modernization theory and transitology. The author offers his own original explanations and interpretations of the results.

Since the end of the Cold War the United States sought to enhance its privileged position as a 'leader' of the international community, capable of mobilizing and coordinating other states to achieve collective goals and ensure shared values. For this purpose, the U.S. relied on traditional alliances and intergovernmental organizations as mediators in relations between Washington and the less powerful countries in order to ensure the legitimacy of the American engagement. However, one can witness the United States' reorientation towards more flexible and less institutionalized formats of interaction in recent years. It may be considered as the transformation of power relations underlying 'liberal international order'. Although the established U.S.-led alliances still serve as the pillars of the 'American hegemony', many functions are increasingly carried out beyond the frameworks of the alliances, and the less institutionalized structures are becoming increasingly important. Thus, it is necessary to explore the links between legitimacy concerns and evolution of institutional tools, whereby the international order congenial with the U.S.' interests can be maintained. The paper examines the views of both Russian and Western expert communities on the role of U.S. coalitions and partnerships in ensuring legitimacy of the postCold War 'American hegemony'. The author notes that the existing approaches pay insufficient attention to the dynamics of power relations between the United States and its partners and allies. To fill this gap, the author engages theoretical assumptions of the English school, which consider the issue of 'legitimacy' within the framework of the concept of 'international society' — the group of states within which the division of roles and social stratification are intertwined with the processes of reproduction and transformation of power relations. On this basis the author explores the specifics of the United States' partnerships and ad hoc coalitions as the tools of legitimizing the 'American hegemony' after the end of the Cold War. The author concludes that the use of these mechanisms allows the United States to effectively mobilize collective efforts and manage the distribution of roles between its allies and partners. However, it generates additional risks and challenges in times of tensions.

The article deals with assessing the place of rural settlements and rural population in territorial communities (TC) - the basic link of the modern administrative-territorial structure of Ukraine and highlighting the preconditions and guidelines of inclusive development of rural population in these communities. The author reveals the factors of TC formation that determined their present composition and structure. It is noted that in their creation the decisive role was played by the important values of the projected indicators of population number and area of the "affluent" community. As a result, more than 2/3 of rural settlements and 61% of the rural population joined the TCs with centers in urban settlements (towns and urban-type settlements). Many urban and semi-urban TCs unite too many villages, which gives reason to question their belonging to urban territorial units, and no other types. Using methodological approaches to the identification of rural areas in the EU, the author compiles a classification of Ukrainian territorial communities on a functional (rather than administrative) basis. In terms of population density, the author separates communities with urban and rural population, and in terms of the share of rural residents in the TC's total population – those with predominantly urban, mixed (urban-rural) and predominantly rural nature of their territories. The distribution of rural settlements and rural population by these types of communities is carried out. In terms of both indicators, the absolute majority of TCs are communities with rural, or mostly rural and rural-urban functional type of territories. The author emphasizes that territorial communities have the main responsibility for the development of their territories and, consequently, for the inclusive development of their rural communities, and that the authorities should assist them in promoting such development by implementing various public policies, especially agricultural and regional ones. This includes, first of all, intensifying support for family and commercial farms, especially in small and peripheral villages, improving rural infrastructure, as well as unbundling TCs with a very large number of rural settlements and assisting new communities in their independent functioning.

The article focuses on the problem of necessity in the social sphere. The concept of necessity is, first, introduced as a derivative of cause-and-effect and logical relations. Then the author emhisezes the peculiarity of the sphere of social interactions which consists of the fact that social reality is constituted by language and can therefore be considered as a discursive universe. Due to this peculiarity, the necessity in the sphere of social relations has not a causal but a quasi-causal character. The latter means that the relationship between individual phenomena has the character of "events" that are formed in a certain narrative context. Here, reality loses the role of the ground for events and performs only the function of reference. In this case, necessity functions as the attribution of the role of cause to certain events. To demonstrate how these theoretical positions work in practice, the author considers the political doctrine of K. P. Pobedonostsev (1827–1907), a jurist, lawyer and prominent political figure of his time, who shares the views of Russian conservative nationalists. This analysis allows us to confirm the hypothesis that there is always a gap between political action and real processes. From this, in turn, it follows that the necessity of political actions is caused not by the logic of the mere fact but by the logic of the interpretation of the facts within the framework of a certain political program. After that, the author argues that, in the field of social, two scenarios for justifying necessity are possible — mythical and argumentative. He analyzes and compares these two types of scenarios as well as the ideas of necessity formed within them. The last part of the work examines the concept of fate as a subjective side of the question of necessity. The author also argues that the place of unfolding fate is a discursive universe. From this, it follows that fate is intertwined with events that are quasi-causal; therefore it has a probabilistic character. Thus, the connection between ...