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Nos. 1-24 have subtitle: "Building the peace." ; Some nos. issued as: United States-United Nations information series (no. 6); Commercial policy series (no. 7, 18); European series (no. 11, 15); Far Eastern series (no. 12, 24); European and British Commonwealth series (no. 19, 26); Economic cooperation series (no. 20, 21); General foreign policy series (no. 22); International organization and conference series (no. 23, 25) ; Mode of access: Internet. ; Prepared by: No. 1-24, Dept. of State; no. 25- , Dept. of State, Office of Public Affairs.

This article provides an overview of the ethics of war and peace in the most important and normatively influential work of epic literature known in the eastern lands of Islam, namely theShahnamehof Ferdowsi (d. 1020 CE). As one of the greatest sources of the Iranian cultural identity for over a millennium, Shahnameh (lit. The book of kings) defines normative ideals in the ethics of war and peace within narratives that connect the ancient history of Iran to its mythical eras and in effect to both the medieval time of the epic's authorship and modern Iranian identity. By identifying limits, standards and legitimacy for war and peace in Shahnameh, this article aims to facilitate an Iranian contribution to the global literature and practice on peacemaking that has deep roots in the Islamo-Persian tradition.

Cover ; Contents ; Front Matter ; Title Page ; Publisher Information ; Dedication ; Preface ; On Liberty and Peace ; Introduction ; Chapter One -- Liberty ; Chapter Two -- The Problem of Positive Liberty ; Chapter Three: Language, Knowledge, Rationality; Conclusion to Part One ; Back Matter ; Bibliography ; Also Available.

"Die Transformation der Organisation der Afrikanischen Einheit (OAU) zur Afrikanischen Union (AU) seit dem Jahr 2000 hat einen weit reichenden und tief greifenden Prozess der Institutionalisierung neuer Politikansätze ausgelöst. Dadurch werden möglicherweise die zwischenstaatlichen Beziehungen auf dem Kontinent und die Interaktionen Afrikas mit der übrigen Welt nachhaltig verändert. Dies zeigt sich besonders in der neuen Friedens- und Sicherheitsarchitektur. Der Vorsitzende der AU-Kommission hat sie jüngst als 'besten Sicherheitsmechanismus' gelobt. Schwächen weist die AU nach wie vor beim Management und bei der Finanzkontrolle auf; dies wirkt sich auch auf den Bereich Frieden und Sicherheit aus. Gleichzeitig untergraben die mangelhafte Zahlungsmoral vieler Mitgliedsstaaten und die anhaltende finanzielle Abhängigkeit von den Gebern die viel zitierten Ansprüche auf ownership. Logistisch, operativ und politisch ist die AU von der Mehrzahl der gewaltsamen Konflikte in Afrika noch überfordert (z.B. Somalia, Sudan), aber kleinere Operationen gelingen durchaus (z.B. Komoren). Die Politik der AU mit der der regionalen Wirtschaftsgemeinschaften in Einklang zu bringen, stellt eine ebenso große Herausforderung dar, wie die zivile Komponente der neuen Friedens- und Sicherheitsarchitektur zu stärken. Die geplante Funktionsfähigkeit der neuen Friedens- und Sicherheitsarchitektur wird sich über das politische Zeitziel 2010 hinaus verzögern." (Autorenreferat)

"Right without Might is weakness," wrote Blaise Pascal three centuries ago. But "Might without Right is tyranny. We must therefore combine Right and Might, making what is Right mighty and what is mighty Right." To achieve such a combination in the community of nations is, by common consent, the major problem of world politics in our time. Outside of the dwindling ranks of the anarchists, few would any longer dispute the propositions that peace among men is unattainable without the organization of men into government, possessed of effective power to enforce law, and that justice among men is unattainable without the subordination of government itself to law, reflecting men's conception of right. How these goals are to be reached among nations is still a matter of controversy. But after participating in two world wars against tyrants, dedicated to world unity through conquest, most Americans are now agreed that peace and justice among nations depend upon order and law among nations and that these, in turn, depend upon the efficacy of what has long been called "international organization" or, more optimistically, "international government."The Great Debate of 1944–45, like that of 1919–20, is not over ends, but over means. How can an effective world organization be brought into being, and how can it be made to function for the maintenance of peace, the enforcement of law, and the achievement of justice? In an age whose slogan in grappling with its most fateful problems has too often been "too little and too late," it is not strange that American discussion of the problem of world order has largely taken the form of old disputes as to the terms upon which the United States should assume membership in an association or league of nations to keep the peace. The tacit assumption behind the discussion is that such a partnership of sovereignties can and will keep peace, enforce law, and promote justice if only it be organized with sufficient cleverness and joined by a sufficient number of states.

Kant sees the gradual implementation of a cosmopolitan world order as necessary for securing peace at national and international level. However, he seems to be overoptimistic about the role of states and other political institutions in securing coordination and peace. In some passages Kant claims that a just juridical framework alone, as long as it is efficiently enforced, is enough to secure a large scale coordination of individual's agency and a maximal protection of individual freedom. As I will show, other passages suggest that ethical motivation also has an important role to play in the achievement of peace and the implementation of a cosmopolitan world order. This is because good laws alone may produce "good citizens" (who do not infringe the law), but still does not make possible effective political participation and the necessary attitude required for the implementation and improvement of political institutions at national and international level. I will discuss Kant's claim that education must have a cosmopolitan character as well as the duty of states to create responsible citizens, not only at domestic but also at international level.

The bequest for the Church Peace Union—the predecessor of today's Carnegie Council for Ethics in International Affairs (and the publisher of this journal)—was given by Andrew Carnegie in February 1914. The Church Peace Union subsequently sponsored the first worldwide gathering of religious leaders, which was held in Constance, Germany, on August 2, 1914. Convened under the shadow of an impending war, not all delegates made it to the gathering. Six months previously, Carnegie had stipulated that the Church Peace Union devote its funds to the deserving poor "after the arbitration of international disputes is established and war abolished, as it certainly will be some day." This could happen, he noted, "sooner than expected, probably by the Teutonic nations, Germany, Britain, and the United States first deciding to act in unison, the others joining later." The outbreak of war was a catastrophic blow to such hopes, as the very nations expected to be at the core of this civilized project descended into an orgy of destruction the likes of which the world had never seen.