Suchergebnisse

From 2000 to 2010, Bolivia and Peru underwent similar processes of political decentralization toward the meso level of the government. Three elections later in Peru and two in Bolivia, the ability of national political parties to articulate interests differs markedly between the two countries. Peru tends toward fragmentation with national parties incapable of participating or successfully competing in subnational elections, while in Bolivia, the Movimiento al Socialismo (MAS) – and other parties to a lesser extent – are increasingly capable of participating and winning subnational offices. This paper argues that, despite having undergone very similar institutional reforms, the difference between the cases can largely be explained by two "society-side" variables: the caliber of the political ideas in debate and political social density. The substantive quality of ideas in debate and a greater political social density have been crucial to the Bolivian trend, while their absence has lessened the possibility of anything similar occurring in Peru. In general terms, the article sheds light on the social conditions that favor party-building in a context of decentralization reform.

This article focuses on gender issues in post-election protests in Iran in 2009, and more generally the place of women and feminists in power protest movements. Their significant representation in these movements lies in the gap between their gains in terms of access to public, material or virtual space, and citizenship, and their exclusion from the institutional political space. ; International audience ; This article focuses on gender issues in post-election protests in Iran in 2009, and more generally the place of women and feminists in power protest movements. Their significant representation in these movements lies in the gap between their gains in terms of access to public, material or virtual space, and citizenship, and their exclusion from the institutional political space. ; Cet article porte sur les enjeux de genre dans les manifestations post-électorales en Iran en 2009, et plus généralement la place des femmes et des féministes dans les mouvements de contestation du pouvoir. Leur représentation importante dans ces mouvements tient à l'écart entre leurs gains en termes d'accès à l'espace public, matériel ou virtuel, et de citoyenneté, et leur exclusion de l'espace politique institutionnel.

Résumé : Cet article analyse la relation entre la dimension nationale et la dimension européenne, comme structures identitaires juxtaposées des citoyens roumains ces dernières années. Le problème de l'identité européenne est devenu visible dans le contexte de la récente intégration de la Roumanie dans les structures européennes. Cet article propose une analyse textuelle des plateformes des partis politiques concernant les identités nationale et européenne, d'une part. D'autre part, cette proposition porte sur l'analyse des modalités par lesquelles les sites officiels des partis politiques roumains ont présentés leurs platformes politiques pendant la campagne électorale de 2009 pour le Parlement européen. Mots-clés : identités, paradigme conjonctive, européanisation, élections, plateformes Abstract: This article addresses the issue of the relationship between national and European dimensions, as overlapping identity structures of Romanian citizenship in the last years. The problem of a European identity became prominent in the context of the recent integration of Romania into the European structures. This paper presents a textual analysis of political platforms concerning European and national identities, as presented on the official sites of Romanian political parties during the 2009 European elections campaign. Keywords: identities, conjunctive paradigm, Europeanization, elections, platforms

Conflict in the district capital of Morowali placement lasted about five years since its establishment asthe new regional autonomy in Indonesia based on Law No. 51/1999. This regulation provides that theCentral region was the capital of the definitive Bungku Morowali district. Kolonodale areas that aredesignated as temporary capital of less than five years Over the functioning of the capital while inKolonodale, more accelerated development in the region, while the Middle Bungku not accelerating development.This is a factor of conflict. In fact, the split at the level of local political elites in both localgovernment agencies as well as implications for the local parliament Morowali community in twogroups of different ethnic communities of religious, ethnic Bungku the Muslim majority and ethnicMori generally Christian. Conflicts of capital and then rolled into the realm of the existence of a secondbout of ethnic communities is the result of mass mobilization which is anarchy. Conflict with thediscourse in society is important for the transfer of capital into the local political elite to exploit themomentum of mass localization facing the 2004 election and the Election of Regent Morowali (localelection) 2007

PurposeThe purpose of this paper is to highlight gendered media constructions which discourage women's acceptability as political leaders and trivialise or ignore their contribution.Design/methodology/approachMedia analysis of UK newspapers, government web sites, worldwide web relating to the UK 2010 government election, women MPs and in particular representations of Harriet Harman and Theresa May.FindingsMedia constructions of UK women political leaders are gendered and powerful in messaging women's (un)acceptability as leaders against embedded stereotypes. Being invisible via tokenism and yet spotlighted on the basis of their gender, media constructions trivialize their contribution, thus detracting from their credibility as leaders.Research limitations/implicationsUK‐based study grounded in opportune "snapshot" media analysis during election and resultant formation of UK coalition Government. Focus on two women political leaders, results may not be generalisable.Practical implicationsRaises awareness of the numerical minority status of UK women political leaders, the invisibility‐visibility contradiction and the power of the media to construct women leaders against gender stereotypes. Call for continued challenge to gendered leader stereotypes and women's representation in UK political leadership.Originality/valueHighlights power of media to perpetuate gender stereotypes of UK women political leaders.

AbstractGranting foreign permanent residents the right to vote in local elections in Japan was one of the Clean Government Party (CGP)'s major policy priorities during its 11 years governing in coalition with the Liberal Democratic Party (LDP). While the CGP proposed several bills that would have done this, none of those bills came close to passing. Why not? Conventional wisdom about Japanese conservatism suggests that the LDP would not support such a bill because the party is uniformly committed to the idea that Japan is a one-ethnicity country, and thus the party is hostile to proposals that would grant those without Japanese ethnicity a role in Japanese society. However, I argue that Japanese conservatives in general, and LDP politicians in particular, have major disagreements about the appropriate role of foreign residents in Japanese society. Moreover, I argue that LDP politicians did not support the CGP's proposal to grant foreign permanent residents the right to vote in local elections in Japan because this proposal did not appeal to politicians from either of the dominant conservative schools of thought about foreign residents in Japan.

Most theoretical studies of coalition politics have focused on selection, rather than accountability: Coalition partners are selected according to the proximity of their positions in a Euclidean policy space. This proximity, together with institutional attributes of the party systems or the coalitions, serves also to explain the duration of the coalition. Empirical studies of retrospective voting, often with little connection to accountability theory, have generally concluded that the political survival of coalitions is considerably independent from elections. Such results, however, refer to governments as a whole. In this work, voters allocate rewards and punishments for past outcomes focusing on the prime ministers and their parties. If differences in clarity of responsibility exist, they do not seem to produce greater economic accountability of single-party governments—it is similarly limited under both coalition and single-party governments. Coalitions, however, increase the risks of losing office due to political crises, rather than elections. Prime ministers can respond to challenges by reshuffling the government or the coalition. Because such crises are launched under economic conditions that improve the welfare of citizens, coalitions may undermine democratic accountability.

Venezuela es un país con raíces federales que inicio su proceso de descentralización en 1989 con la elección de gobernadores y alcaldes. Perú posee una base constitucional de corte unitario que, luego de una frustrada descentralización a finales de los ochenta, reinicio ese camino en noviembre de 2002 con la elección de los presidentes regionales. En ambos casos se encuentran elementos coincidentes respecto a la construcción de consensos políticos para conferirle legitimidad al proceso, y también diferencias en sus orientaciones ; Venezuela is a country with federal roots that launched its decentralization process in 1989 with the election of governors and mayors. Peru has a constitutional basis of unitary design that, after a failed decentralization process at the end of the 80's, returned to this path in November 2002 with the election of regional presidents. There are concurrent elemerns in both cases with regard to the building of political consensus in order to grant the legitimacy of the process, as well as certain differences in their orientations. This paper will study both realities in a comparative way, in order to draw SOIEC lessons about their merits and short comings.

One votes from self-interest or from a sense of duty. Voting from self-interest requires there to be some chance, however small, that one's vote swings the outcome of an election from one political party to another. This paper is a discussion of three models of what that chance might be: the common sense model inferring the probability of a tied vote today from the distribution of outcomes in past elections, person-to-person randomization where each voter looks upon the rest of the electorate as analogous to drawings from an urn with given proportions of red and blue balls, and nation-wide randomization where voters are lined up according to their preferences for one party or the other but where chance shifts the entire schedule of preferences up or down. Emphasis is on the third model about which the paper may have something new to say. Nation-wide randomization may be helpful in connecting private benefits from a win for one's preferred party with a duty to vote, and in comparing the pros and cons of compulsory voting.

Fiscal mimicking and yardstick competition among neighboring jurisdictions have been widely documented in developed countries with long histories of democracy. However, there is very little empirical evidence concerning these practices in developing countries with young democracies. Using a primary panel of 86 rural Chinese administrative villages that have undergone transitions to democracy over the last two decades, we show that the neighborhood effect also exists in a young democracy, albeit at a lower magnitude than in a mature democracy. Elected chairs of village committees who have served more than one term respond positively to the provision of public projects in neighboring villages by increasing both the number of public projects and the funding allocated to undertake them. In contrast, appointed party secretaries with more than one year of service are insensitive to neighbors' performance. In addition, village leaders are strategic in timing the arrival of public projects to increase the probability of re-election: In the year preceding elections, both the number and budget of public projects increase significantly. In this sense, politicians in young and old democracies behave alike. ; Non-PR ; IFPRI1; GRP32 ; DSGD

Venezuela es un país con raíces federales que inicio su proceso de descentralización en 1989 con la elección de gobernadores y alcaldes. Perú posee una base constitucional de corte unitario que, luego de una frustrada descentralización a finales de los ochenta, reinicio ese camino en noviembre de 2002 con la elección de los presidentes regionales. En ambos casos se encuentran elementos coincidentes respecto a la construcción de consensos políticos para conferirle legitimidad al proceso, y también diferencias en sus orientaciones ; Venezuela is a country with federal roots that launched its decentralization process in 1989 with the election of governors and mayors. Peru has a constitutional basis of unitary design that, after a failed decentralization process at the end of the 80's, returned to this path in November 2002 with the election of regional presidents. There are concurrent elemerns in both cases with regard to the building of political consensus in order to grant the legitimacy of the process, as well as certain differences in their orientations. This paper will study both realities in a comparative way, in order to draw SOIEC lessons about their merits and short comings.

А.Ю.Другов и М.О.Куликова указывают, что, выиграв выборы с относительно очень небольшим перевесом, индонезийская Партия демократов создала слишком шаткую основу для кабинета президента С.Б.Юдойоно. Возникшая проправительственная коалиция в парламенте оказалась недостаточно устойчивой, в частности, для того, чтобы противостоять «ползучей исламизации». Армия, формально сохраняя нейтралитет в политике, не избавилась полностью от самооценки как автономной политической силы. Во внешней политике сохраняется стремление к усилению роли Индонезии в мировых делах, отмечаются активизация связей с США и известная напряженность в отношениях с Малайзией.Dr. A.Drugov and M. Kulikova conclude that having won the general elections with very narrow majority the Democratic Party of the incumbent President S.B.Yudhoyono failed to create sufficiently strong positions in the Parliament for the government. The coalition of pro government parties made after the elections proved to be not stable enough, particularly to confront the process of "creeping islamization". The Army although formally politically neutral, still preserves the self-estimate as an autonomous political force. The Indonesian government continues to take measures for further strengthening the country's positions in the world politics. Indonesia-USA ties became more close and active, while Indonesia-Malaysia ties remained somewhat tense.

The Conservative-Liberal coalition, which has been in power in Britain since 2010, announced far-reaching reforms of the electoral system for general elections, a strengthening of the political role of Parliament and of local governments. The government has by now introduced legislation for a new voting system (alternative vote) at general elections and for the reduction of seats in the House of Commons. The power of the backbenchers was strengthened. They can now elect by secret vote the chairperson of select committees, and they have gained partial control of the parliamentary agenda with the establishment of a Backbench Business Committee. Still waiting to be transferred into legislation are the numerous reforms which aim at a stronger role of local government. These include a general power of competence, local referendums on local issues and a directly elected head of local police. At the moment all eyes are on the government's expenditure reduction plans and their spectacular consequences, but the importance of "silent" constitutional change should not be underestimated. Adapted from the source document.

The first aim of the paper is to point out the main areas where linguistic methods may be applied to political science analysis. In the authors' opinion at least four such fields may be distinguished, i.e. political marketing, psychology of politics, media knowledge, political oratory. The material elaborated in the paper is six official speeches of Jarosław Kaczyński, Polish ex-Prime Minister, the leader of Prawo i Sprawiedliwość (Law and Justice) party, that were held during election conventions before parliamentary election in 2007. Special attention has been paid to emotionality of Jarosław Kaczyński's message. Next, the authors analysed in four paragraphs the role of Jarosław Kaczyński's emotional language as means of achieving miscellaneous goals, such as: language as the basic component of a political effigy, language as a way of expressing emotions, language as a way to attract media attention and language as the means of persuasion and domination. By analysing the language of the particular political leader the authors tried to show the functionality of applying linguistic methods to political science research.