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Luis J. Rodríguez's stunning memoir-a brave, unflinching account of life in a Los Angeles street gang Luis J. Rodríguez joined his first gang at age eleven. As a teenager, he witnessed the rise of some of the most notorious cliques and sets in Southern California and knew only a life of violence-one that revolved around drugs, gang wars, and police brutality. But unlike most of those around him, Rodríguez found a way out when art, writing, and political activism rescued him from the brink of self-destruction. Always Running spares no detail in its vivid, brutally honest portrayal of street lif

We assess alternative research designs for minimum wage studies. States in the U.S. with larger minimum wage increases differ from others in business cycle severity, increased inequality and polarization, political economy, and regional distribution. The resulting time-varying heterogeneity biases the canonical two-way fixed effects estimator. We consider alternatives including border discontinuity designs, dynamic panel data models, and the synthetic control estimator. Results from four datasets and six approaches all suggest employment effects are small. Covariates are more similar in neighboring counties, and the synthetic control estimator assigns greater weights to nearby donors. These findings also support using local area controls.

Afghanistan in 2018: A Survey of the Afghan People is the Asia Foundation's fourteenth annual public opinion survey in Afghanistan. The longest-running barometer of Afghan perception and opinion, the Survey has gathered the views of more than 112,000 Afghans since 2004, and provides a longitudinal portrait of evolving public perceptions of security, elections, governance, the economy, essential services, corruption, youth issues, reconciliation with the Taliban, access to media, migration, the role of women, and political participation.

Introduction. One of the foundations for the protection of the sovereignty, territorial integrity of our state is the patriotism of student youth in the conditions of military lyceum. Nowadays, in Ukraine, an increasing sense of education in the pupils' youth in the conditions of the military Lyceum is the feeling of patriotism caused by new socio-political realities in our state after the Revolution of dignity; circumstances associated with Russian aggression.Purpose. The purpose of the article is to highlight the pedagogical conditions as the basis of the model of patriotism education of pupils in conditions of military lyceum based on the respective goals, approaches, principles, content, pedagogical conditions, criteria and expected results.Methods. In determining the research problem, the theoretical methods for assessing the formation of patriotism of student youth are used: and the simulation of the education of patriotism among pupils in a military environmentResults.The model of upbringing patriotism of student youth in conditions of military lyceum in our study contains the following components: target (goal), conceptual (approaches, principles and functions of patriotism education of student youth in conditions of military lyceum), content component, operational-technological (pedagogical conditions for the upbringing of patriotism of student youth in conditions of military lyceum and the method of realization of pedagogical conditions) and a productive component.The content components of patriotism education of pupils in the military lyceum include the following components: patriotic consciousness, a set of professional and personal qualities (moral-political, civil, military-professional, social-psychological, mental, physical), psychological, general-military and physical readiness.The operational-technological component prevented pedagogical conditions for the education of patriotism of pupils in the conditions of the military lyceum as a set of reasons, circumstances, factors influencing a certain process and can accelerate or slow it, affecting it by the end result.Creation in the military lyceum of the educational environment should provide for the student to open up the potential of patriotic education and launch its mechanisms. An important aspect of the implementation of this pedagogical condition can be considered measures of a coordinating nature, in particular involving the student youth in the types of patriotic activities of the military lyceum.The use of the educational potential of educational subjects in order to raise the patriotism of student youth in conditions of the military lyceum is conditioned by the fact that the education of patriotism of the student is carried out mainly in the process of educational and cognitive activity by introducing value components into the contents of educational subjects (Ukrainian language and literature, Ukrainian history, Ukrainian culture, geography, defense of the Fatherland and others).Regarding the third condition, as a content-methodological provision of the education of patriotism of student youth in the conditions of the military lyceum, we note that its implementation envisaged the development of a set of educational and special programs and methods for organizing and conducting activities for the education of patriotism of student youth in conditions of the military lyceum in its various forms, the use the whole variety of pedagogical forms and means taking into account peculiarities of pupils' life; regular publication of the relevant literature covering this area of activity, taking into account innovations, advanced educational experience.The effective component included the criteria for patriotic education: cognitive, value-motivational, productive-behavioral, which determined the level of formation of the patriotic upbringing of a pupil of a military lyceum.Originalit. The scientific novelty and practical significance of the results of the study is determined by a significant increase in the role of the spiritual component in the functioning of military lyceums, modeling the process of raising patriotism among pupils in a military lyceum.Conclusion. Thus, the formed patriotic upbringing is considered by us as a result of assimilation of pupils' youth in the conditions of the military lyceum of the experience of cognitive activity, emotional-valuable relations and practical and practical experience, which manifest themselves in the ability and readiness to be realized as a personality and individuality in activities for the benefit of the Motherland.Thus, the pedagogical conditions for the education of patriotism of students in the military lyceum, which implement selected and structured content in practical form through a set of methods, forms and means, and is the basis of a particular model. All components of the model, in close relationship with each other, ensure the realization of the goal. Thus, the result of the implementation and implementation of the model proposed by us is a lyceum with an appropriate level of formation of patriotic education.Prospects for further research are the definition of recommendations for the education of patriotism of student youth in conditions of military lyceum. ; В статье рассматривается содержание модели воспитания патриотизма военных лицеистов У статті розглядається зміст моделі ученической молодежи в условиях военного лицея – модели, которая базируется на определенніх концепциях, подходах, принципах образования и педагогических условиях на основе этого формирование содержание, форм методов воспитания патриотизма, а также образование патриотического середовища. Пропонуються напрями перспективних досліджень із зазначеної проблематики. Предлагаются направления перспективных исследований с заявленной проблематики. ; У статті розглядається зміст моделі виховання патріотизму учнівської молоді в умовах військового ліцею, а саме – такої моделі, яка базуватиметься на відповідних концепціях, підходах, принципах освіти та педагогічних умовах на основі цього формування змісту, форм методів виховання патріотизму, а також створення патріотичного середовища. Пропонуються напрями перспективних досліджень із зазначеної проблематики.

Introduction. One of the foundations for the protection of the sovereignty, territorial integrity of our state is the patriotism of student youth in the conditions of military lyceum. Nowadays, in Ukraine, an increasing sense of education in the pupils' youth in the conditions of the military Lyceum is the feeling of patriotism caused by new socio-political realities in our state after the Revolution of dignity; circumstances associated with Russian aggression.Purpose. The purpose of the article is to highlight the pedagogical conditions as the basis of the model of patriotism education of pupils in conditions of military lyceum based on the respective goals, approaches, principles, content, pedagogical conditions, criteria and expected results.Methods. In determining the research problem, the theoretical methods for assessing the formation of patriotism of student youth are used: and the simulation of the education of patriotism among pupils in a military environmentResults.The model of upbringing patriotism of student youth in conditions of military lyceum in our study contains the following components: target (goal), conceptual (approaches, principles and functions of patriotism education of student youth in conditions of military lyceum), content component, operational-technological (pedagogical conditions for the upbringing of patriotism of student youth in conditions of military lyceum and the method of realization of pedagogical conditions) and a productive component.The content components of patriotism education of pupils in the military lyceum include the following components: patriotic consciousness, a set of professional and personal qualities (moral-political, civil, military-professional, social-psychological, mental, physical), psychological, general-military and physical readiness.The operational-technological component prevented pedagogical conditions for the education of patriotism of pupils in the conditions of the military lyceum as a set of reasons, circumstances, factors influencing a certain process and can accelerate or slow it, affecting it by the end result.Creation in the military lyceum of the educational environment should provide for the student to open up the potential of patriotic education and launch its mechanisms. An important aspect of the implementation of this pedagogical condition can be considered measures of a coordinating nature, in particular involving the student youth in the types of patriotic activities of the military lyceum.The use of the educational potential of educational subjects in order to raise the patriotism of student youth in conditions of the military lyceum is conditioned by the fact that the education of patriotism of the student is carried out mainly in the process of educational and cognitive activity by introducing value components into the contents of educational subjects (Ukrainian language and literature, Ukrainian history, Ukrainian culture, geography, defense of the Fatherland and others).Regarding the third condition, as a content-methodological provision of the education of patriotism of student youth in the conditions of the military lyceum, we note that its implementation envisaged the development of a set of educational and special programs and methods for organizing and conducting activities for the education of patriotism of student youth in conditions of the military lyceum in its various forms, the use the whole variety of pedagogical forms and means taking into account peculiarities of pupils' life; regular publication of the relevant literature covering this area of activity, taking into account innovations, advanced educational experience.The effective component included the criteria for patriotic education: cognitive, value-motivational, productive-behavioral, which determined the level of formation of the patriotic upbringing of a pupil of a military lyceum.Originalit. The scientific novelty and practical significance of the results of the study is determined by a significant increase in the role of the spiritual component in the functioning of military lyceums, modeling the process of raising patriotism among pupils in a military lyceum.Conclusion. Thus, the formed patriotic upbringing is considered by us as a result of assimilation of pupils' youth in the conditions of the military lyceum of the experience of cognitive activity, emotional-valuable relations and practical and practical experience, which manifest themselves in the ability and readiness to be realized as a personality and individuality in activities for the benefit of the Motherland.Thus, the pedagogical conditions for the education of patriotism of students in the military lyceum, which implement selected and structured content in practical form through a set of methods, forms and means, and is the basis of a particular model. All components of the model, in close relationship with each other, ensure the realization of the goal. Thus, the result of the implementation and implementation of the model proposed by us is a lyceum with an appropriate level of formation of patriotic education.Prospects for further research are the definition of recommendations for the education of patriotism of student youth in conditions of military lyceum. ; В статье рассматривается содержание модели воспитания патриотизма военных лицеистов У статті розглядається зміст моделі ученической молодежи в условиях военного лицея – модели, которая базируется на определенніх концепциях, подходах, принципах образования и педагогических условиях на основе этого формирование содержание, форм методов воспитания патриотизма, а также образование патриотического середовища. Пропонуються напрями перспективних досліджень із зазначеної проблематики. Предлагаются направления перспективных исследований с заявленной проблематики. ; У статті розглядається зміст моделі виховання патріотизму учнівської молоді в умовах військового ліцею, а саме – такої моделі, яка базуватиметься на відповідних концепціях, підходах, принципах освіти та педагогічних умовах на основі цього формування змісту, форм методів виховання патріотизму, а також створення патріотичного середовища. Пропонуються напрями перспективних досліджень із зазначеної проблематики.

The 2018 midterm elections in the United States were unprecedented in their gender and racial diversity. Voters across the country, especially younger voters, elected the most diverse U.S. Congress in history. Despite increased electoral diversity along lines of gender, race, and the intersections of both, extant literature has remained siloed, focusing on the effect of either gender or race on turnout but rarely examining both in relation to one another. Using a novel data set of racially diverse young adults that includes demographic information for congressional candidates and vote-validated data, this study investigates how the intersection of race and gender influence voter turnout across diverse electoral contexts. Our study provides important insights for both unpacking the 2018 elections and more generally understanding how race and gender interact to influence youth voter turnout as candidate profiles and electoral contexts continue to diversify.

Este texto parte de la dificultad de conjugar la igualdad y la diferencia al abordar las relaciones entre ciudadanía y género, y de una noción amplia de ciudadanía, que comprende no sólo un estatus jurídico, sino también una práctica y una identidad en torno al ejercicio de derechos. Propone incorporar las categorías de género y juventud al estudio de la participación católica en la reconstrucción de una sociedad civil durante las últimas décadas del Franquismo, para analizar cómo las militantes de la Juventud Obrera Cristiana (JOC) experimentaron un proceso de aprendizaje ciudadano al reclamar derechos sociales y políticos, desarrollar hábitos participativos, modelar nuevos lenguajes y reformular las identidades de género católicas desde planteamientos juveniles. ; This text is based on the difficulty of combining equality and difference when addressing the relationships between citizenship and gender. It is also based on a broad notion of citizenship, which comprises not only a legal status but also one of practicality and an identity when it comes to exercising rights. It proposes incorporating the categories of gender and youth to study the participation of the Catholic church in the reconstruction of a civil society during the final decades of the Franco regime. From this point of departure, it analyses how the Juventud Obrera Cristiana (JOC) (Young Christian Workers) female militants underwent a process of citizen learning after claiming social and political rights, developing habits of participation, shaping new languages and reformulating Catholic gender identities from a young people's approach. ; Este artículo participa del proyecto HAR2012-32539, «Discursos e identidades de género en las culturas políticas de la derecha española, 1875-1975», financiado por el Ministerio de Economía y Competitividad.

The educated unemployed youth of Tunisia have played a crucial role in the 2010 uprisings that have sparked revolutions across the entire Arab world (and beyond). It has been argued that the recent economic situation in Tunisia is the culmination of three decades of neoliberal economic policies that have contributed to the rise in income inequality, the lack of upward mobility for educated youth, and the removal of social safety nets for the working class. This paper argues that the economic success of post-Ben Ali Tunisia must do away with neoliberal economic policies and focus instead on direct job creation through public sector spending. A six-year full employment program is proposed for Tunisia in the Post Keynesian Institutionalist tradition of Hyman Minsky. The main purpose of this paper is to address the technical question of financial affordability of direct job creation, rather than focusing on the logistical aspects of the program. The paper demonstates that this program can create full employment, contribute an additional 4.8 percentage points to GDP growth, and cost 3.36 percent of GDP. JEL Codes: B5, E12, E24, F41, 023, O38, O47, O53

Four decades have passed since the Chilean Army was revolted against the government of Allende. Years pass, but individual and group memoirs –understood as discourses about the past– of this period remain belligerently contradictory, as evidenced by the dispute between the figures of Allende and Pinochet. We are concerned about this reality because young people who didn't live the leaden years are ascribed –uncritically– to the dominant memory in their closest living space. Build a memory for the future, by increasing the dose of historical knowledge of young Chileans, could favor the recognition of internal political differences until making them compatible with a democratic coexistence of quality. ; Han pasado cuatro décadas desde que el Ejército chileno se sublevó contra el Gobierno de Salvador Allende. Los años pasan, pero las memorias individuales y de grupo de ese período –entendidas como discursos sobre el pasado– continúan siendo beligerantemente contradictorias, como evidencia la controversia todavía existente entre las figuras de Allende y Pinochet. Esa realidad nos preocupa en la medida que los jóvenes que no vivieron los años de plomo se adscriben –de manera poco crítica–, a la memoria dominante en su espacio vital próximo. Construir una memoria para el futuro, incrementando la dosis de conocimiento histórico de los jóvenes chilenos, podría favorecer el reconocimiento de las diferencias políticas internas hasta hacerlas compatibles con una convivencia democrática de calidad.

This paper examines the donor/partnership relationships of the United States Agency for International Development (USAID/Zambia) and the Friedrich Ebert Stiftung (FES) Zambia with local non-governmental organisations - the Foundation for Democratic Process (FODEP) and the Southern Africa Centre for the Constructive Resolution of Disputes (SACCORD) respectively on how the Western entities use public diplomacy and smart power as vehicles to alleviate electoral violence; the paper looks at what dialoguing efforts have been made by Zambian political parties and other actors in the period 2011 to 2016 to minimise political violence. The study was a case study of FODEP and SACCORD members. Primary data was gathered using semi-structured questionnaires; interviews with staff at the local NGOs and with USAID/Zambia and FES Zambia employees were done. Secondary research was also conducted; the data was analysed using triangulation method. The findings are that Zambia's democratic credibility in Africa is regressing due to conflicting political parties inability to dialogue over differences; and that USAID/Zambia and FES Zambia, FODEP and SACCORD need to increase their efforts to eradicate electoral violence by sponsoring and carrying out more effective communications programs targeting poor, uneducated male-youths from shanty compounds.

"Can more peaceful childhoods promote a culture of peace? Increasing evidence from a broad range of disciplines shows that how we raise our children affects the propensity for conflict and the potential for peace within a given community. In this book, experts from a range of disciplines examine the biological and social underpinnings of child development and the importance of strengthening families to build harmonious and equitable relations across generations. They explore the relevance to the pursuit of peace in the world, highlight directions for future research, and propose novel approaches to translate knowledge into concrete action. The contributors describe findings from research in biology, neuroscience, evolution, genetics, and psychology. They report empirical evidence on children living in violent conditions, resilience in youth, and successful interventions. Their contributions show that the creation of sustainable partnerships with government agencies, community leaders, policy makers, funders, and service providers is a key ingredient for success. Taken together, they suggest possible novel approaches to translate knowledge into concrete action"--MIT CogNet.

This dissertation traces the interplay between understandings of the Argentine nation and constructs of Jewish ethnicity between 1955 and 1983. It begins with the celebrations surrounding the supposed triumph of the "liberal nation" after the overthrow of Juan Perón in 1955, and continues through the years of rapid transitions between civil and military rule, massive labor unrest and social protest, escalating violence, and finally the brutal military dictatorship of 1976-1983. It argues that these were crucial years in which Jewish activists forcefully discarded previous understandings of the nation and radically reformulated, several times, what it meant to be Jewish and Argentine. This process echoed wider debates about the Argentine nation, but Jewish activists consistently ascribed particular meanings to different visions of the nation, whether liberal, national populist, revolutionary, or authoritarian. These understandings formed the basis for new articulations of membership and constructions of Argentine Jewishness. Through this all, the dissertation contends, the community's own complex generational politics catalyzed change. Beginning in the early 1960s, Jewish youth activists launched a rebellion against the community's central institutions, claiming that ethnic values must be made compatible with mentalities of native-born Argentines and new understandings of the nation. Rather than rejecting these innovations, the older generation often grappled with them, forcing the meanings of Jewishness in Argentina to the fore over and over again. At the height of revolutionary foment, the older generation even embraced the youth's radical definitions of Jewishness, though it later worked to silence them as social violence escalated in the mid-1970s. While the national context and the community's own dynamics are thus fundamental, this work also underscores many ways that the process of constructing ethnicity and rethinking the nation were tied to trends in the broader Jewish diaspora, involved in its own processes of remaking the meaning of Jewishness and Zionism after the establishment of the State of Israel.With the interplay between national, communal, and diasporic processes, this dissertation offers three key contributions. The prevailing myth surrounding Argentine immigration is that by World War II the "melting pot" had forged a new Argentine culture and made ethnic identity irrelevant. By contrast, this project contends that the rapid political changes and shifting national consciousnesses in the years after 1955 created particularly fertile ground to debate, remake, and reformulate the intersection between being Jewish and Argentine. This project also speaks to ongoing debates about the relative importance of nation and diaspora in the making of ethnic identity: even as Jewish activists were keenly attuned to constructions of ethnicity emanating from other parts of the diaspora, they consistently accepted or rejected them in accordance with their understanding of themselves as Argentines. Finally, it adds the ethnic community to the realms where Latin American youth activists remade cultural categories in the 1960s and 1970s, but also complicates the image of rebellious youth and recalcitrant elders by pointing to a varied interplay between the two.

While the tendency for low‐income groups to become economically marginalized may be a structural feature of the globalizing, post‐Fordist economy, the degree to which they are allowed to become socially excluded is arguably a political issue. In many of the polities of the Western world, debate has focused not only on whether the State could or should intervene economically to ameliorate the causes of the "new poverty" but also on how the State should address the increasing rates of "social dislocation"—including youth crime, interpersonal violence, and drug misuse—which have been associated with its emergence. The postware welfare settlement produced a particular institutional nexus of welfare, justice, punishment and citizenship (Hay 1996; Garland 1985); yet the pressure of increasing social dislocation has also placed great strain on the institutions of the welfare state, particularly at the local level, notwithstanding the ideological commitment of differing governments to continue with the social welfare project.In this paper, we explore some circumstances in which the politics of the "local state" might mediate—in one way or another—the consequences of economic marginalization. In particular, we draw attention to the role which might be played by local state agencies—as intermediaries between the individual and the national State—in deploying policies which could offset the social exclusion of minorities and youth. By comparing the responses of local agencies to youth crime in two communities in Britain and France we highlight the "vertical" dimension of political relations which links marginalized communities with the wider resources of the State. And while many economies are experiencing similar social dislocations within disadvantaged communities, the vertical dimension may prove crucial in preserving the linkage between their residents and those of the wider, more privileged, society.

Treves et al. explain the need to preserve the rights of nonhuman species, human youth, and future generations. Although conservation biology has claimed to have an intrinsic valuation ethic since its inception in the 1980s, many aspects of the field have taken a decidedly anthropocentric and instrumentalist trajectory. This has important consequences for conservation-related policy and practice at all scales: local, regional, and global.

Abstract
This article explores passive, semi-active and active citizenship among young Ukrainians, empirically revealed using the Citizenship Behavior Questionnaire. The questionnaire was administered to 371 pupils aged 11, 14, and 17–18 years. This empirical study is introduced through a socio-political and educational description of the current situation in Ukraine, as well as some historical background. Citizenship education in Ukraine is taught through all subjects and takes the form of national-patriotic education, which is justified by the prevalent political conditions: namely, annexation of Crimea and war in the east of Ukraine. The peculiarities of higher education in Ukraine are reviewed as well as the results of studies concerning patriotism, citizenship and political participation among Ukrainian youth. For our empirical study we have chosen passive, semi-active and active citizenship as dimensions, and the following sub-dimensions for analysis: national identity, patriotism, loyalty, civic virtues, social activity, political activity, personal activity, and action for change. Boys and girls do not differ significantly in terms of citizenship behaviour in Ukraine. At the same time there are significant differences in some citizenship dimensions and sub-dimensions on the basis of place of residence and age. In general, Ukrainian youth reveal high passive and semi-active citizenship behaivour, but low active citizenship, indicating to us the presence of potential but unwillingness to participate in protest actions for change. Some of the means by which the level of citizenship activity can be enhanced are increasing one's interest in political media and media literacy and preventing destructive media effects. These means can be implemented through media education with special attention to citizenship.