Suchergebnisse

The object of this research is modern political power relations. The discourse is studied in the traditions of postmodernism, including as a 'picture of the world', cognitive model, worldview and the limits of what is possible in the thinking and behaviour of individuals. According to the discourse theories, all objects of reality are discursive, that is, any phenomenon is inscribed in a context that gives it full meaning. All objects of the surrounding world can acquire different meanings (or identities) depending on the specific circumstances in which they are immersed. Discourse is a way of ordering reality, a mechanism for determining the values of people. The subject of power in this context is understood as a collective or individual actor who has special access to the discourse and can control it. According to Foucault's theory, discourse can be identified with power.

This research finds that discourse is the most efficient power resource because it touches every part of a person's existence. The paper explains the problem from both sides: as the development of political discourse theories on the one hand and as the innovative research of modern power relations in a context of discursive technologies on the other hand. The research is based on the works of M. Foucault, T. Van Dijk, L. Althusser, A. Gramsci, E. Laclau and Sh. Mouff, all of whom measured discourse in a variety of ways. Thus, in our research, we used such theoretical methods for analysis, classification and comparison.

The analysis of discourse undertaken here has extended our knowledge of political power relations. The findings in this study provide a new understanding of discourse as a cognition that actualises many questions for further investigations.

The findings may be of interest for both scholars and students who study political power in general or discourse as a picture of the world in particular.

The problems of the functioning of sports vocabulary in the semiotic space of political and everyday discourse in France are considered in the study. The characteristics of the components of the discourse picture of the world of the French linguoculture are described, the key element of which is the linguistic personality of the politician and the generalized native speaker. The analysis of factual data is based on a linguistic semiotic approach to their interpretation, as a rule, within the framework of a discourse statement, as well as at the level of the nominative fund of the national language

This book, by one of the foremost authorities on the subject, explores the complex nature of Russian nationalism. It examines nationalism as a multilayered and multifaceted repertoire displayed by a myriad of actors. It considers nationalism as various concepts and ideas emphasizing Russia's distinctive national character, based on the country's geography, history, Orthodoxy, and Soviet technological advances. It analyzes the ideologies of Russia's ultra-nationalist and far-right groups, explores the use of nationalism in the conflict with Ukraine and the annexation of Crimea, and discusses how Putin's political opponents, including Alexei Navalny, make use of nationalism. Overall the book provides a rich analysis of a key force which is profoundly affecting political and societal developments both inside Russia and beyond.

How do politicians in advanced democracies get away with violating political norms? Although norm violators confront a powerful establishment that can penalize them, norm violations currently occur in many advanced democracies. This article analyzes the conflicts between norm-violating challengers and established politicians and parties as norm defenders in multiparty systems to contribute to the discipline's understanding of norm erosion processes. Based on diachronic and synchronic comparisons of conflicts over norm violations in Austria and Germany, the article reveals how political challengers can already damage democratic norms from a position of institutional weakness. Norm violators that make ambiguous provocations and can leverage their previously acquired democratic credentials, can more credibly dispel attempts to stigmatize them as undemocratic. In doing so, they turn the tables on the political establishment and portray its sanctions as a form of 'excessive retaliation' that constitutes a norm violation in itself. The article concludes with the unsettling finding that (verbal) norm protection can facilitate norm erosion.

AbstractHow do politicians in advanced democracies get away with violating political norms? Although norm violators confront a powerful establishment that can penalize them, norm violations currently occur in many advanced democracies. This article analyzes the conflicts between norm‐violating challengers and established politicians and parties as norm defenders in multiparty systems to contribute to the discipline's understanding of norm erosion processes. Based on diachronic and synchronic comparisons of conflicts over norm violations in Austria and Germany, the article reveals how political challengers can already damage democratic norms from a position of institutional weakness. Norm violators that make ambiguous provocations and can leverage their previously acquired democratic credentials, can more credibly dispel attempts to stigmatize them as undemocratic. In doing so, they turn the tables on the political establishment and portray its sanctions as a form of 'excessive retaliation' that constitutes a norm violation in itself. The article concludes with the unsettling finding that (verbal) norm protection can facilitate norm erosion.

The ambition of this two-part article is to argue for immanent critique as a research strategy in sustainability studies. We do this by picking up and developing two central, cross-cutting themes in sustainability research, namely interdisciplinarity and normativity. It is widely suggested that the problem-driven and solution-focused orientation in sustainability studies necessitates interdisciplinarity and an engagement with questions of normativity, each creating problems regarding how science is conducted. For interdisciplinarity, questions remain regarding by what scientific procedure rational (i.e., non-arbitrary) interdisciplinarity can be accomplished. For normativity, it is unclear whether normativity can be addressed scientifically, or only politically ; in other words, can normativity be objectively incorporated in sustainability research, and if so, how? Ultimately, the paper asks and answers the following questions: when should a researcher move from one discipline to another in sustainability research and, how do we judge the validity of the normative values that are deemed necessary for sustainability? In Part I, we show the silences, gaps, vagueness and inadequacies of how these themes are currently addressed in sustainability science literature, and from this move to propose immanent critique as a potential strategy for dealing with them in a scientific manner. In Part II, we exemplify our strategy by applying it to re-construct the debate over sustainable development, by far the most prominent topical focus in sustainability science research, producing a novel systematized typology of sustainable development approaches in the process. We conclude with reflections on how this paper amounts to an initial contribution to the construction of a Lakatosian research programme in sustainability studies.

Strengthening the idea of national ideology in the period of radical social changes in the country is inextricably linked with the process of national identity of the Uzbek people, national identity, the growth of political culture - a progressive phenomenon, an important achievement of national independence. At present, the socio-economic essence of the Uzbek people's development, its spiritual activity has become a key factor in the search for ways of national awakening, development and improvement of national identity, which will become a powerful force only if they know and understand the history, culture and spirituality.

Frontmatter -- Acknowledgments -- Contents -- Introduction: A Framework for the Analysis of Macroeconomics and Electoral Politics -- I Macroeconomic and Institutional Background -- 1 Postwar American Macroeconomic Performance in Historical Perspective -- 2 The Costs of Unemployment -- 3 The Costs of Inflation -- II The Demand for Economic Outcomes -- 4 Public Concern about Inflation and Unemployment -- 5 Macroeconomic Performance and Mass Political Support for the President -- 6 Economic Performance and the 1980 and 1984 National Elections -- III The Supply of Economic Outcomes -- 7 Political Parties and Macroeconomic Policies and Outcomes -- 8 Political Business Cycles -- 9 Macroeconomic and Distributional Outcomes during Reagan's First Four Years -- Notes -- Index

FROM 1896 until the early 1930's, The Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-Day Saints (LDS or Mormon), executed what was in my opinion a quest to regain and establish it's own political legitimacy as an institution. Since early in the Church's comparatively brief history, the very mention of their religion in the majority of modern societies carries negative connotations. I hypothesize that the quest to eliminate or at least "back seat" this stereo type was the primary motivating factor behind many of the decisions made by leaders of the Church during that time period. I will focus on the national level rather than local or regional (but these could be aptly argued individually), and it is in this arena that many decisions were made which affect church policy and official position to this day. It is true that Mormons have gone from viewing the United States as "the mother of all enemies" (excuse the vernacular), to seeing themselves as one of the most politically involved and loyal groups in America. Not only this, but the Mormons also teach that the founding of this country was inspired, the drafters of the constitution being recipients of divine guidance. This change is what interests me most, mainly because it didn't occur in a single day but, rather, evolved. Nor in any way was the evolution a response to changing conditions outside of the church, but rather took place from within. I hypothesize that many decisions made by the LDS Church leaders were politically motivated, but not in the sense that other historians have portrayed them. Many have tried to draw the conclusion that these were the specific instances that ushered in a new era in the church and thus began the polarization from a theocratic organization to one with more political interests. This notion I refute. I believe that the church, by making these clearly political moves, tried and succeeded in removing road blocks that threatened the growth and well-being of the church and it's progress, and it's goals as an organization. I believe that it was the leaders' intentions all along that once the dust settled from their road-block demolition, they would resume building the Kingdom of God where they had left off. I approach this thesis hypothetically because of the difficulty of obtaining primary sources to support my conclusions, and although I use peripheral sources in my documentation I welcome critique. I feel confident in this invitation because a responsible would-be critic needs these same, virtually inaccessible sources, (namely First Presidency Minutes, found in LDS Church archives) to prove any inaccuracies. Though it is possible that the conclusions drawn may be off mark, the paper will be a success if it encourages one person to prove me wrong and obtain loftier heights of more accurate historical understanding. Although I have relied heavily on the scholarship of others and their documentation on specific topics, so far as I know, the macro approach which I will be taking is original and only implied if at all intended by other authors. I think the specific issues refered to are related in so much that at the time the individual decisions were made, leaders of the church recognized each conscientious move as a piece in the puzzle entitled "Quest For Political Legitimacy."