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In this chapter I address the ways in which popular music genres have been recycled in the Serbian post-socialist political landscape. Specifically, I analyse how Western-styled music production was relocated, both spatially and temporally, from being a vehicle of purported 'freedom of expression' in socialist Yugoslavia, to operating as a mechanism of Serbian banal nationalism. During the 1990s, Serbian nationalism emerged as an antagonistic force playing a crucial and dominant role in the violent breakup of Yugoslavia and aiming to retain control of vast swathes of land which were (in Serbian nationalistic discourse) perceived as parts of Serbian national territory. The aggressiveness of Serbian nationalism was reflected in various popular music genres, not least in the infamous turbo-folk. Thus, it is important to trace the mechanisms whereby certain products of popular music, through processes of spatiotemporal relocation, were employed in order to banalise the 'hot' Serbian nationalism, and represent it in a different, Westernised light. I will show how the pop and rock music became engrafted into seemingly innocuous representations of Serbian patriotism, or 'civic nationalism', through widely accepted practices which were even perceived as 'above the political' in the everyday jargon.

With a focus on the concept of grounding, this special section argues that the politics of transnational private governance should be understood in the double meaning of, on the one hand, its local implementation and, on the other hand, practices of political contestation and translation. The concept of grounding thus allows for a localized focus on practices used by actors in transnational private governance. By doing so, we hope to make three contributions to the current debate. The first is to never lose sight that governance is first and foremost about politics; the second is to provide a conceptual framework making more explicit the intrinsic limits of transnational private governance efforts; the third is about the form of power exercised by transnational private regulatory initiatives in global production networks. This introduction provides historiographical and conceptual background to this special section, which brings in scholars across social sciences, including political science, sociology, law and philosophy. It introduces the contributions from research communities that usually remain separate in their analysis of standards used in global production networks in the domain of labour, environment, and human rights.

In Korea during the Chosŏn dynasty (1392–1910) Confucian scholars were able to construct a political and social order and culture around the symbolic space of the Confucian private academy (sŏwŏn) by relying on a tradition of iterative ritual performances. These designated each member of society with a proper social role and universal grammar. The function of the rituals at Confucian private academieswas that of a social signifier within the construction of a social contract peculiar to Chosŏn society. The academies spread, which began in the sixteenth century in areas outside the capital, produced a "Confucianization" of traditional rituals, and thence the indoctrination with Confucian morals at the local level. This kind of transformation of society had been the aim of the Chosŏn rulers right from the dynasty's foundation in 1392. However, the driving force behind this transformation was not the center, but local scholars. They wanted to enhance their own social and political dominance and privileges through the creation of symbolic ritual spaces under their control, including the invention of a tradition of local sages/scholars to be enshrined and revered at the sŏwŏn.

Research on the history of Taiwanese literature has significantly increased in recent years; nevertheless, there are only very few general overviews on the topic. Therefore, I am currently writing a comprehensive history of Taiwanese literature, the fundamental guidelines of which I am presenting in this article. My book will offer new perspectives facilitated by its use of a completely new way of periodization to ensure that every important facet of Taiwan's colorful literary history is represented: the oral literature by aborigines and Han-Taiwanese; classical literature written in Mandarin and Japanese; as well as modern literature written in Mandarin, Japanese, Hakka, Taiwanese and aboriginal languages. The commonly used periodization of Taiwanese literature along political dates is impractical. Therefore, I will divide my book into six parts (overview of Taiwan's political history, oral traditions, classical literatures, early modern literatures until 1946, modern literatures from 1946 to ca. 1990, developments after ca. 1990). Each part will be divided into sections devoted to the individual languages and further subdivided into chapters that are structured around specific dates of literary significance.

Will the use of genetic breeding techniques finally destroy the remaining agricultural diversity of varieties, or can modern biotechnology actually help in the conservation and use of global biodiversity? What strategies are being discussed for the long-term protection of biodiversity, what role can international agreements play in this? And what political possibilities or necessities for action result from this? These are the guiding questions of this study commissioned by the German Bundestag. On the basis of an overview of the situation of biological diversity in Germany and worldwide, as well as of the status and perspectives of plant breeding, the authors describe chains of effects that can emanate from the use of new plant varieties in agriculture. In particular, they ask whether the use of genetic engineering methods will exert qualitatively new influences compared to conventional breeding approaches. Based on this technology-centred perspective, the need for action with regard to the conservation of agricultural diversity as a whole is discussed, with concepts of comprehensive coordination and integration at the spatial, content-related, institutional and political levels forming the core of the ...

This paper examines the transnational dimensions of low-level conflict and state repression. In this regard, special emphasis is placed on the role of political regimes. Drawing on a simple model, we argue that democracy has opposing effects on conflict intensity. On one hand, democracy satisfies demand for political participation and thus reduces conflict potential, while, on the other hand, we highlight that domestic democracy may spur dissatisfaction and conflict abroad, which, in turn, may induce conflict spillovers. As a result, the net effect of democracy on low-level conflict and state repression is ambiguous and depends on the level of democracy in the neighborhood: We predict that democracy is more pacifying in democratic environments and may spur conflict in autocratic environments. By the symmetry of the model, we also predict that democratic environments are more pacifying for democratic countries and may spur conflict in autocracies. Empirical evidence using panel data on different types of low-level conflict and state repression for 160 countries in the period from 1950 to 2011 supports these hypotheses. Additionally, two case studies illustrate the mechanisms of our model.

As a result of the recent economic crisis, in 2011 Portugal signed a Memorandum of Understanding with the European Central Bank, the European Commission and the International Monetary Fund (the 'Troika'). In exchange for Troika's financial assistance, the Memorandum required the implementation of a specific set of reforms targeted at the healthcare sector. The literature on policy reforms in the context of crisis and conditionality argues that governments have little room to maneuver in responding to external pressure. We challenge this view, finding that even in cases of conditionality and strong external pressures, crisis can be used as a window of opportunity for reforms substantially shaped by domestic policy choices. In the case of Portuguese health reforms, these choices aimed on resolving country-specific deficiencies of the healthcare system and were enabled by the two main political parties' strategies of tacit cooperation and blame avoidance. The article emphasizes the need for more fine-grained analysis of welfare reforms in the crisis affected countries that pays equal attention to the institutional characteristics and to the political context and strategies. ; info:eu-repo/semantics/acceptedVersion

Abstract: The Indonesian Ulama Council is a forum or assembly that brings together scholars, zu'ama> and Indonesian Muslim scholars to unite the movements and steps of Indonesian Muslims in realizing common goals. The Indonesian Ulema Council was established on July 26, 1975 in Jakarta. The presence of MUI as a place of reference for Muslims in Indonesia in dealing with and resolving and deciding a law that occurs in Indonesian society is a necessity. Therefore, there have been many legal fatwas born from this organization since the beginning until this modern era. Be it in matters of religious practice, social, economics, science, medicine and even the political realm. The development of Islamic legal thought in Indonesia faces complex dynamics due to the unique socio-political system that exists. Thus, the MUI fatwa itself is not uncommon or often counter-productive both externally and internally by Muslims themselves. The author in this study intends to critically describe the MUI fatwa itself, both in terms of its existence and its manhaj. Key word: Indonesian Ulema Council, Fatwa, Us{u>l Fiqh, Ijtiha>d

This study aims to analyze performance and determine organizational performance factors in the National and Political Unity Body of Semarang City. This research uses descriptive qualitative research methods. Qualitative data were obtained through various kinds of data collection techniques, including through interviews, document analysis, literature study and selection of informants using purposive techniques, the quality of the data was tested using the Triangulation Technique. In this study, innovation as a process of organizational learning and knowledge creation related to organizational capacity to respond to environmental changes. This research is based on the application of Organizational Ecology Theory and The Punctuation Model and Theory of Strategic Adaptation and Sustainable Change. Based on this theory, organizational innovation can be generated by technological innovation and increased organizational learning capacity and transformation. The results of the study explained that the organizational performance of the National Unity and Political Body of the City of Semarang was not optimal, so there was still much that needed to be improved so that the public's assessment of the level of performance of the office organization would increase.

Der Beitrag exponiert methodologische Überlegungen und Probleme, die den (sicherheits-)industriell-politischen Komplex von Forschung und Entwicklung (FuE) in den Migration and Border Studies betreffen. Am Schnittpunkt von Migration and Border Studies und Science and Technology Studies skizziert der Beitrag eine Analytik der europäischen digitalen Grenzzone in ihrer Ko- Konstituierung mit performativen Praktiken und deren Austragungsorten, an denen das Ineinandergreifen von Technik, Wissen und Politik vorangetrieben wird. Hierbei wird der Begriff der venture science vorgeschlagen und entwickelt. Anschließend wird das Potential einer solchen Analytik am Beispiel der technischen und politischen Transformationen der europäischen Agentur EU-LISA demonstriert. EU-LISA between Lobbyism and Venture Sciences. Contours of a New Research Field in Empirical Migration and Border Regime Research The present contribution delineates methodological considerations and theoretical issues concerning the (security-)industrial-political complex of research and development (R&D) in Migration and Border Studies. At the intersection of Migration and Border Studies and Science and Technology Studies, the paper outlines how to analyze the European digital border zones in actu in its co-constitution with performative practices and sites that advance the intertwining of technology, knowledge and politics. Here, the notion of venture science is proposed and further developed. Subsequently, the potential of this analytics is demonstrated by the example of the technical and political transformations of the European agency EU-LISA.

Popular music was the most immediate way in which the cultural response to 9/11 manifested itself. Initially music offered a way of mourning and coping with grief. As the United States moved toward the invasion of Iraq, pop music also began to reflect the divisions in society between patriot-artists who supported the invasion, most notably in country music, and protest-artists who articulated critical attitudes to war. These anti-war songs did not attain the stature of those that characterized the era of protest during the Vietnam War, nor did they offer a musical accompaniment to a social movement with any enduring political significance. One little observed dissonance that a longitudinal survey of the musical response to political violence reveals, however, is that over time the attitudes of protest songwriters and the patriots transvalued. Ironically, interventionist "rednecks" became disillusioned with the endless wars of intervention, whilst the "protest" writers lost their voices after President Obama came to power. Ironically, icons of popular music instead turned their ire on those who voted for an anti-establishment President Trump who vowed not to involve the U.S. in further military adventures.

First published online: 27 January 2021 ; Brexit makes both a direct and an indirect impact on the European Parliament (EP). The most direct consequence is the withdrawal of the 73-member strong UK contingent and the changing size of the political groups. Yet, the impact of Brexit is also felt in more oblique ways. Focussing on the role and influence of the EP in the EU–UK negotiations, and of the British delegation in the EP, this article shows that the process, and not just the outcome of Brexit, has significant organisational implications for the EP and its political groups. Moreover, it also showcases the importance of informal rules and norms of behaviour, which were affected by Brexit well ahead of any formal change to the UK status as a Member State. The EP and its leadership ensured the active involvement of the EP in the negotiating process—albeit in different ways for the withdrawal agreement and the future relationship—and sought to minimise the costs of Brexit, reducing the clout of British members particularly in the allocation of legislative reports.

First published online: 21 January 2021 ; During the Great Recession, governments across the continent implemented austerity policies. A large literature claims that such policies are surprisingly popular and have few electoral costs. This article revisits this question by studying the popularity of governments during the economic crisis. The authors assemble a pooled time-series data set for monthly support for ruling parties from fifteen European countries and treat austerity packages as intervention variables to the underlying popularity series. Using time-series analysis, this permits the careful tracking of the impact of austerity packages over time. The main empirical contributions are twofold. First, the study shows that, on average, austerity packages hurt incumbent parties in opinion polls. Secondly, it demonstrates that the magnitude of this electoral punishment is contingent on the economic and political context: in instances of rising unemployment, the involvement of external creditors and high protest intensity, the cumulative impact of austerity on government popularity becomes considerable. ; The authors acknowledge funding by the ERC project Political Conflict in Europe in the Shadow of the Great Recession (POLCON)

International audience From a political ecology perspective, Chilean geographers have studied the various aspects of socio-environmental conflicts over water during the neoliberal period starting in 1973. This study aims to contribute to the understanding of the relationship between the different meanings and materialities of water in the Tarapacá region of northern Chile prior to the introduction of neoliberal reforms using a geohistorical perspective. By reviewing historical archives and undertaking terrain analyses, we examine the respective roles of the state, capitalism, and science/technology in the commodification/modernization of water in Tarapacá from the 19th to the early 20th centuries. We propose that the 19th-century insertion of Tarapacá's nitrate mining into the world capitalist circuit of minerals attracted explorers and scientists, who proffered modern discourses on nature and water while denying any local knowledge about water. These discourses then became prominent in the political sphere and were hegemonized through laws and norms. In parallel, the modernization of the nitrate mining resulted in the introduction of cutting-edge technologies for water infrastructure, a process that introduced changes in everyday practices regarding water, leading to the creation of the modern waterscapes in Tarapacá.

COVID-19 pandemic is now a global crisis, with the number of known cases climbing daily and millions of people stranded at home. As countries toil to preserve the lives of their people, economies are grinding to a halt. At that dismal time, Malaysia is going through a vast political crisis with a new leader, and several states have new governments. In this vein, the present study aims at shedding how Malaysian responses to the COVID-19 pandemic? This study adopted a qualitative approach by using the secondary data collected from the journal, the official website of the government sector, NGOs, authorized bodies, and newspapers. Our finding shows although Malaysia had COVID-19 during the political crisis, a new ruling party is competent to manage the issue accordingly with the Ministry of Health and the National Security Council plays a vital role in the management of the pandemic. The government has taken various kinds of measures to ensure the pandemic to be reduced, and economic recession could be minimizing that benefit Malaysian and non-citizenship notably to vulnerable with the amalgamate by numerous NGOs.