Suchergebnisse

During the past two decades, information visualisation (InfoVis) research has created new techniques and methods to support data- intensive analyses in science, industry and government. These have enabled a wide range of analyses tasks to be executed, with tasks varying in terms of the type and volume of data involved. However, the majority of this research has focused on static datasets, and the analysis and visualisation tasks tend to be carried out by trained expert users. In more recent years, social changes and technological advances have meant that data have become more and more dynamic, and are consumed by a wider audience. Examples of such dynamic data streams include e-mails, status updates, RSS 1 feeds, versioning systems, social networks and others. These new types of data are used by populations that are not specifically trained in information visualization. Some of these people might consist of casual users, while others might consist of people deeply involved with the data, but in both cases, they would not have received formal training in information visualization. For simplicity, throughout this dissertation, I refer to the people (casual users, novices, data experts) who have not been trained in information visualisation as non-experts.These social and technological changes have given rise to multiple challenges because most existing visualisation models and techniques are intended for experts, and assume static datasets. Few studies have been conducted that explore these challenges. In this dissertation, with my collaborators, I address the question: Can we empower non-experts in their use of visualisation by enabling them to contribute to data stream analysis as well as to create their own visualizations?The first step to answering this question is to determine whether people who are not trained in information visualisation and the data sciences can conduct useful dynamic analysis tasks using a visualisation system that is adapted to support their tasks. In the first part of this dissertation I focus on several scenarios and systems where different sized crowds of InfoVis non-experts users (20 to 300 and 2 000 to 700 000 people) use dynamic information visualisation to analyse dynamic data.Another important issue is the lack of generic design principles for the visual encoding of dynamic visualization. In this dissertation I design, define and explore a design space to represent dynamic data for non-experts. This design space is structured by visual tokens representing data items that provide the constructive material for the assembly over time of different visualizations, from classic represen- tations to new ones. To date, research on visual encoding has been focused on static datasets for specific tasks, leaving generic dynamic approaches unexplored and unexploited.In this thesis, I propose construction as a design paradigm for non-experts to author simple and dynamic visualizations. This paradigm is inspired by well-established developmental psychological theory as well as past and existing practices of visualisation authoring with tangible elements. I describe the simple conceptual components and processes underlying this paradigm, making it easier for the human computer interaction community to study and support this process for a wide range of visualizations. Finally, I use this paradigm and tangible tokens to study if and how non-experts are able to create, discuss and update their own visualizations. This study allows us to refine our previous model and provide a first exploration into how non-experts perform a visual mapping without software. In summary, this thesis contributes to the understanding of dynamic visualisation for non-expert users. ; Durant les 20 dernières années, la recherche en visualisation d'informations (InfoVis) a permis l'émergence de nouvelles techniques et méthodes qui permettent d'assister l'analyse de données intensives pour la science, l'industrie, et les gouvernements. Cependant, la plupart de ces travaux de recherches furent orientés sur des données statiques pour des utilisateurs experts.Dernièrement, des évolutions technologique et sociétales ont eu pour effet de rendre les données de plus en plus dynamiques et accessibles pour une population plus diverse. Par exemple des flux de données tels que les emails, les mises à jours de statuts sur les réseaux sociaux, les flux RSS, les systèmes de gestion de versions, et bien d'autres. Ces nouveaux types de données sont utilisés par une population qui n'est pas forcément entraînée ou éduquée à utiliser des visualisations de données. La plupart de ces personnes sont des utilisateurs occasionnels, d'autres utilisent très souvent ces données dans leurs travaux. Dans les deux cas, il est probable que ces personnes n'aient pas reçu de formation formelle en visualisation de données.Ces changements technologiques et sociétaux ont généré une multitude de nouveaux défis, car la plupart des techniques de visualisations sont conçues pour des experts et des bases de données statiques. Peu d'études ont été conduites pour explorer ces défis. Dans ce rapport de thèse, j'adresse la question suivante : « Peut-­on permettre à des utilisateurs non­-experts de créer leur propre visualisation et de contribuer à l'analyse de flux de données ? »La première étape pour répondre à cette question est d'évaluer si des personnes non formées à la visualisation d'informations ou aux « data sciences » peuvent effectuer des tâches d'analyse de données dynamiques utiles, en utilisant un système de visualisation adapté pour supporter cette tâche. Dans la première partie de cette dissertation, je présente différents scénarios et systèmes, qui permettent à des utilisateurs non­-experts (de 20 à 300 ou 2000 à 700 000 personnes) d'utiliser la visualisation d'informations pour analyser des données dynamiques.Un autre problème important est le manque de principes génériques de design pour l'encodage visuel de visualisations d'informations dynamiques. Dans cette dissertation, je conçois, définis, et explore un espace de design pour représenter des donnés dynamiques pour des utilisateurs non­-experts. Cette espace de design est structuré par des jetons graphiques représentant des éléments de données qui permettent de construire dans le temps différentes visualisations, tant classiques que nouvelles.Dans cette thèse, je propose un nouveau paradigme de conception (design) pour faciliter la réalisation de visualisation d'informations par les utilisateurs non­-experts. Ce paradigme est inspiré par des théories établies en psychologie du développement, tout autant que par des pratiques passées et présentes de création de visualisation à partir d'objets tangibles. Je décris tout d'abord les composants et processus de bases qui structurent ce paradigme. Ensuite, j'utiliserai cette description pour étudier *si et comment* des utilisateur non­-experts sont capables de créer, discuter, et mettre à jour leurs propres visualisations. Cette étude nous permettra de réviser notre modèle précédent et de fournir une première exploration des phénomènes relatifs à la création d'encodages visuels par des utilisateurs non­-experts sans logiciel. En résumé, cette thèse contribue à la compréhension des visualisations dynamiques pour des utilisateurs non­-experts.

Natura 2000 is the ecological network of the European Union, the largest network of protected areas in the world. It is based on the 'Habitats' and on the 'Birds' directives, which every EU member country has to implement in its national legislation. An EU directive is a legislative act which sets to achieve a certain result; however, it does not specify in detail the means to achieve it as it is up to each EU member country to individually identify it. Croatia, as the 28th EU member state, currently faces the same process; its government is preparing the Ordinance on Natura 2000, a document with which Natura 2000 will be formally implemented. As national implementations of the Natura 2000 can be characterized as policy formulation processes in which power relations between its stakeholders play an important role, the following research question emerges: How do stakeholders influence the Natura 2000 forest policy decision making in Croatia? Chapter II provides the contextual setting for the analysis of the Expert working group on forestry, and it covers the formulation of Natura 2000 directives, their national implementations, and the historical overview of developments in Croatia. The Chapter takes the theoretical perspective of "Europeanization of environmental governance". Analysis is based on literature review and on 57 face-to-face interviews with key informants. The first phase of the national implementations of the network was characterized by a top-down approach and strong compliance which was later on transformed to a multi-level mode of governance characterized by weak compliance. Croatia has had more than a decade of preparations for the implementation of Natura 2000, which was characterized by a series of externally funded projects. These projects have built the capacities of the state administration and have created adequate scientific knowledge for the implementation of Natura 2000. The forestry sector was more involved in the preparations for the implementation of Natura 2000 in comparison to other sectors; nevertheless, numerous issues still persist. Following the examples from other countries it is expected that the high level of dedication towards the implementation of EU Natura 2000 directives in the pre-accession phase will not be as vigorously followed in the post-accession phase. Chapter III focuses on the activities of the Working group on forestry and on how different discourses have shaped its decisions. The chapter utilizes three distinctive theoretical approaches: normative, rational and scientific. The domain of validity in explaining the decisions of the working group is set by testing a total of 28 hypotheses. The three theoretical approaches are based on the 'Advocacy coalition, on the 'Rational choice and on the 'Theory of communicative action'. Results show that members of the working group have their opinions aligned with the general positions of their sectors, where state administrative organizations serve as a connection between the forestry and nature protection. The most central decisions of the working group were the site designation process and the defining of management guidelines for forest dependent species. Members of the working group have frequently stated that the scientific argumentation is the basis for the formulation of their decisions. Nevertheless, the testing of the hypothesis with the Theory of communicative action provides little evidence for such conclusions. Chapter IV looks at the role of power and influence relations on the decisions of the working group from the perspective of social network analysis. Inter-personal influence relations are analyzed through the 'Friedkins model'of inter-personal influence, and the inter-organizational power relations are analyzed from the 'Resource dependence perspective'. Data is drawn from a series of questionnaires distributed to the members of the working group, and from the direct observation of its meetings. Inter-organizational power relations bare similarities to the inter-personal influence relations, with a correlation between them of 0.46. Opinion change has been analyzed through the Friedkin and Johnsens model, which on an individual level shows slight shift of decisions toward the positions of the forestry sector. On an organizational level it shows that the initial opinions of the more powerful organizations are closer to the equilibrium opinion than in the case of the less powerful organizations. Models of 'network dynamics' demonstrate the impact of organizational power on inter-personal influence relations, and that strong influence relations show indication of local hierarchical structure. Models of 'co-evolution of network and behavior' show similar patterns of network dynamics, but do not confirm presence of the social influence process or the effect of sectoral affiliation on opinion change; both of which were important factors in the application of the 'Friedkin and Johnsens' model. ; Natura 2000 gilt als ökologisches Netzwerk der Europäischen Union und somit das größte Schutzgebietsnetzwerk der Welt. Es gründet auf der Flora-Fauna-Habitat-Richtlinie, die jedes EU-Mitglied in seine nationale Gesetzgebung implementieren muss. Eine EU-Richtlinie ist ein Gesetzgebungsakt, welcher auf ein Ergebnis abzielt, aber die Maßnahmen um dieses zu erreichen, nicht im Einzelnen spezifiziert. Jedes EU-Mitglied kann die Maßnahmen zur Erreichung des Ziels selbst bestimmen. Kroatien, als 28stes EU Mitglied, unterwirft sich aktuell diesem Prozess und die Regierung bereitet bereits seit einigen Jahren die rechtlichen Grundlagen für die Umsetzung von Natura 2000 vor. Die nationale Implementierung von Natura 2000 ist ein Politikgestaltungsprozess in dem die Machtverteilung unter den Akteuren eine wichtige Rolle spielt. Dies wirft folgende Forschungsfrage auf: Wie beeinflussen die politischen Akteure das forstpolitische Entscheidungsverhalten in Kroatien? Kapitel II liefert zur Analyse der Expertengruppe Forst eine Beschreibung von deren Umfeld und deckt die Formulierung der Natura 2000 Richtlinie ab, beschreibt ihre nationale Implementierung und gibt einen historischen Überblick über die Entwicklung in Kroatien. Dieses Kapitel ist aus der Perspektive der "Europeanization of Environmental Governance" geschrieben. Die Analyse stützt sich auf eine Literaturanalyse und auf 57 Interviews mit Experten. Die erste Phase der nationalen Umsetzung der Richtlinie war europaweit stark durch einen Top-Down-Ansatz geprägt und wurde später jedoch durch einen Mehrebenen-Governance-Ansatz abgelöst. Kroatien hat sich über 10 Jahre, in denen eine ganze Reihe fremdfinanzierter Projekte durchgeführt wurden, auf die Umsetzung von Natura 2000 vorbereitet. Durch diese Projekte wurde die Leistungsfähigkeit der staatlichen Verwaltung gesteigert und angemessenes Fachwissen für die Umsetzung von Natura 2000 generiert. Der Forstsektor war stärker als andere in die Vorbereitung einbezogen, trotzdem sind noch nicht alle Konflikte ausgeräumt. Schaut man sich die Beispiele anderer Länder an, so ist zu erwarten, dass der große Enthusiasmus über die Implementation von Natura 2000 vor dem Beitritt in der Phase danach nicht aufrecht erhalten werden kann, da mit Eintritt der Einfluss der EU nachlassen wird und die zentralen nationalen Verwaltungen nicht in der Lage sein werden, dem Druck der Landeigentümergruppen standzuhalten. Kapitel III konzentriert sich auf die Aktivitäten der Arbeitsgruppe und analysiert wie verschiedene Diskurse deren Entscheidungen geprägt haben. Das Kapitel nutzt drei theoretische Ansätze, deren Eignung, die Entscheidungen der Arbeitsgruppe zu erklären, durch den Testn von 28 Hypothesen überprüft wird. Die theoretischen Ansätze gründen auf dem "Advocacy Coalition Framework, der "Rational choice theory und der "Theory of Communicative Action". Die Ergebnisse zeigen, dass die Mitglieder der Arbeitsgruppe ihre Meinungen der vorherrschenden Haltung ihres Sektors angepasst haben. Staatliche Verwaltungsorganisationen dienen als Bindeglied zwischen Forstwirtschaft und Naturschutz. Die wesentlichen Entscheidungen der Arbeitsgruppe bezogen sich auf den Ausweisungsprozess der Flächen und das Definieren der waldbaulichen Maßnahmen. Mitglieder der Arbeitsgruppe haben häufig konstatiert, dass wissenschaftliche Argumentation Grundlage für die Formulierung ihrer Entscheidungen ist. Der Test der Hypothese "Theory of Communicative Action" liefert indes wenig Anhaltspunkte für diese Feststellung. Kapitel vier betrachtet die Rolle von Macht- und Einflusssystemen auf die Entscheidung der Arbeitsgruppe aus der Sicht der "Social-Network-Analysis". Einflussnahme durch persönliche Verbindungen und Macht innerhalb von Organisationen werden mit der "Resource dependence perspective" analysiert. Die Daten wurden mit Fragebögen generiert, die an die Mitglieder der Arbeitsgruppe verteilt wurden sowie durch die Beobachtung der Treffen. Machtbeziehungen innerhalb von Organisationen zeigen Ähnlichkeiten mit Einflussgefügen auf persönlicher Basis. Meinungsänderung wurde mit dem "Friedkin and Johnsens model" analysiert, welches auf persönlicher Ebene eine leichte Neigung zu den Positionen des Forstsektors zeigt. Auf Organisationsebene zeigt die Analyse, dass die ursprüngliche Meinung der Vetreter mächtiger Organisationen näher an der Mittelposition liegt als die der Vertreter der weniger mächtigen. Entsprechende Modelle von Netzwerkdynamiken zeigen die Wirkung der Macht von Organisationen auf interpersonelle Verbindungen und dass Verbindungen eine hierarchische Struktur besitzen. Die Anwendung des "Models of co-evolution of network and behavior" weist auf die passende Veränderungen des Netzwerkes hin, bestätigt aber den Einfluss meinungsbildender Akteure der jeweiligen Sektoren nicht. Damit finden beide Faktoren aus "Friedkin and Johnsens model" keine Bestätigung.

The aim. To analyze comprehensively the policy as a way of human being, as well as the important today's criteria of legitimacy of the government and the nature of political morality through a consistent reconstruction of the relations between morality and politics in the contemporary and classic historical and philosophical discourses. Methodology. The methods of historical reconstruction, hermeneutic, social and transcendental ones, which allowed to involve actively into understanding the important problems of modern life, conceptual apparatus of political and moral philosophy and to explore the relationships between politics and morality through the idea of social agreement, justice and freedom are used for coherent and consistent understanding of the measurements and definitions of relations policy and morality. Scientific novelty. The used in the article methodological principles made it possible to create actual for today (especially for controversial burdened by totalitarian past and uncertain future of a controversial, local realities) version of political ethics. It is proved that the development of moral and ethical principles, their consistent adherence by not only politicians, but by all the citizens are able to hinder the pragmatic interests of statesmen, who, under cover of the idea of the common good, protect primarily not the public but narrow corporate interests. A true freedom and justice based on the relationship of rights and duties, respect for them, which is more significant than conventional or compulsory recognition of them. Not only classic but also modern philosophical arguments for the combination of morality, ethics and politics were reconstructed. The thoughts of E. Tuhendhat about the nature of morality as a special regulatory system, and the basic principles of justification of moral standards in a modern philosophy were analyzed. It is shown that the landscape of contemporary crisis of social being, moral principles appear both as formal and procedurally - material ones, but the necessary for politicians mental attitude not only to their close, but also to other people requires the willingness to be honest and open. Conclusions. The understanding of the ways of combining the morality and politics through the achievements of a compromise of completive views and life strategies is essential for the development of real, but not apparent "legal state" in which the ruling authority represents not the interests of citizens, but only their own interests and goods. Concerning the public discourse of social agreement, it goes about the need for compromise and consideration of individual life plans, and the problem of legitimacy of power and necessary for the operation of universal principles of sense of justice and trust. ; Цель. Всесторонне проанализировать политику как способ человеческого бытия , а также принципиально важные на сегодня критерии легитимности государственного управления и сущность политической морали через последовательную реконструкцию взаимоотношений морали и политики в современных и классических историко-философских дискурсах. Методология. Для целостного и последовательного осмысления и указанных измерений взаимоотношений политики и морали применяются методы исторической реконструкции, герменевтический и социально-трансцендентальный методы, которые позволили активно привлечь к осмыслению важных проблем современного бытия понятийный аппарат политической и моральной философии и рассмотреть взаимоотношения политики и морали через призму идеи общественного договора, справедливости и свободы. Научная новизна. Использованные в статье методологические принципы сделали возможным создание актуального на сегодня (прежде всего для противоречивых, обремененных тоталитарным прошлым и неопределенным будущим, отечественных реалий) варианта политической этики. Доказано, что развитие морально-этических принципов, их последовательное соблюдение не только политиками, но и всеми гражданами, способны помешать реализации прагматических интересов чиновников, которые, под прикрытием идеи общего блага, защищают преимущественно не общественные, а узко корпоративные интересы. А настоящая свобода и справедливость основаны на взаимосвязи прав и обязанностей, уважении к ним, являются более существенными, чем конвенциальное или принудительное их признания. Реконструированы не только классические, но и новейшие философские аргументы в пользу сочетания морали, этики и политики. Проанализированы размышления Э. Тугендхата о сущности морали, как особой нормативной системы, и основные принципы обоснования моральных норм в современной философии. Установлено, что в ландшафтах современного кризисного социального бытия моральные принципы возникают и как формально-процедурные, и как материальные, а необходимое политикам моральное отношение не только к своим, но и к чужим требует настроенности на честность и открытость. Выводы. Осмысление путей сочетание морали и политики через достижение компромисса конкурирующих взглядов и жизненных стратегий является существенным для развития настоящего, а не иллюзорного «правового государства», в котором правящая элита представляет не интересы граждан, а только свои собственные интересы и блага. В отношении дискурса общественного договора речь идет как о необходимости компромиссов и учета индивидуальных жизненных планов, так о проблеме легитимности власти и необходимых для функционирования универсальных принципов чувств справедливости и доверия. ; Мета. Всебічно проаналізувати політику як спосіб людського буття, а також принципово важливі на сьогодні критерії легітимності державного устрою і сутність політичної моралі через послідовну реконструкцію взаємин моралі та політики в сучасних та класичних історико-філософських дискурсах. Методологія. Для цілісного та послідовного осмислення і означених вимірів взаємин політики та моралі застосовуються методи історичної реконструкції, герменевтичний та соціально-трансцендентальний методи, які дозволили активно залучити до осмислення важливих проблем сучасного буття понятійний апарат політичної та моральної філософії та розглянути взаємини політики та моралі крізь призму ідеї суспільної угоди, справедливості та свободи. Наукова новизна. Застосовані в статті методологічні принципи уможливили створення актуального на сьогодні (передусім для суперечливих, обтяжених тоталітарним минулим і невизначеним суперечливим майбутнім, вітчизняних реалій) варіанту політичної етики. Доведено, що розвиток морально-етичних принципів, їх послідовне дотримання не лише політиками, а й усіма громадянами, спроможні стати на заваді прагматичних інтересів можновладців, які, під прикриттям ідеї загального блага, захищають переважно не суспільні, а вузько корпоративні інтереси. А справжня свобода та справедливість ґрунтуються на взаємозв'язку прав та обов'язків, повазі до них, що є істотнішим за конвенційне чи примусове їх визнання. Реконструйовано не лише класичні, але й новітні філософські аргументи на користь поєднання моралі, етики та політики. Проаналізовано роздуми Е. Тугендгата про сутність моралі, як особливої нормативної системи, та основні принципи обґрунтування моральних норм в сучасній філософії. З'ясовано, що в ландшафтах сучасного кризового соціального буття моральні принципи постають і як формально-процедурні, і як матеріальні, а необхідне політикам моральне ставлення не лише до своїх, але й до чужих вимагає налаштованості на чесність та відкритість. Висновки. Осмислення шляхів поєднання моралі та політики через досягнення компромісу конкуруючих поглядів та життєвих стратегій є істотним для розбудови справжньої, а не видимої «правової держави», в якій правляча еліта репрезентує не інтереси громадян, а лише свої власні інтереси та блага. Щодо дискурсу суспільної угоди, то йдеться як про необхідність компромісів та врахування індивідуальних життєвих планів, так про проблему легітимності влади та необхідних для функціонування універсальних принципів чуття справедливості та довіри.

The stability of national and, increasingly more often, the global economy relies on well-functioning financial markets. Households' consumption and saving decisions, firms' investment choices, and governments' financing strategies critically depend on the stability of financial markets. These markets, however, are composed of individuals and institutions that may have different objectives, information sets, and beliefs, making them a very complex object that we do not fully comprehend. Motivated by this, my dissertation focuses on understanding how informational asymmetries and belief heterogeneity impact financial markets, and therefore, the macro economy. More specifically, this dissertation explores the sources of informational asymmetries among market participants. How do different financial market structures provide incentives for private information acquisition? Is information acquisition desirable? What types of policies can be implemented to increase liquidity and "discipline" in financial markets? Could business cycles be related to information or belief cycles? I tackle these questions from three separate angles. First, I study how alternative market designs bring forth different levels of private information generation, "market discipline," and liquidity. Second, I investigate how information sets of key market participants are determined. Finally, I focus on how information and belief fluctuations may affect key macroeconomic variables and economic fluctuations. In Chapter 1, ``Information Acquisition vs. Liquidity in Financial Markets," I propose a parsimonious framework to study markets for asset-backed securities (ABS). These markets play an important role in providing lending capacity to the banking industry by allowing banks to sell the cashflows of their loans and thus recycle capital and reduce the riskiness of their portfolios. In the financial crash of 2008, however, in which certain ABS played a substantial role, we witnessed a collapse in the issuance of all ABS classes. Given the importance of these markets for the real economy, policy makers in the US and Europe have geared their efforts towards reviving them. A good framework to think about these markets is imperative when thinking about financial regulation. The contribution of this chapter is to propose a model that captures the two main problems that have been shown to be present in the practice of securitization. First, the increase in securitization has led to a decline in lending standards, suggesting that liquid markets for ABS reduce incentives to issue good quality loans. Second, securitizers have used private information about loan quality when choosing which loans to securitize, indicating that a problem of asymmetric information is present in ABS markets. A natural question then arises: how should ABS be designed to provide incentives to issue good quality loans and, at the same time, to preserve liquidity and trade in these markets?To address this question, I propose a framework to study ABS where both incentives and liquidity issues are considered and linked through a loan issuer's information acquisition decision. Loan issuers acquire private information about potential borrowers, use this information to screen loans, and later design and sell securities backed by these loans when in need of funds. While information is beneficial ex-ante when used to screen loans, it becomes detrimental ex-post because it introduces a problem of adverse selection that hinders trade in ABS markets. The model matches key features of these markets, such as the issuance of senior and junior tranches, and it predicts that when gains from trade in ABS markets are `sufficiently' large, information acquisition and loan screening are inefficiently low. There are two channels that drive this inefficiency. First, when gains from trade are large, a loan issuer is tempted ex-post to sell a large portion of its cashflows and thus does not internalize that lower retention implements less information acquisition. Second, the presence of adverse selection in secondary markets creates informational rents for issuers holding low quality loans, reducing the value of loan screening. This suggests that incentives for loan screening not only depend on the portion of loans retained by issuers, but also on how the market prices the issued tranches. Turning to financial regulation, I characterize the optimal mechanism and show that it can be implemented with a simple tax scheme. The obtained results, therefore, contribute to the recent debate on how to regulate markets for ABS.In Chapter 2, I present joint work with Matthew Botsch, ``Learning by Lending, Do Banks Learn?" where we investigate how banks form their information sets about the quality of their borrowers. There is a vast empirical and theoretical literature that points to the importance of borrower-lender relationships for firms' access to credit. In this chapter, we investigate one particular mechanism through which long-term relationships might improve access to credit. We hypothesize that while lending to a firm, a bank receives signals that allow it to learn and better understand the firm's fundamentals; and that this learning is private; that is, it is information that is not fully reflected in publicly-observable variables. We test this hypothesis using a dataset for 7,618 syndicated loans made between 1987 and 2003. We construct a variable that proxies for firm quality and is unobservable by the bank, so it cannot be priced when the firm enters our sample. We show that the loading on this factor in the pricing equation increases with relationship time, hinting that banks are able to learn about firm quality when they are in an established relationship with the firm. Our finding is robust to controlling for market-wide learning about firm fundamentals. This suggests that a significant portion of bank learning is private and is not shared by all market participants.The results obtained in this study underpin one of the main assumptions of the model presented in Chapter 1: that banks have a special ability to privately acquire valuable information about potential borrowers. While the model is static, the data suggests that the process of lending and of information acquisition is a dynamic one. Consistent with this, the last chapter of this dissertation studies the macroeconomic implications of dynamic learning by financial intermediaries.Chapter 3 presents joint work with Vladimir Asriyan titled ``Informed Intermediation over the Cycle." In this paper, we construct a dynamic model of financial intermediation in which changes in the information held by financial intermediaries generate asymmetric credit cycles as the one observed in the data. We model financial intermediaries as ''expert'' agents who have a unique ability to acquire information about firm fundamentals. While the level of ''expertise'' in the economy grows in tandem with information that the ''experts'' possess, the gains from intermediation are hindered by informational asymmetries. We find the optimal financial contracts and show that the economy inherits not only the dynamic nature of information flow, but also the interaction of information with the contractual setting. We introduce a cyclical component to information by supposing that the fundamentals about which experts acquire information are stochastic. While persistence of fundamentals is essential for information to be valuable, their randomness acts as an opposing force and diminishes the value of expert learning. Our setting then features economic fluctuations due to waves of ``confidence'' in the intermediaries' ability to allocate funds profitably.

The aim. To analyze comprehensively the policy as a way of human being, as well as the important today's criteria of legitimacy of the government and the nature of political morality through a consistent reconstruction of the relations between morality and politics in the contemporary and classic historical and philosophical discourses. Methodology. The methods of historical reconstruction, hermeneutic, social and transcendental ones, which allowed to involve actively into understanding the important problems of modern life, conceptual apparatus of political and moral philosophy and to explore the relationships between politics and morality through the idea of social agreement, justice and freedom are used for coherent and consistent understanding of the measurements and definitions of relations policy and morality. Scientific novelty. The used in the article methodological principles made it possible to create actual for today (especially for controversial burdened by totalitarian past and uncertain future of a controversial, local realities) version of political ethics. It is proved that the development of moral and ethical principles, their consistent adherence by not only politicians, but by all the citizens are able to hinder the pragmatic interests of statesmen, who, under cover of the idea of the common good, protect primarily not the public but narrow corporate interests. A true freedom and justice based on the relationship of rights and duties, respect for them, which is more significant than conventional or compulsory recognition of them. Not only classic but also modern philosophical arguments for the combination of morality, ethics and politics were reconstructed. The thoughts of E. Tuhendhat about the nature of morality as a special regulatory system, and the basic principles of justification of moral standards in a modern philosophy were analyzed. It is shown that the landscape of contemporary crisis of social being, moral principles appear both as formal and procedurally - material ones, but the necessary for politicians mental attitude not only to their close, but also to other people requires the willingness to be honest and open. Conclusions. The understanding of the ways of combining the morality and politics through the achievements of a compromise of completive views and life strategies is essential for the development of real, but not apparent "legal state" in which the ruling authority represents not the interests of citizens, but only their own interests and goods. Concerning the public discourse of social agreement, it goes about the need for compromise and consideration of individual life plans, and the problem of legitimacy of power and necessary for the operation of universal principles of sense of justice and trust. ; Цель. Всесторонне проанализировать политику как способ человеческого бытия , а также принципиально важные на сегодня критерии легитимности государственного управления и сущность политической морали через последовательную реконструкцию взаимоотношений морали и политики в современных и классических историко-философских дискурсах. Методология. Для целостного и последовательного осмысления и указанных измерений взаимоотношений политики и морали применяются методы исторической реконструкции, герменевтический и социально-трансцендентальный методы, которые позволили активно привлечь к осмыслению важных проблем современного бытия понятийный аппарат политической и моральной философии и рассмотреть взаимоотношения политики и морали через призму идеи общественного договора, справедливости и свободы. Научная новизна. Использованные в статье методологические принципы сделали возможным создание актуального на сегодня (прежде всего для противоречивых, обремененных тоталитарным прошлым и неопределенным будущим, отечественных реалий) варианта политической этики. Доказано, что развитие морально-этических принципов, их последовательное соблюдение не только политиками, но и всеми гражданами, способны помешать реализации прагматических интересов чиновников, которые, под прикрытием идеи общего блага, защищают преимущественно не общественные, а узко корпоративные интересы. А настоящая свобода и справедливость основаны на взаимосвязи прав и обязанностей, уважении к ним, являются более существенными, чем конвенциальное или принудительное их признания. Реконструированы не только классические, но и новейшие философские аргументы в пользу сочетания морали, этики и политики. Проанализированы размышления Э. Тугендхата о сущности морали, как особой нормативной системы, и основные принципы обоснования моральных норм в современной философии. Установлено, что в ландшафтах современного кризисного социального бытия моральные принципы возникают и как формально-процедурные, и как материальные, а необходимое политикам моральное отношение не только к своим, но и к чужим требует настроенности на честность и открытость. Выводы. Осмысление путей сочетание морали и политики через достижение компромисса конкурирующих взглядов и жизненных стратегий является существенным для развития настоящего, а не иллюзорного «правового государства», в котором правящая элита представляет не интересы граждан, а только свои собственные интересы и блага. В отношении дискурса общественного договора речь идет как о необходимости компромиссов и учета индивидуальных жизненных планов, так о проблеме легитимности власти и необходимых для функционирования универсальных принципов чувств справедливости и доверия. ; Мета. Всебічно проаналізувати політику як спосіб людського буття, а також принципово важливі на сьогодні критерії легітимності державного устрою і сутність політичної моралі через послідовну реконструкцію взаємин моралі та політики в сучасних та класичних історико-філософських дискурсах. Методологія. Для цілісного та послідовного осмислення і означених вимірів взаємин політики та моралі застосовуються методи історичної реконструкції, герменевтичний та соціально-трансцендентальний методи, які дозволили активно залучити до осмислення важливих проблем сучасного буття понятійний апарат політичної та моральної філософії та розглянути взаємини політики та моралі крізь призму ідеї суспільної угоди, справедливості та свободи. Наукова новизна. Застосовані в статті методологічні принципи уможливили створення актуального на сьогодні (передусім для суперечливих, обтяжених тоталітарним минулим і невизначеним суперечливим майбутнім, вітчизняних реалій) варіанту політичної етики. Доведено, що розвиток морально-етичних принципів, їх послідовне дотримання не лише політиками, а й усіма громадянами, спроможні стати на заваді прагматичних інтересів можновладців, які, під прикриттям ідеї загального блага, захищають переважно не суспільні, а вузько корпоративні інтереси. А справжня свобода та справедливість ґрунтуються на взаємозв'язку прав та обов'язків, повазі до них, що є істотнішим за конвенційне чи примусове їх визнання. Реконструйовано не лише класичні, але й новітні філософські аргументи на користь поєднання моралі, етики та політики. Проаналізовано роздуми Е. Тугендгата про сутність моралі, як особливої нормативної системи, та основні принципи обґрунтування моральних норм в сучасній філософії. З'ясовано, що в ландшафтах сучасного кризового соціального буття моральні принципи постають і як формально-процедурні, і як матеріальні, а необхідне політикам моральне ставлення не лише до своїх, але й до чужих вимагає налаштованості на чесність та відкритість. Висновки. Осмислення шляхів поєднання моралі та політики через досягнення компромісу конкуруючих поглядів та життєвих стратегій є істотним для розбудови справжньої, а не видимої «правової держави», в якій правляча еліта репрезентує не інтереси громадян, а лише свої власні інтереси та блага. Щодо дискурсу суспільної угоди, то йдеться як про необхідність компромісів та врахування індивідуальних життєвих планів, так про проблему легітимності влади та необхідних для функціонування універсальних принципів чуття справедливості та довіри.

It is widely acknowledged that scientific research and science, technology and innovation (STI) policies within the US and the EU have gone through deep changes for about 30 years. Many scholars from science and technology studies and innovation studies have investigated these policy changes, and the publication of "The New Production of Knowledge" (Gibbons et al., 1994) paved the way for vigorous debates on regimes of knowledge production (Hessels & Van Lente, 2008). While different general models were proposed to describe a transition (see, e.g. "mode 2 production of knowledge", "post normal science", "strategic science", "academic capitalism"), these models often posit a dichotomous history, stating that a new regime simply succeeded the previous one (Rip, 2000). In a nutshell, the old regime characterized by strong public intervention and a linear conception of innovation is replaced by a new regime where research and innovation are conceived in systemic terms, regarding their strategic interest for the economy and their societal relevance. This dichotomous conception of STI policy change has been criticized regarding its historical accuracy, e.g. with Pestre (2003), showing that the autonomy of research that characterizes the old regime, or "mode 1" is While the diagnosis of these various science and technology policy studies is not to be dispraised concerning the different effects they emphasize, These macro-perspectives are of little use when it comes to study a local situation they lack acuteness to properly describe and compare empirical observation of such policy changes. This issue is even more salient for empirical work to be conducted in states where multi-level policies are crafted on different, sometimes overlapping national and regional polities. In Belgium, the case in point in my PhD researches, the above-mentioned studies are of little use to characterize the actual state and interplay of Walloon and Flemish STI systems. Hence, there is a need to develop theoretical approaches paying greater attention to local specificities and nuances. My proposal builds on an analysis of STI policies based on coexisting, and sometimes competing "narratives". In the vein of Stone (1989) and Radaelli (2000), this paper aims at comparing the different policy narratives that circulates as rationale for STI policies in Wallonia, to identify their variants and to study their interplay. Policy narratives give meaning to complex realities, they help making sense of things, but they also contain a plot; they are articulating elements in a logical sequence (with, e.g., causalities, cf. Stone, 1989). As such, they are resources for action: they are descriptive and prescriptive. The broad literature of innovation studies, and its diffusion through the EU or the OECD already provides the Walloon STI stakeholders with different master-narratives (Sum & Jessop, 2013). So far, I could distinguish four different master-narratives in the literature as well as in Walloon stakeholders 'discourses: • "The Knowledge-based economy" (KBE). KBE seems to be the "dominant" master-narrative today. In a nutshell, this narrative runs as follow (see OECD, 1996): knowledge is the source of economic growth. Since innovation and market success are better encountered through network management and the intertwinement of industry and university, STI institutions must be organized accordingly, in order to achieve a sustained growth and a "better competitiveness" o Variants of this narrative are, e.g. the triple-helix model (Etzkowitz & Leydesdorff, 2000), or National innovation system (Freeman, 1987, Lundvall, 1988). • Grand societal challenges: This recent master-narrative is being promoted by the OECD and the EU (see, e.g., Lund Declaration, 2009). It states that scientific research should benefit of high (public) funding in certain areas, or regarding certain issues. High means for strategic research should help to solve major problems such as climate change, ageing population, energy supply and consumption, cancer, etc. This narrative calls for mission oriented STI policy, so the concern here is not (solely/primarily) economic (Kallerud et al 2013). • "Science, the endless frontier" - continued: famously reported by V. Bush (1945), this master-narrative is still of common use among STI stakeholders. With this narrative, science is considered a public good, the state has to fund it because the linear conception of innovation and serendipity assure technological and economic progress in the end – the rationale is based on economic aspects (the state must fund research because it is a special kind of good and the market efficiency will not work, and basic research is the source of marketable innovation). • "Science for the sake of science": in this narrative, science is considered as common good regardless of the potential economic impacts (and usefulness to address other societal issues) – we can make a parallel with the idea that artistic creation is worth it: for the beauty, for the critique, science here is considered as a superior activity that brings rationality and knowledge to the society as long as it is independent from "external influences" (Bonneuil & Joly, 2013) – cf. "mertonian Ethos" of Communalism, Universalism, Disinterestedness, Originality and Skepticism. Other examples / variants of this narrative include the idea that science contributes to the greatness of Nation, that science fights obscurantism, and so on and so forth. (examples : peer review, excellence, Copernican revolution are compatible storylines with science for the sake of science : a self-supporting system) While these master-narratives are present in international, academic literature, this paper focuses on their local manifestations. This study compares three critical moments: in different situations, various STI stakeholders (government, researchers, administrative staff, journalists, academic authorities, etc.) publicly expressed their views on the organization and funding of scientific research and innovation activities, and the role of STI within the region. I analyzed the discourses in press articles, policy documents, public statements, allocutions and opinion paper, blogs, etc. I intentionally sampled for heterogeneity since I'm looking for variations and multiple use of narratives. The analysis of the Walloon case permits to overcome the double dichotomy of dominant vs. counter narrative and old vs. new regime. The different narratives, in context, are concurrent but they are not mutually exclusive: while the narratives purport different ideologies, different visions of the role of science and of the state intervention, one is not being erased by the advent of another. Rather, I could find out that narratives "overlap", and one narrative does not constitute the only resource of a (group of) actors. In situation, the actors use one or multiple narratives, regarding the context, the public, the goal of a policy, etc., in a dynamic of conflict or compromise. This description of the transition is more accurate than the one provided with a sequence of two regimes, since the flexible use of multiple narratives accounts for the continuity of certain institutions (justified by, e.g., a version of "science for the sake of science") as well as for certain reforms in STI policy (that are inspired by the KBE narrative, for example). ; Peer reviewed

This thesis analyses both theoretically and empirically some of the issues that emerge when applying environmental policies to the agricultural sector in a trade context. In a first part, Chapter II illustrates the possible leakage effects of environmental policies implemented unilaterally. A computable general equilibrium model is used to quantify the indirect global impacts of a greening of European agriculture through a large shift to organic farming. Organic farming is known for its local environmental benefits, especially on water and soil quality, biodiversity and greenhouse gas emissions. However, organic yields are on average 25% lower than those of conventional farming. We calibrate organic production technologies using micro-level data and find that using organic production techniques on 20% of the European area cultivated with maize, rapeseed, sunflower and wheat results in a large negative productivity shock. This shock affects global markets and induces production and demand displacements, unless the yield gap is reduced. The resulting land use changes are assessed, as well as the corresponding changes in greenhouse gas emissions, chemical inputs use and biodiversity. The negative indirect effects on the environment appear limited compared to the local benefits of adopting greener forms of agriculture in the EU. However, in the case of greenhouse gases, the indirect emissions more than offset the local benefits of organic agriculture. In the case of chemical pollution and biodiversity, results show that indirect effects deserve to be accounted for in life cycle analyses. These findings should not be used to point a finger on organic farming, a large variety of policies and consumption patterns have greater land use change impacts. Nevertheless, they rise some issues, especially on the need for more systematic sustainability assessments, even for environmental polices, the importance of research and development in organic farming to reduce yield gaps and of public policies to help to remove economic factors that could limit the increase of organic yields, such as the relative cost of production factors. In a second part, focus is on crop biodiversity, which is known to maintain agricultural productivity under a large range of environmental conditions. Interactions between crop biodiversity effects, environmental policies and trade are complex. Specialisation induced by trade, following comparative advantages, tends to reduce the number of crops cultivated in a given country and then reduces crop biodiversity. A decrease in crop biodiversity results in lower resilience to pest attacks. To face higher pest attacks, farmers use pesticides. But since pesticides harm environment and human health, governments regulate their use. In a free trade context, an environmental policy on pesticides can thus have a strategic aspect: allowing the use of more pesticides can lead to gain larger agricultural market shares. Chapter III represents these interactions in a Ricardian trade model. It shows that, because not in my backyard effects are larger than strategic impacts, the optimal environmental policy is more stringent under trade than under autarky. Furthermore, because of this stringency, production volatility is generally higher under trade. This could explain part of the background volatility observed on agricultural markets, which have been historically more volatile than those of manufactured products. Chapter IV empirically confirms the positive impact of crop biodiversity on agricultural production using a large dataset on South African agriculture. Developing a structural approach, it also analyses the role played by biodiversity on the exposure of farmers to production risks and downside risks. ; Cette thèse analyse à la fois théoriquement et empiriquement certaines des questions qui se posent lors de l'utilisation de politiques environnementales dans le secteur agricole, en situation de commerce. Dans une première partie, le chapitre II illustre les effets de fuite que peuvent engendrer des politiques environnementales mises en oeuvre unilatéralement. Un modèle d'équilibre général calculable est utilisé pour quantifier les impacts indirects sur l'environnement à l'échelle mondiale d'un accroissement des surfaces dédiées à l'agriculture biologique en Europe. L'agriculture biologique est connue pour ses bénéfices locaux sur l'environnement mais ses rendements sont inférieurs de 25% en moyenne à ceux de l'agriculture conventionnelle. Nous calibrons les technologies de production de l'agriculture biologique avec des données micro-fondées et trouvons qu'utiliser ces techniques sur 20% des surfaces européennes consacrées au maïs, colza, tournesol et blé conduit à un choc de productivité négatif. Ce choc a des conséquences sur les marchés mondiaux et induit des déplacements d'offre et de demande. Les changements d'utilisation des sols résultants sont évalués, ainsi que les changements en termes d'émissions de gaz à effet de serre, d'utilisation d'intrants et de biodiversité. Les effets indirects négatifs sur l'environnement semblent limités, sauf en ce qui concerne les émissions de gaz à effet de serre. Nous montrons également que les effets indirects concernant l'utilisation d'intrants et la biodiversité méritent d'être pris en compte dans les analyses de cycle de vie. Ces résultats ne doivent pas être utilisés pour pointer du doigt l'agriculture biologique, mais ils soulèvent quelques questions, en particulier sur la nécessité d'effectuer des analyses d'impact de façon plus systématique, y compris pour les politiques environnementales, et l'importance de la recherche et développement mais également des politiques publiques pour lever les obstacles techniques et économiques à l'augmentation des rendements en agriculture biologique. Dans une deuxième partie de la thèse, l'attention est portée sur la biodiversité des cultures, reconnue pour stabiliser la productivité agricole sous différentes conditions environnementales. Les interactions entre les effets de cette biodiversité, les politiques environnementales et le commerce sont complexes. La spécialisation induite par le commerce réduit la biodiversité en diminuant le nombre d'espèces cultivées. La biodiversité influe positivement sur les niveaux de production, entre autre, en améliorant la résistance aux ravageurs. Pour faire face à des attaques plus fréquentes, les agriculteurs utilisent des pesticides. Mais ces derniers ont des impacts négatifs sur l'environnement et la santé humaine, leur utilisation est donc réglementée. Une politique environnementale concernant les pesticides peut ainsi avoir un aspect stratégique: autoriser l'utilisation de plus de pesticides peut permettre de gagner en compétitivité. Le chapitre IV représente ces interactions dans un modèle ricardien de commerce. Il montre que, parce que les effets NIMBY sont plus importants que les impacts stratégiques, la politique environnementale est plus stricte en situation de commerce qu'en autarcie. De ce fait, la volatilité de la production agricole est généralement plus élevée en commerce. Cela pourrait en partie expliquer la volatilité de fond observée sur les marchés agricoles, historiquement plus volatiles que ceux des produits manufacturés. Le chapitre IV confirme empiriquement l'impact positif de la biodiversité sur la production agricole en utilisant une large base de données sur l'agriculture sud-africaine. En utilisant une approche structurelle, il analyse également les liens entre biodiversité et exposition des agriculteurs aux risques de production, en particulier ceux à la baisse.

La tesi indaga il tema della multifunzionalità applicata all'agricoltura come strumento per riattivare territori abbandonati, degradati, a rischio di uso improprio o di nuova edificazione. L'agricoltura ha sempre avuto un rapporto fondamentale con l'Uomo e con gli insediamenti. Il rapporto tra centri abitati e aree agricole è stato un rapporto di unione e di contrapposizione. Nel passaggio da agricoltura di sussistenza a quella di tipo intensivo e specializzato sono stati coinvolti gli spazi, le tecniche, gli strumenti, le opere legate all'attività agricola e, infine, il rapporto con il territorio. L'agricoltura, benché produca beni di prima necessità, nei decenni scorsi è stata considerata un elemento secondario per motivazioni economiche. Sono chiari i valori culturali, paesaggistici, ecologici, sociali, economici dell'agricoltura ma questa è diventata sempre meno redditizia e oggi si trova in grave difficoltà rispetto alla produzione, alla sostenibilità economica, al ruolo paesaggistico e a quello sociale. Le difficoltà dell'agricoltura causano anche l'incapacità delle aree di "difendersi" dalla logica della rendita fondiaria e dall'uso legato al guadagno immediato, come succede nel caso degli impianti di energia da fonti rinnovabili. Tutto questo deve richiamare l'attenzione di chi pianifica il territorio affinché trovi strumenti di valorizzazione delle potenzialità delle aree agricole. Chiaramente le cause non sono esclusivamente economiche ma legate anche ai modelli culturali e agli stili di vita. Affrontare i temi delle aree rurali, della loro produttività, del consumo di suolo e degli usi impropri, è necessario per procedere ad una pianificazione corretta e sostenibile sotto più punti di vista: non solo quello economico, ecologico, storico e sociale ma l'insieme di questi. La tesi approfondisce le diverse politiche europee adottate per frenare la crisi dell'agricoltura. Studi e documenti europei individuano nel principio di multifunzionalità in agricoltura uno strumento per rendere il territorio agricolo più forte. È utile indagare, quindi, sui rapporti tra agricoltura multifunzionale e progettazione territoriale. In particolare si è voluta puntare l'attenzione sugli aspetti sociali come forma di rivitalizzazione del territorio e, quindi, sull'agricoltura sociale come servizio e attività che crea coesione. Le domande che la ricerca si è posta sono due: le attività agricole multifunzionali e la loro declinazione particolare in quelle sociali, possono essere uno strumento di riattivazione economica, culturale e sociale di territori rurali, periurbani e urbani in stato di abbandono, degrado, a rischio di uso improprio o nuova edificazione? Attraverso quale strumento o quali strumenti la progettazione territoriale può utilizzare e valorizzare le potenzialità dell'agricoltura multifunzionale? Per rispondere a queste due domande non si è potuto trascurare il fatto che dal punto di vista spaziale ed economico, l'agricoltura è misurabile in maniera relativamente semplice. Più complesso è misurare gli aspetti paesaggistici e sociali, quindi, serve fare riferimento ai sistemi di analisi qualitativi. Inoltre l'agricoltura sociale ha scopi riabilitativi, formativi e lavorativi ma ha anche finalità legate alla pianificazione territoriale (ambientali, economici, storico-culturali e sociali) e di questo si è grandemente tenuto conto. Altro aspetto oggetto di analisi sono i diversi approcci europei alle forme di agricoltura multifunzionale e sociale e, in ambito italiano, si indaga sugli strumenti nazionali e regionali che valorizzano le attività agricole multifunzionali. Così come si approfondisce il rapporto particolare tra forme di agricoltura sociale e aree confiscate alle criminalità organizzata. Infine, la rassegna di esempi di attività multifunzionali e l'approfondimento dei casi studio selezionati, mostrano come forme di agricoltura multifunzionale possono rivitalizzare il territorio rurale, periurbano e urbano per arrivare alla proposta di azioni relative all'integrazione di strumenti di governo del territorio, all'integrazione di politiche con strumenti tradizionali, alla logica spaziale utile affinché le potenzialità dell'agricoltura multifunzionale possano essere considerate servizi al territorio e all'abitante. ; The thesis explores the theme of multifunctionality applied to agriculture as a means to reactivate the abandoned territory, degraded, at the risk of misuse or new construction. Agriculture has always had a fundamental relationship with the man and with the settlements. The relationship between urban and agricultural areas has been a relationship of union and opposition. In the transition from subsistence farming to intensive and specialized agriculture, have been involved spaces, techniques, tools, architectures related to agricultural activity and, finally, the relationship with the land. Agriculture, although produce essential goods, in the past decades has been considered a secondary element for economic reasons. There are clear cultural, scenic, ecological, social and economic values of agriculture but this is becoming less profitable and today agriculture is in serious difficulties involving the production, the sustainability , the role of the landscape and the social issues. The difficulties of agriculture also cause the inability of the areas to "defend" itself from the logic of land rent and use linked to immediate profit, as occurs in case of energy plants from renewable sources. All these issues should make territory planner to be careful so that he can find tools to enhance the potential of the agricultural areas. Clearly, the causes are not only economic but also linked to cultural patterns and lifestyles. Addressing the issues of rural areas, their productivity, land use and misuse, it is necessary to carry out a proper planning and sustainable points of view: not only the economic, ecological, historical and social but all of these together. The thesis explores the different European policies adopted to curb the crisis of agriculture. Studies and European documents identify the principle of multifunctionality in agriculture the tool to make the strongest agricultural land. Is useful to investigate, therefore, on the relationship between multifunctional agriculture and regional planning. In particular, we wanted to focus attention on the social aspects as a form of revitalization of the territory and, therefore, on agriculture as a service and social activity that creates cohesion. The questions that the research has set are two: multifunctional agricultural activities and their declination in particular social ones, can be a tool for economic revitalization, cultural and social development of rural areas, periurban and urban areas in a state of abandonment, deterioration, at the risk of misuse or new construction? Through what instrument or instruments such as the regional planning can use and exploit the potential of multifunctional agriculture? To answer these two questions we can't overlook the fact that, from the point of view of spatial and economic, agriculture is measurable in a relatively simple way. It is more difficult to measure the social aspects of the landscape and, therefore, need to refer to the qualitative analysis systems. In addition, the social farming purposes have rehabilitative, educational and business purposes but also related to spatial planning (environmental, economic, historical, cultural and social) and this has greatly been taken into consideration. Another aspect analyzed is the different European approaches to the forms of multifunctional and social agriculture, in the Italian context, and it investigates national and regional instruments that enhance agricultural activities multifunctional. It also explores the relationship between particular forms of social agriculture and areas confiscated from organized crime. The review of examples of multifunctional activities and the deepening of the case studies selected, showing how forms of multifunctional agriculture can revitalize the rural areas, periurban and urban areas. Finally, we arrive at the proposal of actions related to the integration of tools of territorial government, the integration of policies with traditional instruments, the spatial logic necessary to enable the potential of multifunctional agriculture can be considered service to the area and inhabitant.

La economía mundial ha crecido a elevadas tasas en la última década y media. Ello ha contribuido a que millones de personas salieran de la pobreza. Sin embargo, ¿ha tenido sólo implicancias positivas el crecimiento económico? Podemos marcar que la prosperidad fortalece a actores y procesos políticos que con esa nueva legitimidad podrían abusar de ese poder adicional. En este artículo marcamos que ha habido una relación inversa entre crecimiento y Estado de Derecho. El mundo es hoy un lugar más rico pero con instituciones más pobres que hace 15 años. Más aún, el punto es que las instituciones más débiles son consecuencia directa de la bonanza económica.Si bien es un concepto lo suficientemente amplio, el Estado de Derecho expresa un conjunto de mecanismos formales e informales que tienen las personas, particularmente los más débiles, para defenderse de los abusos de quienes detentan poder. El poder abusivo suele estar en manos del aparato estatal o de aquellos coaligados con ese aparato, que buscan capturar privilegios y violar derechos.La oposición entre crecimiento económico y Estado de Derecho ha quedado graficada en el conflicto acontecido en 2014 en Hong Kong, entre los estudiantes y el poder político. Particularmente, la situación contemporánea de la propia Hong Kong es representativa en una pequeña escala del problema que intentamos presentar aquí: esta isla dejó de pertenecer como territorio de ultramar a Gran Bretaña en junio de 1997, pasando a ser un territorio, con statu especial, de China continental. Paulatinamente, Hong Kong ha pasado de ser una parte importante de la economía china (alrededor de 17% en 1997, en términos corrientes) a ser una parte dinámica pero crecientemente marginal (alrededor del 3% en la actualidad).Nuestra descripción de la gravedad y complejidad del problema puede resumirse en este caso. ¿Cuáles son los actores principales aquí? Los estudiantes (los débiles), el poder político chino (los poderosos), las minorías dentro de China continental [otros débiles, aún más (mucho más) que los estudiantes], el poder político de las principales democracias liberales (otros poderosos) y la sociedad civil del resto del mundo (poderosos en el pasado, crecientemente débiles en la actualidad). Aquí, es importante notar que los estudiantes expresan a la sociedad civil de Hong Kong que, como marcamos, es hoy un actor débil pero que ha sido en el pasado un actor comparativamente poderoso. ¿Cuándo dejo de ser la sociedad civil de Hong Kong (hoy representada por los estudiantes en las calles) un actor poderoso o influyente para pasar a ser un actor al que le cuesta enfrentar al poder político chino? En algún momento posterior a 1997. Es decir, la creciente debilidad de la sociedad civil de la isla ha sido paulatina. Aquellos temores que había en 1997 sobre la pérdida de libertades o aparición de la censura fueron, en un principio, ilusorios pero, sin embargo, han demostrado estar retrospectivamente fundados.Rachel Fu, editora de la revista Foreign Policy, ha escrito un artículo titulado "Resistance is futile, Beijing is emerging as the big winner from protests that have left Hong Kong's social fabric in tatters", donde reflexiona sobre el oscuro horizonte que enfrenta la isla en el corto mediano plazo: "Worse yet, the movement has torn at the social fabric of Hong Kong, pitting parents against children, old against young, friends against friends. There are genuine disagreements among Hong Kongers over whether the blockage of roads, disruption of businesses, and provocation of the police are laudable, even if these acts were done in the name of pursuing democracy. The phenomenon of people taking to social media platforms like Facebook or WhatsApp to "un-friend" their acquaintances, sometimes even close family members, who do not share their views is one troubling bellwether of social dispersion… Everyone in Hong Kong will probably emerge from the Occupy movement a bit bruised, either physically or mentally, but some in Beijing might be smiling… Beijing has proven that it knows how to pull the right levers in Hong Kong to wield considerable influence — all of the local government officials toed the line, tycoons spoke out against the occupation, and grassroots groups staged counterprotests. … More importantly, Beijing has managed to discredit this brand of student-led protests in the eyes of many mainlanders." (http://foreignpolicy.com/2014/12/04/resistance-is-futile-hong-kong-protests-beijing-wins).Hemos mencionado el papel que le cabe a la desarticulada sociedad civil de Hong Kong y el papel que ejerce el cohesionado poder del aparato estatal chino. Debemos mencionar el papel que han jugado y juegan en este escenario, por un lado, los poderes estatales de las democracias liberales (particularmente el gobierno de los Estados Unidos y de los principales países europeos) y, por otro lado, las sociedades civiles de estas respectivas naciones. ¿Qué posición ha tomado el gobierno de los Estados Unidos ante los acontecimientos en Hong Kong? Una posición meramente formal. Más aún, semanas antes de la cumbre de noviembre pasado de la APEC (Asia-Pacific Economic Cooperation) en Beijing, el presidente Obama sólo hizo una mención protocolar, deseando una resolución del conflicto. Sin embargo, el problema más acuciante se encuentra en la incapacidad e indiferencia que demuestra la sociedad civil de aquello que denominamos Occidente. La inacción de ésta ante los abusos que los exitosos capitalismos autoritarios realizan en sus respectivos países descansa en una ingenuidad: creer que una próspera China o una próspera Rusia contribuirá a la prosperidad económica de las sociedades occidentales pero no supondrá una amenaza para la fortaleza de los derechos civiles y políticos. Según esta ingenua visión, una próspera China o una próspera Rusia sólo amenazan y amenazarán a sus propios ciudadanos. Eso es falso y ya es posible ver explícitamente esa falsedad en las calles de Ucrania y Hong Kong. Sin embargo, hay una dimensión no explícita de esa creciente debilidad de los derechos, cuyas formas veremos desarrollarse en el corto mediano plazo.Si asumimos por un momento que la tendencia es igual o similar a la de la última década, será posible sostener que los derechos civiles y políticos de las personas de los países emergentes sufrirán crecientes limitaciones. Dentro de las personas pobres de los países emergentes ubicamos a aquellos que tienen una posición política e ideológica distinta a la del régimen dominante. China es el ejemplo por definición de los serios inconvenientes que enfrentará en el mediano plazo el Estado de Derecho en el mundo. Su creciente incidencia en el PIB mundial no sólo ha supuesto y supondrá una amenaza para las libertades de las personas que piensan distinto al régimen dentro del país sino, crecientemente, supondrá una amenaza para aquellos que piensan distinto al régimen fuera del país. A su vez, reflejará la decreciente capacidad del resto del mundo de defender los derechos civiles y políticos que son violados al interior de China. La creciente incidencia de los países donde no se respetan los derechos civiles ni las libertades políticas supone una amenaza y un desafío de una magnitud todavía no reconocida para las democracias liberales.

A presente dissertação é relativa aos assistentes sociais que exerceram funções de deputados em Portugal Continental, na Assembleia Nacional e na Assembleia da República Portuguesa. Procedeu-se à sua caracterização e à análise dos seus principais discursos parlamentares. A pertinência da investigação é justificada pela inexistência de trabalhos acerca da temática escolhida e pela reduzida produção académica no que respeita à vasta dimensão política do Serviço Social em Portugal. A investigação alicerçou-se numa pesquisa bibliográfica sobre os temas em foco, e documental, na análise das fichas biográficas dos deputados identificados e das transcrições textuais das sessões da Assembleia Nacional e da Assembleia da República Portuguesa, onde constam os discursos destes deputados. Estas fontes primárias estão acessíveis no sítio oficial da Assembleia da República (www.parlamento.pt). Pretende-se com este estudo abordar o lugar atribuído à Assembleia Nacional e à Assembleia da República Portuguesa nos respetivos regimes de ditadura e democracia e identificar e caracterizar académica, profissional e politicamente os assistentes sociais que exerceram estas funções. Objetiva-se ainda a análise das principais intervenções destes deputados no contexto da Assembleia Nacional e da Assembleia da República Portuguesa. Apurou-se que o número de deputadas à Assembleia Nacional e à Assembleia da República Portuguesa não variou significativamente nos regimes políticos abordados. Foram identificadas cinco deputadas à Assembleia Nacional, da V à XI legislatura (de 1949 a 1974 – 25 anos), sendo que a primeira deputada identificada exerceu funções ao longo da V e VI legislaturas da Assembleia Nacional. Após a queda do regime ditatorial e depois de 21 anos em democracia, assistentes sociais voltaram a exercer funções de deputados. Entre 1995 e 2011 exerceram funções seis deputados à Assembleia da República Portuguesa. Um deles desenvolveu atividades ao longo da X e XI legislaturas. Os resultados da investigação mostram que a maioria destes deputados são mulheres, havendo apenas um homem. Relativamente à formação académica dos deputados constatou-se que antes de 1974 o estabelecimento que formou mais assistentes sociais deputadas foi o Instituto de Serviço Social de Lisboa (3), seguido do Instituto Superior de Ciências Sociais e Políticas Ultramarinas (1) e do Instituto Superior de Serviço Social Pio XII, em Luanda (1). Os deputados à Assembleia da República formaram-se no Instituto Superior de Serviço Social de Coimbra (2); no Instituto Superior Bissaya Barreto, Coimbra (1); no Instituto Superior de Serviço Social do Porto (1); no Instituto Superior de Serviço Social de Lisboa (1) e no Instituto Superior de Serviço Social Pio XII, Luanda (1). As deputadas que exerceram funções durante o Estado Novo pertenciam à União Nacional e Acção Nacional Popular, sendo que uma delas pertencia à Ala Liberal da ANP. Quanto aos deputados que exerceram funções no período democrático percebe-se que todos eram vinculados a partidos do bloco central e da direita: uma deputada do PSD, uma do CDS e quatro deputados do PS. No que respeita às intervenções parlamentares dos deputados identificados, observou-se que as deputadas à Assembleia Nacional apresentaram e fundamentaram propostas de medidas de política social apoiando-se na sua experiência profissional, principalmente em debates em que o tema foi a família ou a pobreza. Os deputados à Assembleia da República direcionaram os seus discursos para o apoio e/ou complemento das iniciativas propostas pelo governo, pois quatro destes deputados exerceram funções enquanto o partido a que pertenciam estava na liderança do governo. Face á vastidão da temática abordada, a presente dissertação constitui-se como um primeiro contributo para a produção de bibliografia no âmbito da dimensão política do Serviço Social, reconhecendo-se a necessidade de aprofundar mais o tema. / This thesis is on social workers who acted as deputies in Portugal, on the National Assembly and the Assembly of the Portuguese Republic. Characterization and analysis of its key parliamentary speeches was the chosen procedure. The relevance of the research is justified by the lack of previous work on the chosen theme and the reduced academic outputs with respect to the vast political dimension of social work in Portugal. Research has its foundations in a literature research on the topics in focus, and also documentary, by the analysis of the biographical records of Members discussed and the verbatim transcripts of the sessions of the National Assembly and the Assembly of the Portuguese Republic, which contains the speeches of such Members. These primary sources include legislative sessions and are available on the Assembly of the Republic (www.parlamento.pt) official website. The study aims to address the place assigned to the National Assembly and the Assembly of the Portuguese Republic, regarding the respective regimes of dictatorship and democracy and to identify and characterize academically, professionally and politically, the social workers who have exercised these functions. Furthermore on the objective is the analysis of the main interventions in the context of such Members of the National Assembly and the Assembly of the Portuguese Republic. It was found that the number of deputies to the National Assembly and the Assembly of the Portuguese Republic did not significantly vary in both political regimes. Five deputies to the National Assembly were identified on the legislatures V to XI (1949-1974 - 25 years), with the first identified lady holding positions along the V and VI legislatures of the National Assembly. After the fall of the dictatorship and after 21 years of democracy, social workers returned to act as deputies. Between 1995 and 2011 held office six members of the Assembly of the Portuguese Republic. One developed activities along the X and XI legislatures of the Assembly of the Portuguese Republic. Research results show that the majority of these are women, and only one man. Regarding the academic training of the deputies, it was found that before 1974 the establishment that formed most of the social workers was, the Institute of Social Service of Lisbon (3), followed by the School of Social Science and Policy Overseas (1) and the Higher Institute of Social Service Pius XII in Luanda (1). Members of Parliament formed in the Institute of Social Service of Coimbra (2), the Higher Institute Bissaya Barreto, Coimbra (1), the Institute of Social Service of Porto (1), the Higher Institute of Social service of Lisbon (1) and the Institute of Social service Pius XII, Luanda(1). Deputies who held office during the New state belonged to the National Union and National People's Action parties, one of which belonged to the Liberal Wing of the ANP. As for the deputies who held office in the democratic period one realizes that all parties were bound to the central block and right wing: A Member of the PSD, one of CDS and four members of the PS. Regarding the parliamentary speeches of identified Members, it was noted that the National Assembly deputies presented and substantiated proposals for social policy measures relying on their professional experience, primarily on the debates in which the theme was family or poverty. Members of Parliament have directed their speeches to support and / or complement the initiatives proposed by the government, since four of these deputies exercise their functions while the party they belonged was in governmental leadership. Given the vastness of the topic addressed in this thesis, it constitutes itself as a first contribution to the production of literature within the political dimension of social work, recognizing the need to go deeper into the subject.

ABSTRACTThis study aims to determine: 1) the reasons BUMN In Pontianak using a system of Outsourcing in the recruitment of employees. 2) outsourcing practices in BUMN in Pontianak, 3) the factors that cause outsourcing system has not given legal protection of employees and 4) the perspective of the legal regulation of the employees who were recruited by the BUMN system outsourcing in Indonesia. The research was conducted at the Department of Social Welfare and Labor Pontianak, and involve Pontianak Trade Union Chairman, Director of PT. Media Prima HR Solutions in Pontianak, Director of PT. Telkom Pontianak, Director of PT. PLN Pontianak, Director of PT. Pertamina Pontianak and workers / laborers who work in state-owned companies Pontianak. Data collection methods used were interviews, questionnaires, and direct observations. The data obtained in qualitative analysis. The results show that the legal protection of workers / laborers, both contradictory, always found the gap between das sollen (must) and das science (reality) and always appeared discrepancy between the law in the books and law in action. Fact of economic life with the hegemony of financial capitalism has operated through the "dis-solution subject" who do not see the workers / laborers as production subject that should be protected, but rather as an object that can be exploited, this is what happens in the practice of outsourcing in Indonesia, so that the legalization of outsourcing by Law No. 13 Year 2003 on Manpower reap kotroversi. For those who disagree argue useful in outsourced business development and create new jobs. For those who refused to believe the practice of outsourcing is a modern style of capitalism that brought misery to the workers / laborers. Based on the fact that the authors formulate the problem: 1) Why BUMN In Pontianak Still Using Outsourcing System In Recruitment? 2) Why not outsource system provide legal protection for employees? 3) How should the legal arrangements for employees who were recruited by the BUMN system outsourcing in Indonesia? The objectives are: 1) To explain the reasons BUMN In Pontianak using Outsourcing the recruitment system. 2) To determine the state of outsourcing practices in Pontianak. 3) To disclose and explain the factors that cause outsourcing system has not been providing legal protection for employees. 4) To reveal the perspective of the legal regulation of the employees who were recruited by the BUMN system outsourcing in Indonesia. To answer the problems and research objectives, juridical approach used empirical / sociological research Descriptive Analytical specifications. Data types include Primary Data and Secondary Data collected through library research and documentation (library and documentation) as well as field research (field research), while the sampling was done by using non-random sampling with purposive sampling method. From the discussion, note that the legality of many violations of outsourcing in terms of Pontianak, employment protection and working conditions for workers / laborers outsourcing is not given by the employer to the fullest, while legal protection for workers / laborers are constrained due to the weakness in the system employment law, good substance, structure and culture. Therefore, it is necessary revision of labor legislation, the Local Government of Pontianak need to increase the numberof labor inspectors personnel, provide facilities and an adequate budget for the operation of the labor inspection in order to carry out its duties and functions to the fullest and empower Unions / Union to be able to carry out the purposes and functions well.Keywords: Outsourcing employee/ labour and Legal Protection. A B S T R A KPenelitian ini bertujuan untuk mengetahui : 1) alasan BUMN Di Kota Pontianak menggunakan sistem Outsourcing dalam perekrutan karyawan. 2) praktik outsourcing pada BUMN di Kota Pontianak, 3) faktor-faktor penyebab sistem outsourcing belum memberikan perlindungan hukum terhadap karyawan dan 4) perspektif pengaturan hukum terhadap karyawan yang direkrut dengan sistem outsourcing pada BUMN di Indonesia. Penelitian ini dilakukan di Dinas Sosial dan Tenaga Kerja Pontianak, dan melibatkan Ketua Serikat Buruh Kota Pontianak, Direktur PT. Media Prima HR Solutions di Kota Pontianak, Direktur PT. Telkom Kota Pontianak, Direktur PT. PLN Pontianak, Direktur PT. Pertamina Pontianak serta pekerja/buruh yang bekerja pada perusahaan BUMN Kota Pontianak. Metode pengumpulan data yang digunakan adalah wawancara, kuesioner, dan pengamatan langsung. Data yang diperoleh di analisis secara kualitatif. Hasil penelitian menunjukkan bahwa perlindungan hukum pekerja/buruh, keduanya saling bertentangan, selalu dijumpai kesenjangan antara das sollen (keharusan) dan das sain (kenyataan) dan selalu muncul diskrepansi antara law in the books dan law in action. Nyatanya kehidupan ekonomi dengan hegemoni kapitalisme financial telah beroperasi melalui dis-solution subject yang tidak memandang pekerja/buruh sebagai subjek produksi yang patut dilindungi, melainkan sebagai objek yang bisa di eksploitasi, inilah yang terjadi dalam praktik outsourcing di Indonesia, sehingga legalisasi outsourcing berdasarkan Undang-Undang Nomor 13 Tahun 2003 Tentang Ketenagakerjaan menuai kotroversi. Bagi yang setuju berdalih outsourcing bermanfaat dalam pengembangan usaha dan membuka lapangan kerja baru. Bagi yang menolak beranggapan praktik outsourcing merupakan corak kapitalisme modern yang membawa kesengsaraan bagi pekerja/buruh. Berdasarkan kenyataan itu penulis merumuskan masalah : 1) Mengapa BUMN Di Kota Pontianak Masih Menggunakan Sistem Outsourcing Dalam Perekrutan Karyawan ? 2) Mengapa sistem outsourcing tidak memberikan perlindungan hukum terhadap karyawan ? 3) Bagaimana seharusnya pengaturan hukum terhadap karyawan yang direkrut dengan sistem outsourcing pada BUMN di Indonesia ? Tujuannya adalah : 1) Untuk menjelaskan mengenai alasan BUMN Di Kota Pontianak menggunakan sistem Outsourcing dalam perekrutan karyawan. 2) Untuk mengetahui praktik outsourcing pada BUMN di Kota Pontianak. 3) Untuk mengungkapkan dan menjelaskan faktor-faktor penyebab sistem outsourcing belum memberikan perlindungan hukum terhadap karyawan. 4) Untuk mengungkapkan perspektif pengaturan hukum terhadap karyawan yang direkrut dengan sistem outsourcing pada BUMN di Indonesia. Untuk menjawab permasalahan dan tujuan penelitian, digunakan metode pendekatan yuridis empiris/sosiologis dengan spesifikasi penelitian Deskriptif Analitis. Jenis datanya meliputi Data Primer dan Data Skunder yang dikumpulkan melalui penelitian kepustakaan dan dokumentasi(library and documentation) serta penelitian lapangan(field research), sedangkan pengambilan sampel dilakukan dengan menggunakan teknik Non Random Sampling dengan metode Purposive Sampling. Dari hasil pembahasan diketahui bahwa secara legalitas banyak terjadi pelanggaran syarat-syarat outsourcing di Kota Pontianak, perlindungan kerja dan syarat-syarat kerja bagi pekerja/buruh outsourcing tidak diberikan oleh pengusaha secara maksimal, sedangkan perlindungan hukum bagi pekerja/buruh terkendala karena adanyakelemahan dalam system hukum ketenagakerjaan, baik substansi, struktur maupun kulturnya. Oleh karena itu, perlu revisi atas beberapa peraturan perundang-undangan ketenagakerjaan, Pemerintah Daerah Kota Pontianak perlu menambah jumlah personel pegawai pengawas ketenagakerjaan, menyediakan sarana dan fasilitas serta anggaran yang memadai untuk operasional pengawasan ketenagakerjaan agar dapat menjalankan tugas dan fungsinya secara maksimal serta memberdayakan Serikat Pekerja/Serikat Buruh agar mampu menjalankan tujuan dan fungsinya dengan baik.Kata Kunci : Pekerja/Buruh Outsourcing dan Perlindungan Hukum.

La progresiva toma de conciencia ambiental de los últimos años ha marcado no sólo la modificación de las normativas reguladoras del agua, sino la propia evolución del Derecho de aguas, gradualmente transformado de acuerdo con los intereses sociales. Mientras que un enfoque tradicional situaba la preocupación principal sobre el agua en la necesidad de asegurar su disponibilidad, en el momento actual y una vez constatado el daño ambiental existente, la calidad de las aguas y su preservación, que antaño carecieron de importancia, pasan a ocupar un primer plano en las agendas gubernamentales. La presente Tesis tiene por objeto el análisis de los efectos que la incorporación de la variable ambiental ha tenido en los conflictos competenciales entre el Estado y las Comunidades Autónomas en España, y entre las provincias y la Nación en Argentina. Se parte de la siguiente premisa: las posibles invasiones competenciales derivadas de la vis expansiva del medio ambiente. Ésta, llevada al extremo, puede absorber el resto de competencias que inciden sobre el territorio, el entorno y los recursos naturales y, concretamente en este caso, puede vaciar de contenido las competencias bien estatales/nacionales bien autonómicas/provinciales en materia de aguas. Ahora bien, del mismo modo, el ejercicio de la competencia exclusiva sobre aguas continentales no puede originar un vacío de las competencias en materia de medio ambiente que dificulte la protección del recurso natural agua. La comparación de ordenamientos jurídicos facilita identificar diferencias y similitudes entre sistemas, aproximando la necesaria armonización y unificación del Derecho en un ámbito tan fundamental como es el agua. Superar los horizontes de un ordenamiento jurídico individual permite percibir la globalidad que subyace en las dificultades jurídicas asociadas a las aguas y al medio ambiente. Se busca la transferencia de experiencia y conocimiento en sistemas jurídicos lo que justifica la comparación que se lleva a cabo. Entre los objetivos de esta Tesis se encuentra: i) el análisis de la transformación de los ordenamientos jurídicos español y argentino desde la época de la sistematización del Derecho de aguas hasta su conformación actual a través de la "medioambientalización" del tratamiento jurídico del recurso; ii) el análisis y comparación del sistema de distribución competencial en materia de aguas y medio ambiente en dos modelos Estado como el de Autonomías y el federal argentino, que parten de criterios de distribución dispares. Se logra con ello una visión panorámica de las principales diferencias y similitudes en las decisiones adoptadas y en los problemas competenciales derivados de éstas; iii) análisis práctico de los conflictos competenciales e identificación de los criterios seguidos para su resolución. Para alcanzar los objetivos, la tesis se estructura en cinco capítulos: Capítulo I sintetiza las etapas en la evolución del derecho de aguas en España y en Argentina; el Capítulo II se destina al análisis de la distribución competencial en materia de aguas en ambos ordenamientos jurídicos; el Capítulo III, se centra en la distribución competencial en materia de medio ambiente en España y Argentina; el Capítulo IV, analiza los conflictos competenciales agua–medio ambiente en el derecho español y los criterios para su resolución; el Capítulo V, se centra en los conflictos competenciales agua-medio ambiente en el ordenamiento jurídico argentino. De acuerdo con los objetivos y la estructura expuesta, el trabajo de investigación desarrollado no queda incardinado única y exclusivamente en el Derecho ambiental de aguas, sino que aborda cuestiones esenciales de Derecho administrativo y del Derecho constitucional, en especial el modelo de Estado y el sistema de distribución de competencias constitucionales. Entre las conclusiones destaca la constatación de problemas similares ante la descentralización competencial de poderes aun partiendo de criterios de distribución dispares. Abstract Growing environmental awareness over recent years has had an impact not only on water related regulations, but also on how the actual Spanish water law has evolved over the years, gradually contemplating social interests. Traditionally the prime concern with regards to water was the need to assure its availability, but at present, having seen the existing environmental damage, the actual quality of the water and its preservation, issues that previously lacked importance, have now become of prime importance to governments. The purpose of this doctoral thesis is to analyse the effects that the incorporation of the environmental variable has had on conflicts related to jurisdiction between the State and the Autonomous Communities in Spain, and between the Provinces and the Nation in Argentina. This paper is based on the following premise: possible conflicts related to jurisdiction owing to increased environmental awareness. This growing awareness, if pursued in an extreme, could affect other jurisdictions such as territorial, environmental and those regarding natural resources and, in this case in particular, could invalidate autonomous/provincial or even state/national jurisdictions with regards to water. However, in the same way, the exercise of exclusive jurisdiction on continental waters cannot create a vacuum in the jurisdiction regarding the environment, as this would then impede the protection of this natural resource - water. By comparing various legal systems this highlights differences and similarities in the systems and the necessity to unify the Law, in an area as fundamental as water. By surpassing the frontiers of individual legal systems, the problem which underlies the legal difficulties associated with water and the environment as a whole becomes visible. The comparison is carried out in the search for the transfer of experience and knowledge regarding the different legal systems. The aims of this thesis are: (i) analysis of the changes to the legal systems in Spain and Argentina from when the Water Law became systematised, the environmental shaping of the legislation, up to its present-day form; (ii) analysis and comparison of jurisdictional distribution in the areas of water and environment of two models: The Spanish Autonomous Community model and the Argentinian Federal State model, both with different criteria with regards to distribution of power. These analyses offer a global perspective of the main variations in the decisions made and the jurisdictional problems arising from these decisions; (iii) practical analysis of the conflict of power and identification of the criteria established to resolve these conflicts. For this purpose, the paper is divided into five chapters: Chapter I summarizes the various phases regarding changes to the Water Law in Spain and Argentina; Chapter II includes the analysis of the distribution of power in the area of water in both legal systems; Chapter III focuses on the distribution of power in the field of environment in Spain and Argentina; Chapter IV analyses the jurisdictional conflicts related to water-environment in the Spanish legal system and the criteria for their resolution; Chapter V focuses on jurisdictional conflicts related to water-environment in the Argentinian legal system. With these objectives and this structure in mind, the research not only encompasses Environmental Water Law, but addresses key issues of Administrative and Constitutional Law, in particular with regards to the State model and the system of distribution of constitutional powers. The conclusions highlight the existence of similar problems due to the decentralization of powers even when the criteria for the distribution of power were totally dissimilar.

This thesis is aimed to develop a Monash-style medium-scale dynamic computable general equilibrium (CGE) model for Tourism of Thailand as the major contribution. The model is designed to be capable of analyzing not only the economic policies but also historical simulation and forecasting simulation. The comparative static version of the 'THORANI' model is first developed and later on improved it into the dynamic version of the 'TRAVELTHAI' model that comprises dynamic capability. TRAVELTHAI's modeling structure is based upon the MyAGE and McHuge, which are successors of MONASH, the dynamic CGE model of the Australian economy (Dixon and Rimmer 2002) that contains the dynamic mechanism features. The TRAVELTHAI model captures the structure of the Thai economy using the coefficients attributing from the Thai Tourism Satellite Accounts (TSAs) which is the main distinction from the other kinds of CGE models, for which normally use the Input Output Tables, the adoption of proper substitution elasticities as the key parameters, and the portrayal of specific features regarding tourism which are also relevant to the Thai economy. The model contains a detailed disaggregation of industries, especially those related to Tourism, factors of production, technologies and preferences, taxes and margins, a comprehensive illustration of government accounts, balance of payment accounts, and net foreign liabilities. The dynamic mechanisms also include the links between stock and flow variables for physical capital accumulation, for debt and savings, and for wage-employment adjustment. TRAVELTHAI possesses 3 types of tourism demands: Inbound, Domestic, and Outbound tourism. Although the thesis thematically focuses on inbound tourism or travel receipts in the Service accounts of the Balance of Payments, this gives the power to further study in terms of revenue and expenditure of the balance of travel. The baseline historical simulation of the Thai economy over the period 2001-2011 and baseline forecast for 2012-2020 are performed. The decade has shown an interesting rapid growth with the contribution of tourism growth of seven percent per annum on the average despite adverse tourism setbacks ranging from epidemic flu, tsunami, the recent political turmoil and the flood. Six major simulations with TRAVELTHAI have been conducted. The first is the historical simulation, for which observed changes in economic variables e.g. changes in GDP, outputs of industries, factors of production, household consumption or international trade become the exogenous shocks for the model, and changes in technologies and preferences are solved endogenously. This is aimed to develop the baseline for the Thai economy. Three projections to the year 2020 of the forecasting simulation have been carried out, bases on the evidence of the decade average, the first half and the second half of the previous decade. This time, the economic performance is evaluated from the structural changes in technologies and preferences obtained earlier and projects to the future to develop the baseline forecasts of these three projections. The fifth and the sixth are major simulations regarding the thesis objectives. They are those with external shocks and policy simulations. Simulation for external shocks of tourism setback in term of recent major flood is delivered. Behavioral effects of demand side and resource losses effect of supply side shocks are then applied in five sub-total shocks. Two behavioral effects are inbound tourism shift and the cut in the number of domestic tourists. Other three resources losses shocks are related to the losses or damages of factors of production: labor, capital, and land. The sixth simulation is the tourism-related fiscal policy on the tax cut for inbound tourism. The comparison between tax cut and without tax cut scenarios is also presented. This is aimed to pursue for alleviating measure to soothe the effect of tourism setback. Apart from historical and forecasting simulations which are aimed to create the benchmark as the baseline forecasts, the results from the setback simulation show that in the short run the flood causes the declines of real GDP and its compositions relative to the baseline. Trade balance deteriorates. Inbound tourism also decreases but not as much as outbound and domestic tourism. Domestic tourism revenue, thus, drops. Travel receipts accordingly weaken, but less than travel expenses worsen, which improves travel balance. For the supply side, the labors migrate to non-tourism industries from the tourism-related industries. Output productions are all reduced, with non-tourism industries most worsening. The flood damages the economy. In all, resource losses effects show domination over other effects. The after effect forecast growths to the year 2020 show that both behavioral and resource-loss effects of flooding reduce real GDP and its components overtime. Labors migrate to the non-tourism industries from direct tourism industries and tourism-connected industries. Direct tourism industries suffer more than tourism-connected industries in terms of labor reduction and the releases of labor rising through the period. All sectors produce less output, accordingly. Over-time slight deterioration in terms of trade subsequently improves balance of travel. Simulation on a tax cut as an incentive for the inbound tourist shows a plus to the falling real GDP relative to the baseline. Tax cut creates a larger impact on inbound tourism. Travel receipts increase accordingly, comparing to the decrease in the scenario without any tax cut. Tax cut improves balance of travel towards a surplus comparing to the lower gain of that without the tax cut. It also generates more outputs in the direct tourism industries as expected, though not enough to make a positive outcome for the total but the fall in the reduction of output production is a better off. This is in line with the greater amount of labor hired in the sector. For other two industries, they are worse off as their own labors migrate to the direct tourism industries. Their productions follow the falls in their sectoral employment. For the after effect tax cut forecast growth to 2020, only real inbound tourism and tourism receipts have considerable changes comparing to that without tax cut. For real inbound tourism, the after-flood growth is negative for without tax cut scenario in the short run and recover to be positive in the long run. With the tax cut, the deviation from base case forecast is positive and growing further in the long run. Tourism receipts show similar pattern. Nonetheless, the effect on the deviation over real GDP is very tiny and it reveals the same trend for both tax cut and without tax cut. Outputs and employments of direct tourism industries with tax cut decline less than that of without tax cut, though with similar declining trend. For tourism-connected industries, the reductions are about the same with the similar trend. For non-tourism industries, there are further output and employment reductions comparing to the without tax cut scenario. Tax cut incentive could be one of alleviating measures to soothe the tourism setback. Political-wise, a mix of incentives could be further pursued for what-if analyses to examine all inclusive effects other than tourism-focused. Such policy planning is helpful to understand trade-offs among economic agents to minimize incurring costs.

Показано, що імідж як цілеспрямовано структурований образ набуває оцінного та мотиваційного змісту, завдяки чому він чинить вплив на поведінку людей, носіїв цього образа, на їхнє ставлення до реальних подій. Стосовно міста імідж доцільно розглядати як нематеріальний актив відповідної території, що сприяє разом з іншими ресурсами забезпеченню стійкого розвитку даної самоврядної території. Визначено, що всі визначення поняття «імідж міста» можна розділити на дві групи в залежності від ступеня свідомої участі в його формуванні представників міської влади: природно сформований імідж території (тобто в процес формування іміджу території суб'єкти управління не втручаються, або їхнє втручання зведене до мінімуму й воно є несвідомим); штучно сформований імідж території (тобто коли імідж території цілеспрямовано формується міською владою). Доведено, що сприятливий імідж міста безпосередньо впливає на підвищення його конкурентоспроможності, тому формування іміджу є не менш важливим аспектом діяльності адміністрації, ніж реальна політика.У формуванні соціально­політичної складової іміджу міста виділено такі вектори: імідж міста як «засіб наповнення гаманця» і спосіб збільшення робочих місць (він орієнтований на інвесторів, на пошук додаткових ресурсів як усередині поселення, так і за його межами); імідж міста як «бренд визначних пам'яток» (він орієнтований на туристичну індустрію, коли поселення набуває інтересу для великої кількості туристів і мандрівників, а жителі міста беруть участь у забезпеченні злагодженої роботи цієї індустрії); імідж міста для населення (він розглядається як феномен створення власного «Я» жителів поселення, включаючи поняття невловимого іміджу, емоційних зв'язків, а також як спосіб завоювання авторитету й довіри влади в очах населення).Проведена демаркація понять «імідж міста» і «бренд міста». Бренд міста виступає поєднуючим ланцюгом між внутрішнім і зовнішнім іміджем міста: перший характеризується як образ, що складається у свідомості людей, які мешкають на даній території (тобто власне міська ідентичність), а другий – як уявлення про територію, яке сформувалося у населення, що проживає за її межами (тобто власне імідж міста). Бренд міста визначається як сукупність унікальних конкурентних переваг відповідного міста у середовищі конкурентів, репрезентованих системою яскравих і позитивних символів, сигналів, ідей, асоціацій, які щонайкраще передають зміст, красу, конкурентні переваги й унікальність міста, завдяки чому він стає відомим і улюбленим. ; Показано, що імідж як цілеспрямовано структурований образ набуває оцінного та мотиваційного змісту, завдяки чому він чинить вплив на поведінку людей, носіїв цього образа, на їхнє ставлення до реальних подій. Стосовно міста імідж доцільно розглядати як нематеріальний актив відповідної території, що сприяє разом з іншими ресурсами забезпеченню стійкого розвитку даної самоврядної території. Визначено, що всі визначення поняття «імідж міста» можна розділити на дві групи в залежності від ступеня свідомої участі в його формуванні представників міської влади: природно сформований імідж території (тобто в процес формування іміджу території суб'єкти управління не втручаються, або їхнє втручання зведене до мінімуму й воно є несвідомим); штучно сформований імідж території (тобто коли імідж території цілеспрямовано формується міською владою). Доведено, що сприятливий імідж міста безпосередньо впливає на підвищення його конкурентоспроможності, тому формування іміджу є не менш важливим аспектом діяльності адміністрації, ніж реальна політика.У формуванні соціально­політичної складової іміджу міста виділено такі вектори: імідж міста як «засіб наповнення гаманця» і спосіб збільшення робочих місць (він орієнтований на інвесторів, на пошук додаткових ресурсів як усередині поселення, так і за його межами); імідж міста як «бренд визначних пам'яток» (він орієнтований на туристичну індустрію, коли поселення набуває інтересу для великої кількості туристів і мандрівників, а жителі міста беруть участь у забезпеченні злагодженої роботи цієї індустрії); імідж міста для населення (він розглядається як феномен створення власного «Я» жителів поселення, включаючи поняття невловимого іміджу, емоційних зв'язків, а також як спосіб завоювання авторитету й довіри влади в очах населення).Проведена демаркація понять «імідж міста» і «бренд міста». Бренд міста виступає поєднуючим ланцюгом між внутрішнім і зовнішнім іміджем міста: перший характеризується як образ, що складається у свідомості людей, які мешкають на даній території (тобто власне міська ідентичність), а другий – як уявлення про територію, яке сформувалося у населення, що проживає за її межами (тобто власне імідж міста). Бренд міста визначається як сукупність унікальних конкурентних переваг відповідного міста у середовищі конкурентів, репрезентованих системою яскравих і позитивних символів, сигналів, ідей, асоціацій, які щонайкраще передають зміст, красу, конкурентні переваги й унікальність міста, завдяки чому він стає відомим і улюбленим. ; It is demonstration that image as deliberately structured image becomes evaluative and motivational content, so it does influence people's behavior, carriers of this image, on their relation to real events. Regarding the city's image should be considered as an intangible asset of the relevant territory, contributing along with other resources to ensure sustainable development of the self­governing territory. It was determined that all of the definition of 'city image' can be divided into two groups according to the degree of conscious participation in its formation of representatives of local authorities: naturally formed image of the area (ie, the process of image formation area management entities not interfere with, or their intervention reduced to a minimum and it is unconscious); artificially generated image area (ie, the area where the image is formed specifically local authorities). It is proved that a favorable image of the city directly affects the increase of its competitiveness as image formation is equally important aspect of administration , the actual policy.In forming of the socio­political dimension city image selected following vectors: the image of the city as 'a means of filling the purse' and a way to increase jobs (it is focused on investors to seek additional resources both within the village and beyond); image of the city as a 'brand attractions' (it is focused on the tourism industry, when the settlement becomes of interest to a large number of tourists and travelers and city residents taking part in coordinated work of the industry); image of the city to the public (it is seen as a phenomenon of creating your own I residents of the settlement, including the elusive concept image, emotional ties , as well as a way to gain credibility and trust in government in the eyes of the population).Demarcation of concepts 'city image' and 'city brand'. City brand advocates combining link between the internal and external image of the city is described as the first image, which consists in the minds of people who live in the area (ie own urban identity) and the second – as a representation of the territory, which was formed in the population living abroad (ie proper image of the city). Brand city is defined as a set of unique competitive advantages of a city among competitors, sending the system of bright and positive symbols, signals, ideas and associations that the best way convey meaning, beauty, competitive advantage and uniqueness of the city, so that it becomes well known and loved by.

OBJETIVOS GENERALES - Visualizar cómo se lleva a cabo en la ciudad de Neuquén la implementación de las leyes provinciales 2785 y 2786, de prevención, sanción y erradicación de la violencia familiar y hacia la mujer respetivamente. OBJETIVOS ESPECIFICOS - Analizar la incidencia las políticas públicas en la consumación de las leyes en estudio. - Visibilizar los favorecedores y obstaculizadores que se presentifican en la aplicación de la ley. ESTRATEGIA TEÓRICO-METODOLÓGICA. El presente trabajo es un estudio descriptivo de enfoque cualitativo. Descriptivo porque busca especificar propiedades, características y rasgos importantes de lo que se analiza y proporciona una respuesta a las preguntas de cómo ocurrió algo y quién estuvo involucrado. También optamos por la elección de los datos cualitativos porque los mismos se recogen a menudo con la investigación de campo. Optamos (en relación a los múltiples marcos teóricos) tomar la definición de violencia familiar y hacia la mujer establecida en las leyes provinciales 2785 y 2786. CONCLUSIONES FACILITADORES - La presencia de un importante marco jurídico (internacional, nacional y provincial) en torno a la prevención de la violencia. - La modificación de la ley 2212 por la 2785 y 2786, lo que motivó el comenzar con la articulación interinstitucional y la ampliación de las instituciones efectoras y su delimitación de funciones. - La existencia de una ley de violencia familiar y otra de violencia hacia la mujer que focaliza claramente los diversos tipos y modalidades de violencia hacia esta. - La creación de la Oficina de violencia. - La disposición para comenzar acciones de articulación interinstitucionales e interdisplicinarias. - Mayor sensibilización de la población respecto de la violencia, lo que conduce a un incremento de denuncia de la misma. - El ingreso de profesionales en el Ministerio de Salud formados y sensibilizados en torno a la violencia. OBSTACULIZADORES - Insuficiencia de presupuesto asignado por el gobierno de la provincia de Neuquén, en función de las leyes de violencia 2785 y 2786 aprobadas por la Legislatura de la Provincia. Es de señalar que la ley 2785 ya posee su reglamentación y aún no se cuenta con recursos humanos y materiales que permitan viabilizar la puesta en práctica de las acciones que se propone. - El ejecutivo no destina los fondos suficientes para capacitación de los efectores y supervisión de tareas y puesta en práctica de las leyes. - Carencia de monitoreo en las instituciones efectoras de la ley. - No se ha aplicado aún un protocolo único de actuación, común a todas las instituciones. - Existencia de subregistros y carencia de registros institucionales estadísticos que puedan brindar un informe exhaustivo. - Insuficiencia de campañas de prevención a nivel provincial y nacional. - No se promueve desde el Estado la responsabilidad social empresaria en la difusión de campañas publicitarias. - Los jueces, los abogados y la institución judicial poseen fuertes mandatos patriarcales que están impresos en su accionar. - El miedo aprendido y dichos mandatos patriarcales contribuyen a la naturalización de las situaciones de violencia y a la no denuncia. - La articulación con otras instituciones, no es aún, un mecanismo de coordinación presente en las prácticas de los agentes. - La carencia de equipos consolidados en el tiempo por parte de las distintas instituciones, difumina la claridad en el accionar de los agentes. - Dificultad de la observancia del cumplimiento de las medidas cautelares. - En las instituciones educativas de diferentes niveles aún no se incluyó en la currícula, el estudio de la violencia familia y hacia la mujer. GENERAL OBJECTIVES - To visualise how the implementation of the Provincial Laws 2785 and 2786, of prevention, sanction and eradication of domestic and gender violence, respectively, is carried out in the city of Neuquén. - SPECIFIC OBJECTIVES - To analyse the impact of public politics on the consummation of the laws under study. - To visualise the supporting points and obstacles that are present in the aplication of the law. THEORETICAL AND METHODOLOGICAL STRATEGY The present work is a descriptive study of a cualitative approach. It is descriptive because it aims at looking for specific attributes, characteristics and important traits out of which one can analyse and give answers to the questions of how an event occured and who was involved. We have also selected some cualitative data as they are often gathered from the field investigation. We have chosen (in relation to the multiple theoretical frameworks) to define the terms of "domestic violence" and "gender violence" in accordance to their definitions provided by the Provincial Laws 2785 and 2786. CONCLUSIONS SUPPORTING POINTS - The existence of an important judicial framework (international, national and provincial) in relation to violence prevention. - The replacement of the law 2212 by the laws 2785 and 2786, what originated an integrated articulation among institutions and the expanding of the institutions relating to violence prevention together with the delimitation of their functions. - The existence of a law of domestic violence and of a law of gender violence which focus on the various types and ways of violence towards women. - The creation of an Office attending cases of violence. - The predisposition to begin actions of interinstitutional and interdiscipline articulation. - The increasing awareness of the population towards the issue of violence, what has led to an increasing amount of abuse reports. - The admission of new profesional staff in the Ministery of Health, staff with sufficient knowledge about violence issues. OBSTACLES - Lack of budget provided by the government of the Province of Neuquen, in relation to the laws of violence 2785 and 2786 already approved by the Parliament of Neuquen. Regarding the law 2785, it has its regulations but it has no human and material resources that may allow that the proposed actions can be put into practice. - The Executive Power does not provide the sufficient funds so as to offer training, support and supervising of tasks and actions so as to put laws into practice. - Lack of monitoring of the institutions in charge of implementing the laws. - No implementation of a unique protocol of a common actions among the institutions. - Lack of institutional record books which may give thorough statistics data. - Not enough national or local campaigns to raise awareness of the risks of violence - No estate advertising campaings to promote the social responsibility as regards violence. - Judges, lawyers and the judicial system have strong patriarcal mandates which are beyong their behaviour. - The learned fear and patriarcal mandates which contribute to the naturalization of the situations of violence and no reporting of abuse. - The articulation with other institutions does not mean a mechanism of coordination, present in the practices of the agents. - Lack of consolidated institutional teams throughout the time, and which affects the clear actions done by the different agents involved. - Non-fulfilment of precautionary measures - The study of domestic and gender violence is not considered in the curriculum of the system of Education.