The author has proposed the division of the mechanisms of citizens' e-participation in two groups - mandatory or recommendation. There is considered successful experience of the mechanism of e-elections/e-referendum and e-rulemaking, the results of which are binding on the central and local authorities. There are analyzed a number of advisory nature mechanisms (e.g., e-discussion, e-initiative, e-reference, etc.). It is concluded that e-mechanisms for citizens' participation may improve the traditional democratic process, give more technical and political opportunities for the inclusion of citizens in the political process and cause the increasing of government's transparency. ; Autor zaproponował podział mechanizmów e-uczestnictwa obywateli na dwie grupy – obowiązkowe lub rekomendacji. Za przyjętą praktykę uważa się mechanizm e-wyborów / e-referendum i e-regulacji prawnych, których wyniki są wiążące dla władz centralnych i lokalnych. Analizie poddano wiele mechanizmów o charakterze doradczym (np. e-dyskusje, e-inicjatywy, e-referencje, itp). Stwierdza się, że e-mechanizmy partycypacji obywatelskiej mogą poprawić tradycyjny proces demokratyczny, dać więcej możliwości technicznych i politycznych włączenia obywateli w proces polityczny oraz spowodować wzrost przejrzystości rządu.
Статья посвящена вопросам создания референциальной ситуации выбора в политическом тексте. Исходным положением статьи является ряд предположений: значение оценочной единицы понимается как свернутое суждение, включающее в себя субъект оценки, объект оценки и ее предикат и трактуется как суждение о референциальной ситуации; семантика оценочной единицы содержит в себе указание на выбор, который является основной составляющей агитации. Целью работы выявление ряда особенностей референциальной семантики оценочной лексики, которые необходимо учитывать будущим специалистам в области политических наук при создании текстов профессионального дискурса. ; O. A. Tsyabuk's article is devoted to the issue of creating conditions for making a choice in political texts. The basic assumptions of the article are as follows: semantics of evaluative lexis is regarded as an implicit judgment about a referential situation and includes a subject of evaluation, an object of evaluation and a predicate; semantics of evaluative lexis implies a choice which is the basis of agitation. The aim of the research is investigation of referential semantics of evaluative lexis and its specific characteristics which are key in creating texts of professional discourse by would-be political specialists.
The transition process has had different distributional impacts across different interest groups and countries. These have led to differences in the support for transition. In this paper, we study support attitudes for both the economic and political transition using data from the New Barometer Surveys for 14 transition economies from 1991 to 2004. We document that the overall support is low and heterogeneous across countries and individuals. Support attitudes are lower among the old, less skilled, unemployed, poor, and those living in the CIS countries. There seems to be an increasing trend in the support for the economic transition in most countries. Our findings are robust to changes in the definition and measurement of the dependent variable. We also find evidence that transition-related hardship, opinions on the speed of reforms, political preferences and preferences towards redistribution, ideology and social capital matter. Finally, we show that individual preferences for secure jobs, the role of state and trust in politicians as well as better institutions, in particular, the quality of governance, seem to contribute mostly to explaining the lower levels of the support in the CIS countries.
El propósito de este trabajo es despertar el interés por la lectura de Aristófanes, concretamente de la Lisístrata, por los muchos datos que ofrece: históricos, sociales, políticos, míticos y religiosos. La protagonista de tal comedia es la primera heroína femenina del teatro aristofánico. La relación de la comedia antigua con la vida política es permanente, incesante: las mujeres atenienses, cansadas de la guerra contra los lacedemonios, deciden obtener la paz de una forma singular: absteniéndose de relaciones sexuales con sus esposos y, asimismo, de sus obligaciones familiares. La utopía cómica, el mundo al revés, se nos manifiesta de modo evidente. ; This paper aims to obtain a lot of readers of Aristophanes´works, Lysistrata, above all. This piece offers many historical, social, political, mythical and religious data. The main character is, in fact, the first aristophanic heroin. The relation between ancient comedy and political life is permanent, incessant: Athenian women, tired of the war against the Lacedemons, decide to make peace in a peculiar way: abstinence of sexual intercourse with their lovers and absence of family duties. Comic utopy is everywhere.
El propósito de este trabajo es despertar el interés por la lectura de Aristófanes, concretamente de la Lisístrata, por los muchos datos que ofrece: históricos, sociales, políticos, míticos y religiosos. La protagonista de tal comedia es la primera heroína femenina del teatro aristofánico. La relación de la comedia antigua con la vida política es permanente, incesante: las mujeres atenienses, cansadas de la guerra contra los lacedemonios, deciden obtener la paz de una forma singular: absteniéndose de relaciones sexuales con sus esposos y, asimismo, de sus obligaciones familiares. La utopía cómica, el mundo al revés, se nos manifiesta de modo evidente. ; This paper aims to obtain a lot of readers of Aristophanes´works, Lysistrata, above all. This piece offers many historical, social, political, mythical and religious data. The main character is, in fact, the first aristophanic heroin. The relation between ancient comedy and political life is permanent, incessant: Athenian women, tired of the war against the Lacedemons, decide to make peace in a peculiar way: abstinence of sexual intercourse with their lovers and absence of family duties. Comic utopy is everywhere.
El propósito de este trabajo es despertar el interés por la lectura de Aristófanes, concretamente de la Lisístrata, por los muchos datos que ofrece: históricos, sociales, políticos, míticos y religiosos. La protagonista de tal comedia es la primera heroína femenina del teatro aristofánico. La relación de la comedia antigua con la vida política es permanente, incesante: las mujeres atenienses, cansadas de la guerra contra los lacedemonios, deciden obtener la paz de una forma singular: absteniéndose de relaciones sexuales con sus esposos y, asimismo, de sus obligaciones familiares. La utopía cómica, el mundo al revés, se nos manifiesta de modo evidente. ; This paper aims to obtain a lot of readers of Aristophanes´works, Lysistrata, above all. This piece offers many historical, social, political, mythical and religious data. The main character is, in fact, the first aristophanic heroin. The relation between ancient comedy and political life is permanent, incessant: Athenian women, tired of the war against the Lacedemons, decide to make peace in a peculiar way: abstinence of sexual intercourse with their lovers and absence of family duties. Comic utopy is everywhere.
El propósito de este trabajo es despertar el interés por la lectura de Aristófanes, concretamente de la Lisístrata, por los muchos datos que ofrece: históricos, sociales, políticos, míticos y religiosos. La protagonista de tal comedia es la primera heroína femenina del teatro aristofánico. La relación de la comedia antigua con la vida política es permanente, incesante: las mujeres atenienses, cansadas de la guerra contra los lacedemonios, deciden obtener la paz de una forma singular: absteniéndose de relaciones sexuales con sus esposos y, asimismo, de sus obligaciones familiares. La utopía cómica, el mundo al revés, se nos manifiesta de modo evidente. ; This paper aims to obtain a lot of readers of Aristophanes´works, Lysistrata, above all. This piece offers many historical, social, political, mythical and religious data. The main character is, in fact, the first aristophanic heroin. The relation between ancient comedy and political life is permanent, incessant: Athenian women, tired of the war against the Lacedemons, decide to make peace in a peculiar way: abstinence of sexual intercourse with their lovers and absence of family duties. Comic utopy is everywhere.
Compares the development of activist Shi'ism in Iran, Lebanon, & Iraq, focusing on the interplay between religious culture & sociopolitical concerns. It is argued that the religious experience of Islam is the driving force behind this activism, providing the believer with the necessary self-confidence to effect social & political change. This is seen in a historical overview of Shi'ite movements, which have presented a religious ideology demanding constant critical assessment of human society & offering a program of action, expressed in either radical action or subtle authoritarianism. It is shown how the growing influence of imported Western ideas & customs was met with increased disillusionment among educated Muslims & how the Shah's absolutism set the stage for the Shi'ite ideology of Ayatollah Khomeini. It is demonstrated how the religious experiences of martyrdom, occultation, & precautionary dissimulation have been used for political mobilization in the Shi'ite community. Efforts to establish a Muslim identity based on these experiences in Iran, Iraq, & Lebanon are assessed. It is concluded that, while activist Shi'ism has provided a useful model for Muslim societies facing the challenges of the modern world, without material success, its impact will be limited. Bibliog. T. Arnold
Latin America is perhaps the region of the world that has historically placed the greatest hopes on regional cooperation and integration. However, in parallel to the major integration projects, the Latin American countries have also sometimes resorted to forms of political agreement of a more limited scope. Political coalition emerges as a new trend in regional cooperation that, without necessarily replacing previous models, can complement and improve them. In this work we will try to approach this phenomenon, describing some specific cases, specifying its general features and evaluating its potential. ; América Latina es quizás la región del mundo que históricamente ha cifrado mayores esperanzas en la cooperación e integración regional. Sin embargo, en forma paralela a los grandes proyectos de integración, los países de América Latina han recurrido también en ocasiones a formas de concertación política de alcance más limitado. La concertación política surge entonces como una nueva tendencia en la cooperación regional que, sin reemplazar necesariamente a los modelos anteriores, puede llegar a complementarlos y perfeccionarlos. En este trabajo intentaremos aproximarnos a este fenómeno, describiendo algunos casos concretos, especificando sus rasgos generales y evaluando su potencial.
This dissertation gives an account of the process of configuration of the indigenous health policy in Colombia between 1971 and 2017, regarding both its state and indigenous expressions. The process configured a permanent dispute between the indigenous political subject and the state. The former was a collective political subject that built a political-cultural project from the recovery and projection of an emancipatory epistemic and political diversity through processes of resistance, mobilization and permanent negotiation with a racist, exclusive and neoliberal state and political regime. This dispute and its results amid political violence and structural racism are analyzed through the observation of contentious changes in the institutionality, normativity, and actions of the health policy for indigenous oriented from the state and politics--in contrast to the indigenous health policy built by the Indigenous Peoples. The dispute goes through five historical periods, from the assimilation of difference to multicultural integration of the equal-rights approach and finally via market mechanisms. Both policies express the permanent quarrel between a General Social Security System in Health-SGSSS --with an individual and market logic-- and an indigenous System of Own and Intercultural Health -SISPI --of collective and public nature--that challenges the asymmetries of powers and knowledge. The indigenous system also implies a critical interculturality against the hegemonic biomedical model inserted in the neoliberal model. Contrary to this latter, it embodies the Indigenous System of Own and Intercultural Health, oriented towards the balance of human being, nature, territory, community and authority relations from ancestral wisdom and collective political action based on the law of origin, the greater right and the proper right of indigenous peoples. ; El presente trabajo da cuenta del proceso de configuración de la política de salud indígena en su expresión estatal e indígena en Colombia entre 1971 y 2017, entendido como una disputa permanente entre un sujeto político colectivo que construye un proyecto político-cultural desde la recuperación y proyección de una diversidad epistémica y política emancipatoria mediante procesos de resistencia, movilización y negociación permanente con un Estado y régimen político racista, excluyente y neoliberal. Se analiza dicha disputa y sus resultados en medio de la violencia política y el racismo estructural a través de la observación de los cambios contenciosos en la institucionalidad, la normatividad y las acciones de la política de salud indígena, orientada desde el Estado y de la política indígena de salud construida desde los Pueblos Indígenas a lo largo de cinco periodos históricos en los que se transita de la asimilación de la diferencia, a la integración multicultural de la misma con enfoque de derechos y finalmente vía mercado. Ambas políticas expresan la permanente disputa entre un Sistema General de Seguridad Social en Salud-SGSSS oficial, con una lógica individual y de mercado, y un Sistema de Salud Indígena Propio e Intercultural-SISPI de carácter colectivo y público, que desafía las asimetrías de poderes y saberes desde una interculturalidad crítica entre el modelo biomédico hegemónico insertado en el modelo neoliberal y el SISPI, orientado hacia el equilibrio de las relaciones ser humano, naturaleza, territorio, comunidad y autoridad, desde la sabiduría ancestral y la acción política colectiva basada en la ley de origen, el derecho mayor y el derecho propio de los Pueblos Indígenas. ; Doctor en Salud Pública. Línea de Investigación: Políticas y Sistemas de Salud
Precarious migrant workers are today an everyday part of the Swedish labour market. They often work under conditions of vulnerability, on temporary contracts and with few rights. This dissertation examines collective actions aiming to improve the precarious conditions of three categories of workers –discriminated, seasonal and undocumented. The collective actors examined in the dissertation are composed of formal organisations such as non-governmental organisations, organisations founded on ethnic grounds and trade unions, but also more temporary groups and networks. The analysis foregrounds contemporary societal, economical and legal transfigurations that create the conditions for collaboration among the actors and the negotiations which they conduct. The dissertation contains four articles. The first article, addressing the situation of discriminated migrant workers, scrutinises the conditions for the engagement of anti-discrimination agencies. The result of the study illustrates how the actors, as a consequence of state subsidies, alter their original course of conduct by becoming market orientated,which contributes to tensions in relations with other collaborators. The second and third articles focus on the situation of Bulgarian-Roma berry pickers in the 2012 harvesting season. Thesearticles illuminate on the one hand, the driving forces to their labour migration and the challenges faced in Sweden, and on the other, the emergence of different collective actions and their significance for the workers. The fourth article centres on two trade union initiatives for the inclusion of undocumentedmigrant workers. The article analyses the challenges faced by the unions as they seek to extend solidarity to workers who are relegated to informal work. The article also elucidates that this endeavour,nonetheless, may have the potential to transform the political identity of trade unions and, by extension through collaborations with other collective actors, open the doors of solidarity for precarious EU migrants. In sum, the four articles show that there is a broad range of collective actors who are preparedto assist precarious migrant workers and to negotiate and at best improve their labour market conditions.These actors face many and difficult challenges. However, as the dissertation demonstrates, their engagement has made the reality of precarious migrant work visible to the public, legitimised the workers' needs and enabled them to claim their rights.
Der vorliegende Beitrag geht der Frage nach, in wie weit polit-ökonomische Ansätze den Prozess der Osterweiterung der Europäischen Union erklären können. Eine grundlegende These der Arbeit lautet wie folgt: Kritiker der Theorien rationaler Entscheidungen beziehen sich häufig auf eine sehr krude Version rationaler Entscheidungen, bei der methodisch betrachtet statische Modelle und inhaltlich betrachtet Effekte der Handelsintegration im Vordergrund stehen. Dieser einfachen Version von Modellen rationalen Handelns wird eine stilisierte dynamische Betrachtungsweise entgegengehalten, die auch andere Elemente des Erweiterungsprozesses, insbesondere die Faktormobilität, enthält. Dadurch soll gezeigt werden, dass polit-ökonomische Analysen sowohl die Grundsatzentscheidung zur Erweiterung wie auch deren Konsequenzen für den Prozess der Verhandlungen erklären können. Wesentlich für die Betrachtungen ist dabei eine Verknüpfung der zwischenstaatlichen und innerstaatlichen Ebenen des Entscheidungsprozesses. Allerdings sind auch ausgefeilten polit-ökonomischen Ansätzen in ihrer Aussagekraft durchaus Grenzen gesetzt, so dass sich die Frage nach einer Kombination unterschiedlicher Theorierichtungen stellt. In der Einleitung werden einige Erklärungsangebote der politikwissenschaftlichen Literatur diskutiert. Danach folgt eine kurze Betrachtung darüber, welche politischen und ökonomischen Probleme die Osterweiterung aufwirft. Der dritte Teil der Arbeit entwickelt einige politökonomischen Thesen, warum die nationalen Regierungen der EU den Beitrittskandidaten tatsächlich die Vollmitgliedschaft angeboten haben, und wie diese im Laufe der Verhandlungen neu definiert wurde. Im folgenden Teil wird dann die innerstaatliche Komponente des Entscheidungsprozesses näher beleuchtet. Dabei konzentriert sich die Analyse im Wesentlichen auf das Problem der Faktormobilität. Den Abschluss des Beitrags bildet eine Diskussion um Grenzen von rationalen Entscheidungsmodellen und Anknüpfungspunkte zu anderen Paradigmen der Internationalen Beziehungen. ; This working paper surveys the relevant literature in both political science and economics to explain why and how the Eastward enlargement of the EU has been agreed upon. The focus lies on delivering a politico-economic account of EU's recent history. The comments stresses the role of X findings. First, EMU enlargement may be considered as a necessary requirement for EU enlargement itself to take place. This adds to an understanding why the final outcome of the negotiations led to full membership as opposed to other alternatives. Second, such a full membership entails redistributive effects both across and within countries. This explains why full membership was renegotiated in sensitive policy areas, once the prime decision for enlargement had been taken.
This paper presents the emergent paradigm of the "commons" as an alternative value and action system in the field of education, and it critically draws out the implications of the commons for refiguring education and its potential contribution to democratic transformation. The paper delves into an independent pedagogical community, Little Tree, which is active in early childhood education and care, aiming to explore the ways in which children conduct themselves in accordance with the ethics and the logics of the commons and to show how they thereby unsettle the conventional meaning of citizenship. Proceeding from an enlarged notion of the political, the collective action of children and adults on social relations and subjectivities in their ordinary activities and intercourse in the Little Tree community are explored, and the dominant beliefs and ideas about the political ability of children are contested. This enlarged take on the political is crucial to empowering children and to enhancing their participation in public life. This pedagogical community is taken up as an instance of commoning education, that is, of configuring education as a common good, which is collectively governed by its community on terms of freedom, equality, active and creative participation.
Two contemporary Chinese artist collectives, Long March Project (LMP, formed in 1999) and Polit Sheer Form Office (PSFO, founded in 2005) posit themselves in both the contemporary Chinese and international art scene, as conducting something akin to "socially engaged art practice." This thesis attempts to read their practices as emanating from the artists' political and social experiences and critically observes how explanatory frames transfer between cultures. Through a wide range of research methods, including literature reviews, interviews with artists and field research, this thesis examines the evolution of interests, practices and terminologies as collective members grew up at the tail end of the Cultural Revolution, were educated locally and studied internationally, in England and Germany, being exposed to artistic responses to end-of-century political events there. It shows how members professionally intersected with national and international organizations and politics, working as artists, writers, critics and gallery administrators. It tracks them and their work as they thus gained standing individually, joined forces and then collaborated, all through periods of further significant transitions in Chinese society. In conclusion, a critical evaluation discusses how both groups' collective practices are brokered and present themselves, in Chinese and international, cultural and political contexts.
