Suchergebnisse

« The book offers a processual and discursive perspective on how individuals exit the Muslim Brotherhood. The framework is based on an interaction of 'micro' psychological and emotional factors, 'meso' organizational factors and 'macro' political developments linked to the specific case of the Muslim Brotherhood and Egypt during the Arab Spring. Based on interviews conducted in Egypt, Turkey, Qatar and the United Kingdom, the author traces in-depth narratives of exiters while they return to their private life or resort to political activism of another stripe. This work examines thought-provoking patterns pertaining to elements long under-explored in the scholarship and stands out as it systematically identifies this unexamined subset of Brotherhood members: peaceful leavers. « (Verlagsbeschreibung)

Most of the papers presented at the international seminars on Gulf and Emerging Asia : Defining Regional Architecture, on People, Culture and Goods in Motion : India-Arab Maritime Historical Relations & on Contemporary UAE and the Emerging Indo-UAE Relations and Contemporary Iraq and Indo-Iraq Relations, organized by Gulf Studies Programme, Jawaharlal Nehru University during 24-26 March 2009, 3-4 March 2010 & 15-16 March 2012 respectively

"Details the growing interdependence of the Middle East and Asia and its likely ramifications. Particular attention is given to India and China, which have a strong interest in trade--especially in oil and natural gas--with the Middle East and Central Asia"--Provided by publisher

Over the past 10 years, the de facto alliance of the governments of Egypt, Saudi Arabia and the United Arab Emirates has exercised significant influence over developments in the Middle East. The common goal has been to prevent democratic transformation, stop the rise of political Islam and counter the influence of Iran and Turkey over the region. But joint regional political interventions have so far had little success. Moreover, divergences of interest in bilateral relations between these authoritarian Arab states have come to light in recent months. The potential for conflict has become evident with regard to both economic and regional political issues and is only likely to increase in the future. For Germany and the European Union, these divergences of interest between the three countries offer an opportunity to pursue their own goals in the region. (author's abstract)

Qatar's domestic and foreign policy since the 1990s has developed along three main lines: The emirate has expanded its gas production and supplies liquefied gas to as many countries as possible; it assures itself of US military protection by providing bases; and it conducts a "soft power" campaign in the form of investments in media and sports. During the Arab Spring, Qatar went on the offensive, marking a change in its regional policy. At the time, it aimed at nothing less than revising the regional order in the Arab world. Since Emir Tamim took office in 2013, however, Doha has scaled back its ambitions, yet it still wants to be recog­nised as a regional power. Qatar tries to defuse regional conflicts by positioning itself as a mediator. It maintains good relations with Iran, its allies in the region and with mili­tant groups such as Hamas and the Taliban. This, as well as its support for the Muslim Brotherhood, repeatedly provokes conflicts with Saudi Arabia and other neighbours. As a result, Qatar has identified Tur­key as its new protecting power. Qatar is an attractive partner for Germany and Europe and can become an important gas supplier that has shown a long-standing interest in the Euro­pean market; it is also more flexible in its deliveries than many of its competitors. It was a serious mistake for German policy not to focus on Qatari gas much earlier. Placing more long-term orders could rectify this mistake. If there really is going to be a "Zeitenwende" security policy, Germany must also prepare itself for security risks emanating from the Middle East (keywords: migration, terrorism, nuclear proliferation). This means that Germany and Europe need pro-Western allies - like Qatar. (author's abstract)

1. Introduction -- 2. Resilience in the European Union External Action -- 3. Projecting Stability to the South: NATO's 'New' Mission? -- 4. The EU, Resilience and the Southern Neighbourhood after the Arab Uprisings -- 5. EU Counter-Terrorism Cooperation with the Middle East and North Africa -- 6. Sanctions as a Regional Security Instrument: EU restrictive measures examined -- 7. European Energy Security and the Resilience of Southern Mediterranean Countries -- 8. Libya: From Regime Change to State Building -- 9. Resilience to what? EU capacity-building missions in the Sahel -- 10. Resilience as a tool for conflict resolution? The UN in the Sahel region -- 11. Resilience in the Eye of the Storm: Capacity-Building in Lebanon -- 12. The Horn of Africa: NATO and the EU as partners against piracy -- 13. Paths to resilience: examining EU and NATO responses to the Tunisian and Egyptian political transitions -- 14. Civil-Military Cooperation in the Mediterranean Sea: Lessons not Learnt -- 15. Conclusions

"Leading scholars discuss how 'Islam' and 'liberalism' have been entwined historically and politically and how Muslims have thought about this longstanding relationship. Forged in the age of empire, the relationship between Islam and liberalism has taken on a sense of urgency today, when global conflicts are seen as pitting one against the other. More than describing a civilisational fault-line between the Muslim world and the West, however, this relationship also offers the potential for consensus and the possibility of moral and political engagement or compatibility. The existence or extent of this correspondence tends to preoccupy academic as much as popular accounts of such a relationship. This volume looks however to the way in which Muslim politics and society are defined beyond and indeed after it. Reappraising the 'first wave' of Islamic liberalism during the nineteenth century, the book describes the long and intertwined histories of these categories across a large geographical expanse. By drawing upon the contributions of scholars from a variety of disciplines -- including philosophy, theology, sociology, politics and history -- it explores how liberalism has been criticised and refashioned by Muslim thinkers and movements, to assume a reality beyond the abstractions that define its compatibility with Islam." (Publisher's description)