Suchergebnisse

In der Dissertation wurde die Entwicklung der archäologischen Nationalmuseen vom Zeitpunkt der Vereinigung Italiens 1861 bis zu ihrem 50jährigen Bestehen im Jahr 1911 untersucht. Den Forschungsgegenstand bilden hierbei die vier archäologischen Nationalmuseen von Neapel, Turin, Florenz und Rom. Sie spiegeln in komprimierter Form einen konzeptuellen Wandel der Museen des Altertums wider: von einer herrschaftlichen Sammlung bis zu einem hauptsächlich auf Ausgrabungsfunden basierenden Bestand. Für eine vergleichende Untersuchung und Gegenüberstellung der Geschichte und der Präsentationsformen archäologischer Nationalmuseen insbesondere im Zeitraum von 1861 bis 1911 behandelt die Arbeit die drei folgenden Aspekte: (1) die Normierung des Museumswesens, (2) die öffentliche Wahrnehmung und Vermittlung antiker Kunst in Italien sowie (3) die Präsentation und Vermittlung antiker Kunst im Ausstellungsraum. Die Arbeit kommt zu folgenden Ergebnissen: (1) Das antike Erbe des eigenen Landes nimmt vor wie nach der Vereinigung Italiens eine besondere Stellung im Entstehen des nationalen Verwaltungsapparats ein. Auf der Suche nach einer nationalen Identität richtet sich das Interesse des jungen Königreiches primär auf die antiken Kulturgüter. Zu ihrem Schutz und zu ihrer Vermittlung werden besondere Leitungs- und Verwaltungsstrukturen eingerichtet. Archäologische Nationalmuseen als wichtiger Teil dieses nationalen Verwaltungsapparats erhalten einen expliziten Forschungsauftrag. Damit sind sie auch für regionale Ausgrabungen zuständig und dazu verpflichtet, Fundobjekte zu bewahren und zu präsentieren. Ihr konkreter Auftrag lautet: den Mythos Italien nähren. (2) Die Rezeptionsgeschichte der Etrusker im 19. Jh. spielt dabei eine besondere Rolle. So wurden etruskische Stilelemente bereits unter dem Haus Savoyen in die herrschaftliche Repräsentation integriert. Zudem belegen zeitgenössische Zeitungsberichte sowie europäische Reiseliteratur (Baedeker, Murray & Hachette) eine kontinuierliche Wahrnehmung und ein Bewusstsein für die etruskischen Errungenschaften. Vor allem mit der Vereinigung Italiens werden die Etrusker zum Gegenstand der nationalen Kulturpolitik und Geschichtsvermittlung. (3) In Bezug auf die Präsentation antiker Kunst schlägt sich der staatliche Forschungsauftrag der archäologischen Nationalmuseen in der Verlagerung des Schwerpunkts auf die Herkunft der Objekte nieder. Die Provenienz der Exponate wird zum maßgeblichen Kriterium der Bestandsbildung. Fundobjekte oder ganze Sammlungen mit besonderem Lokalbezug werden bevorzugt. Die Herkunft der Objekte bestimmt auch ihre Anordnung im Ausstellungsraum und wird zum Thema der Präsentation. Objekte mit und ohne Provenienz werden in der Präsentation visuell sowie räumlich voneinander getrennt, das topografische Kriterium wird zum Maßstab. Besonders die Fundobjekte werden durch Raumgestaltung oder Rekonstruktionen in Kontext zu ihren Fundsituationen gesetzt. Der Forschungsauftrag wirkt sich direkt auf die museale Inszenierung antiker Kunst aus und führt zugleich zum interregionalen Interessenkonflikt zwischen Florenz und Rom bei der Beanspruchung etruskischen Fundmaterials. Schließlich resultiert die kulturpolitische Entwicklung rückwirkend betrachtet vor allem aus der jeweiligen Reichshauptstadtsituation. Die Betonung auf das Prestige des Etruskers herrscht so lange fort, wie erst Turin und dann Florenz als Regierungssitz fungieren. Mit Rom als Hauptstadt muss das positive Image des Etruskers zunehmend dem des Römers weichen. Statt die in Europa fortwährende Konnotation Roms als ewige Stadt und Sinnbild des römischen Imperiums zu überwinden, wird ihr spätestens zum 50jährigem Bestehen Italiens wieder große Bedeutung beigemessen. Der Römer wird zum Vermittlungsinstrument des Nationalismus und später des Faschismus. ; The dissertation examines the evolution of the National Archaeological Museums from the time of the unification of Italy in 1861 to its 50th anniversary in 1911. The four national archaeological museums of Naples, Turin, Florence and Rome form the subject of this research. They reflect in compressed form a conceptual change in the museums of antiquity: from a manorial collection to a collection based mainly on excavation finds. The work is divided into the following three aspects: (1) the administrative standardisation of museums, (2) the public perception and conveyance of ancient art in Italy, and (3) the presentation and conveyance of ancient art in the exhibition space. The work comes to the following conclusions: (1) In the search for a national identity, the interest of the young kingdom is primarily directed towards its own ancient cultural assets. For their protection and communication, special management and administrative structures are set up. National archaeological museums are given an explicit research mandate. (2) The history of reception of the Etruscans in the 19th century plays a special role, insofar as Etruscan Style elements have already been integrated into the stately representation under the Savoyen house. Additionally, contemporary newspaper reports and European travel literature (Baedeker, Murray and Hachette) demonstrate a continuous perception and awareness of Etruscan achievements. (3) The provenance of the exhibits becomes the decisive criterion for stock formation, determines their arrangement in the exhibition space and becomes the theme of the presentation. Finally, cultural policy development results retrospectively from the situation of the imperial capital. The emphasis on the prestige of the Etruscan continues as long as Turin and then Florence were the seat of government. With Rome as the capital, the positive image of the Etruscan is increasingly replaced by that of the Roman. Instead of overcoming the continual connotation of Rome in Europe as the 'eternal city' and symbol of the Roman empire, it is even stronger pronounced on the occasion of Italy's 50th anniversary. The Roman becomes the instrument of nationalism and later of fascism.

Rising nationalism and populism, the threat of neo-fascism, increasing xenophobia and racism, the growth of violent extremism pose significant challenges to human rights and the democratic values that have been the cornerstone of Western democracies since the end of World War two. These challenges are manifestations of a globalised system characterised by high levels of interconnectedness but also dominated by great poverty, rising inequalities within and between countries, violent conflicts, and transnational challenges such as forced migrations, environmental destruction and climate change. In this context, the last two decades have witnessed a resurgence of interest in a global notion of citizenship. While global citizenship is an ambiguous and contested concept, it is widely used in education to stress the need for a new citizenship education with a global orientation. Global Citizenship Education (GCE) is presented as a new agenda for citizenship education in a global era and has recently been recognised as one of the educational priorities of the 21stcentury. Yet, GCE is a highly complex and ambiguous idea, is infused with a variety of meanings, and is understood and used differently within and across a variety of contexts, including various sites of education. This thesis explores how GCE is conceptualised and practiced in the Province of Trento in northern Italy. It studies the multiple meanings and perspectives that different provincial actors (decision-makers, key informants, teachers) convey through GCE. Based on Constructivist and Informed Grounded Theory, the thesis provides a nuanced understanding of how GCE is conceptualised and translated into policies and practice. In the first phase of data collection, intensive interviews were conducted with 21 teachers from 9 local secondary schools and with 6 provincial representatives and key informants. Theoretical sampling was used in the second phase of data collection to elaborate and refine the provisional interpretative categories. It included thematic analysis of provincial policy documents, participation in a group of experts, interviews with 2 additional key informants, and re-interview of 9 teachers. Combining the conceptual categories constructed from the analysis of the empirical data with the theoretical concepts in the scholarly literature, the thesis presents a typology illustrating four GCE ideal-types: Neo-liberal human capitalism, Cosmopolitan humanism, Social justice activism, and Critical counter-practice. The thesis highlights that GCE in the Province of Trento is broadly consistent with the Cosmopolitan humanism ideal-type, and is characterized by a distinctive moral dimension. On the one hand, GCE is constructed as a 'new moral pedagogy', which reflects adherence and commitment to what is perceived to be as a universal moral structure based on humanistic cosmopolitan values. GCE has a distinctive socialisation function, articulated in terms of the promotion and acquisition by young people of certain values and identities to become 'better' citizens of the global world. But GCE presents also elements of Neo-liberal human capitalism. It is in fact infused with a qualification function aimed at equipping students with the skills they need for life in the global society and work in the global economy. On the other hand, the moral dimension of GCE finds expression in the fact that GCE is not an educational imperative but it is rather a personal 'moral' choice. It is not a provincial educational priority and is not structurally embedded in the curriculum. Hence GCE is just a 'moral optional' in the hands of 'willing and able teachers' who are committed to cosmopolitan values. These teachers are highly motivated, and see GCE as a 'moral duty' for the teachers of the 21stcentury. The thesis suggests that overcoming a constellation of institutional, curricular, organisational and conceptual barriers is essential to facilitate the structural and systematic integration of GCE in the curriculum. The role of teacher education and an alliance between academia and practice are of paramount importance. They are essential to facilitate a more structural grounding of GCE in the curriculum and stimulate reflection on the necessity for political and critical GCE perspectives and approaches. ; open

In this dissertation I examine the roots of one of twentieth-century Latin America's most crucial literary exchanges, namely, that between the Chilean poet Pablo Neruda and his Mexican counterpart Octavio Paz. Specifically, I focus on their initial point of contact in 1937, when the much younger Paz sent his recently published poem Ra�z del hombre to his idol Neruda, then living in Paris where he was organizing the Congress of Antifascist Writers in the context of the Spanish Civil War. While Neruda never elaborated on his appreciation for Ra�z del hombre beyond the cryptic detail in his memoir of having identified in it "un germen verdadero," it is understood that he invited Paz to the Congress based on his positive reading. Therefore, and in light of the gaping hole in the Neruda-Paz scholarship whereby no systematic examination of this first point of contact exists, I offer a speculative "Nerudian reading" of Ra�z del hombre to understand why such an ostensibly apolitical erotic poem appealed to a poet who, at the time, was undergoing a dramatic transformation toward an aesthetic of revolutionary commitment. Arguing for a generous conception of poetic influence based on Harold Bloom's paradigm whereby a successor might exert power over his predecessor, I suggest that Neruda registers the influence of Ra�z del hombre—and betrays a certain anxiety toward that influence—in "Oda de invierno al R�o Mapocho" (1938), his first socially engaged poem in a Latin American setting. In that poem, Neruda returns to the aesthetic of natural eroticism that he had cultivated in Residencia en la tierra in order to locate the potential for revolutionary salvation in the topography of Latin America. At the poem's conclusion, the speaker exhorts Chile's Mapocho River: "que una gota de tu espuma negra / salte del l�gamo a la flor del fuego / y precipite la semilla del hombre!" With the slight change from "ra�z del hombre" to "semilla del hombre," in my opinion, Neruda offers at once a tacit confirmation of his positive reading of Paz's work, and a rhetorical exercise of power to reclaim for himself the residenciario poetics that his successor had made his own in his emergence as a formidable newcomer to the world of Hispanic poetry. In Chapter I, I offer an extended introduction to the dynamics surrounding Neruda and Paz's initial encounter, primarily in the form of an analysis of Paz's importance in the early years of Neruda's transformation from trench warfare poet in the Spanish Civil War to committed Latin Americanist poet par excellence. To strengthen my argument regarding Paz's contributions in Neruda's trajectory, I introduce a reading of Harold Bloom's theory of poetic influence. I also discuss how Paz's emergence as a strong poet in the context of Neruda's ascendant celebrity in the Spanish-speaking world likely induced a certain anxiety in the Chilean. The chapter concludes with a comparative analysis of Paz's �No pasar�n! and Neruda's "Galope muerto."In Chapter II, I offer a Nerudian reading of Ra�z del hombre in order to identify the implicit radicalism of Paz's poem, the raison d'�tre of which critics tend to elevate as an eroticism stripped of political meaning. To do so I read the poem's celebration of love as the root of man in a context of ruins as a metaphor for the revolutionary solidarity required in the struggle against fascism. In Chapter III, I explore the centrality of "Oda de invierno al R�o Mapocho" within both Neruda's late-1930s transformation and his broader poetic trajectory. Arguing that the poem offers a commentary on the debate du jour regarding pure versus committed poetry, I discuss how the poet engages not only with Paz, but also with the voices of Francisco de Quevedo and Rainer Maria Rilke. In this way I demonstrate how Paz's treatment in Ra�z del hombre of those poets' respective and optimistic understandings of death inspired Neruda's hopeful vision for a revolutionary future in Latin America as well as his commitment to an aesthetic of engagement. Following a brief Conclusion, I end my dissertation with an English translation of Ra�z del hombre as it appears in its entirety in Paz's 1999 Obras completas.

The article features the interpretation peculiarities of patriotism during the World War II, and in our time, the main sources of that time and modern patriotism have been compared, attention is drawn to the contribution of border guard warriors to the victory over fascism and defense of the national sovereignty and integrity of Ukraine.Patriotism is understood as a set of moral principles that characterize the relationship of a man to his land, language, history and culture and mobilize him to work and serve in the name of the people, power of the state, its territorial integrity and sovereignty. These attitudes are displayed in a complex of social emotions, attitudes, beliefs, ways of action and behavior that is commonly called a love for the Motherland. The author writes that using the experience and achievements of one's own people is invaluable for the organization and providing patriotic education of the servicemen. People who by the cost of their lives and health in a fierce battle with the enemy fought for the good life for us certainly require our utmost respect. In terms of building in Ukraine of a new democratic society, we, the descendants of the glorious heroic ethnicity of our nation, must know that without the memory of our heroic historical past, honoring ancestors' feats there would not be modern day heroes - patriots, ready to give their lives for the unity of our Ukraine, the integrity of its borders, motivated for the heroic deeds as we understand them today.The heroic deed of officers and soldiers in green berets is the national pride of the Ukrainian people. We know from history about the feats and sacrifice of the border guards during the World War II, and the heroism and courage of the defenders of our Motherland we contemplate every day. The author emphasizes the importance of historical memory, which is the basis of culture, connection between generations and patriotic education of contemporaries.Keywords: patriotism, patriot, patriotic education, border guards, historical memory, heroic deed, courage.доктор педагогічних наук, доцент, Мірошніченко В.І. Розуміння патріотизму у зв'язку поколінь Другої світової війни та сучасних прикордонників /Національна академія Державної прикордонної служби України імені Богдана Хмельницького, Україна, ХмельницькийУ статті висвітлено особливості трактування патріотизму у період другої світової війни, а також у наш час, здійснено порівняння основних джерел тодішнього та сучасного патріотизму, звертається увага на внесок воїнів-прикордонників у справу перемоги над фашизмом та в захист державного суверенітету та цілісності України. Автор наголошує на тому, що в умовах розбудови в Україні нового демократичного суспільства ми, нащадки славного героїчного етносу нашої нації, постійно маємо пам'ятати: без пам'яті нашого героїчного історичного минулого, вшанування подвигу пращурів не було б сьогодні сучасних героїв – патріотів, готових віддати власне життя за єдність нашої України, цілісність її кордонів, вмотивованих до подвигу в його сучасному розумінні. Звертається увага на необхідності історичної пам'яті, яка є основою культури, зв'язку поколінь, патріотичного виховання сучасників .Ключові слова: патріотизм, патріот, патріотичне виховання, прикордонники, історична пам'ять, подвиг.доктор педагогических наук, доцент, Мирошниченко В.И. Понимание патриотизма в связи поколений Второй мировой войны и современных пограничников / Национальная академия Государственной пограничной службы Украины имени Богдана Хмельницкого, Украина, ХмельницкийВ статье освещены особенности трактовки патриотизма в период второй мировой войны, а также в наше время, проведено сравнение основных источников тогдашнего и современного патриотизма, обращается внимание на вклад воинов-пограничников в дело победы над фашизмом и в защиту государственного суверенитета и целостности Украины. Автор отмечает, что в условиях развития в Украине нового демократического общества мы, потомки славного героического этноса нашей нации, постоянно должны помнить: без памяти нашего героического исторического прошлого, память о подвиге предков не было бы сегодня современных героев - патриотов, готовых отдать свою жизнь за единство нашей Украины, целостность ее границ, мотивированных к подвигу в его современном понимании. Обращается внимание на необходимости исторической памяти, которая является основой культуры, связи поколений, патриотического воспитания современников.Ключевые слова: патриотизм, патриот, патриотическое воспитание, пограничники, историческая память, подвиг.

In the article the problem of balance of secularization and modernization. Desecration of religion, according to the author, is the main element of the modernization project, the result of which is the spread of secular rationality of theoretical knowledge in social technologies and social-regulatory system, in particular – to the legal system, constitution, democracy, civil society, human rights, etc., corresponding neoteologie scientism as a strategy to modernize the traditional society through scientific knowledge in the context of desecration of religious ethics and decomposition of the institutional framework in the form of the Catholic church. Along with modernization discourse scientistic interpretation neoteologie formed other uses of implicit clerical discourse for direct or indirect formulation of alternative programs kontrmodernizatsiyi that somehow is connected with the (partial or complete) reproduction sakralizovanosti traditional society in pagan religions. Here it is, in particular, antropolatrychni cult heroes in the ideologies of fascism and communism, which, against the desecration of Christianity can be called kontrmodernizatsiynymy resakralizatsiyamy paganism. These versions religions and ideologies emphasizing certain elements of social modernization in in their scenarios introduced in the social context of the facade features of modern society, which is protected traditional society. The whole range of projects kontrmodernizatsiyi, despite his claims to be a continuation of the ideology of the Enlightenment and bourgeois conformity formal features, compared to secular programs becomes a substitute of neomessianic eschatology genetically going to marginalized social movements in Europe that have evolved in parallel with secularization. ; У статті розглянуто проблему співвідношення секуляризації і модернізації. Десакралізація релігії, на думку авторки, виступає головним елементом проекту модернізації, наслідком якої стає поширення світської раціональності з теоретичного знання на соціальні технології та соціально-нормативні системи, зокрема – на правову систему, конституції, демократію, громадянське суспільство, права людини і т.д., що відповідає неотеології сцієнтизму як стратегії модернізації традиційного суспільства через наукове пізнання в контексті десакралізації релігійної етики та декомпозиції її інституційних засад у вигляді католицької церкви. Поруч з модернізаційним дискурсом сцієнтистської неотеології формуються інші напрямки використання імпліцитного клерикального дискурсу для прямого або опосередкованого формулювання альтернативних програм контрмодернізації, яка так чи інакше пов'язана з (частковим або повним) відтворенням сакралізованості традиційного суспільству в язичницьких релігіях. Тут йдеться, зокрема, про антрополатричні культи героїв в ідеологіях фашизму та комунізму, які, на тлі десакралізації християнства, можна назвати контрмодернізаційними ресакралізаціями язичництва. Ці версії релігій та ідеологій, акцентуючи певні елементи соціальної модернізації, за своїми сценаріями, впроваджують у соціальний контекст фасадові ознаки модерного суспільства, за якими приховується традиційне суспільство. Весь спектр проектів контрмодернізації, всупереч своїм домаганням бути продовженням ідеології просвітництва і відповідності формальним ознакам буржуазності, в порівнянні з секулярними програмами, стає субститутом месіаністської неоесхатології, генетично простуючи до маргінальних соціальних рухів Європи, які розвивалися паралельно із секуляризацією. ; У статті розглянуто проблему співвідношення секуляризації і модернізації. Десакралізація релігії, на думку авторки, виступає головним елементом проекту модернізації, наслідком якої стає поширення світської раціональності з теоретичного знання на соціальні технології та соціально-нормативні системи, зокрема – на правову систему, конституції, демократію, громадянське суспільство, права людини і т.д., що відповідає неотеології сцієнтизму як стратегії модернізації традиційного суспільства через наукове пізнання в контексті десакралізації релігійної етики та декомпозиції її інституційних засад у вигляді католицької церкви. Поруч з модернізаційним дискурсом сцієнтистської неотеології формуються інші напрямки використання імпліцитного клерикального дискурсу для прямого або опосередкованого формулювання альтернативних програм контрмодернізації, яка так чи інакше пов'язана з (частковим або повним) відтворенням сакралізованості традиційного суспільству в язичницьких релігіях. Тут йдеться, зокрема, про антрополатричні культи героїв в ідеологіях фашизму та комунізму, які, на тлі десакралізації християнства, можна назвати контрмодернізаційними ресакралізаціями язичництва. Ці версії релігій та ідеологій, акцентуючи певні елементи соціальної модернізації, за своїми сценаріями, впроваджують у соціальний контекст фасадові ознаки модерного суспільства, за якими приховується традиційне суспільство. Весь спектр проектів контрмодернізації, всупереч своїм домаганням бути продовженням ідеології просвітництва і відповідності формальним ознакам буржуазності, в порівнянні з секулярними програмами, стає субститутом месіаністської неоесхатології, генетично простуючи до маргінальних соціальних рухів Європи, які розвивалися паралельно із секуляризацією.

ÖZET17 Ekim 1966'da kurulan ve 27 Kasım 1971'de toplanan üçüncü kongrede isminin önüne Türkiye ibaresini ekleyerek siyasi varlığını sürdüren Birlik Partisi 12 Eylül 1980 Müdahalesi ertesinde kapatıldı. Katıldığı ilk genel seçim olan 12 Ekim 1969 milletvekili seçiminde aldığı yüzde 2,8'lik oy ve çıkardığı sekiz milletvekili en büyük seçim başarısı olarak kaldı. Bir ölçüde 15 Mart 1970'deki AP hükümetinin güvenoylaması dışta tutulursa, nicel gücü itibariyle genel siyasetin tayin edici bir aktörü olamadı. Bununla birlikte niceliğe indirgenmiş bir yaklaşım Partinin, siyaset tarihimizdeki özgünlüğünü göz ardı etmektir. Özgünlük öteden beri Türkiye tarihinde yaygın tartışmalara konu olmuş Alevilik-Bektaşilik olgusuyla arasında kurulan bağdır ki, partinin nicel gücünü aşan bir ilgiyi gerektirir.Alevi partisi isnadı başından itibaren yetkilileri tarafından reddedilse de partiye dair algının temel bir unsuru olarak varlığını korudu. Geleneği temsil eden kişilerin parti dışına düşmesiyle birlikte yürüyen sol dönüşüm, 1970'li yıllarda partiye damgasını vurdu. Dönüşümün ilk evresinde "Materyalist felsefelerle" "dinsel inançlara aynı ölçüde" değer verdiğini ilan eden parti, 1973 yılındaki "Demokratik-Sol" kabulüyle, çerçevesi belirlenmiş bir Sol "doktrin"de karar kıldı. Bir süre sonra bu kavram da yetersiz görülerek sosyalizm ana eksen haline getirildi. 1961 anayasası çerçevesinde Atatürkçülük, laiklik gibi ülke siyasetinin genel standardını teşkil eden bir vasatla yola çıkan ve faşizm, Nazizm gibi ideolojilerle birlikte Komünizm düşmanlığını da programına yazan parti, 1980'e gelindiğinde artık komünizm düşmanlığını programından çıkarmış, sosyalizmde ısrarlı bir partiydi. Sosyalizm perspektifinden yorumlanan bir Atatürkçülük anlayışı ise, parti söylemindeki varlığını korudu. Kuruluşundan itibaren iç çekişmeler yaşayan parti, Ekim 1969 seçimlerinde beklentisinin çok altında kalan bir Alevi desteğiyle yetinmek zorunda kaldığı gibi, 1970'li yıllarda bunu da koruyamadı. Oylardaki düşüş eğilimini ancak 14 Ekim 1979'daki kısmi senato seçimlerinde terse çevirdiyse de, bunun kalıcı bir eğilim olup olmadığını test etmek 12 Eylül 1980 müdahalesi nedeniyle mümkün olamadı. ABSTRACTUnity Party (BP) was founded in October 17, 1966 and at the third congress ,(November 17, 1971) party got "Turkey" phrase and continue its existence, the party was closed in the aftermath of the political intervention September 12, 1980. Party gained % 2.8 vote and 8 MP's in the first attended general election October 12, 1969 that has remained the biggest election success for the Unity Party. Party could not be a decisive actor in general politics becasue of its quantitive power, if keeps outside the AP Government's vote of confidence March 15,1970. However, a quantitive approach would ignore the party's authenticity in Turkish political history. In Turkey history, Originality has been the subject of widespread debate related to Alevi-Bektashi issue in the party that requires an interest beyond the quantitative power.Although, the authorities denied the claim of being Alevi Party since the beginning and this sense has kept its existence as primary element. When the representatives of the tradition left the party, it became a totally leftist party in 1970's. İn the first phase of the transformation party have declared that, they have the same value towards "Materialist Philosophy" and "Religious Beliefs" and in 1973 party ratified "Democratic-Left" doctrine as a new left framework. After a while, this concept was taken insufficient and Socialism was brought into the main axis.Within the framework of the 1961 constitution, Kemalism, and Secularism are main standards of the politics in Turkey, in related to those standards the party had enmity with ideologies of Nazism, Fascism and Communism and by 1980, hostility to Communism was out of the Party programme and the Party was totally insist on Socialism. Understanding of Kemalism that interpreted from the perspective of Socialism has maintained its presence in the Party discourse.Infighting from the beginning of the Party, in October 1969 election, Party could not met expectations and had to content with small group of Alevi supporters, 1970's Party could not maintain even this support. Although, party reversed the downward trend of votes in the partial senate election October 14, 1979, it was not possible to test whether this is a lasting trend or not due to political intervention of September 12, 1980.

Россия вместе с Европой и Америкой переживает драматические изменения в геополитическом и этнокультурном раскладе сил. Этнокультурные изменения являются наиболее драматическими. Ничего подобного Европа и Россия не переживали со времѐн Великого переселения народов полторы тысячи лет назад. Этнокультурный ландшафт России быстро меняется и в той или иной мере «азиатизируется». Одновременно общее улучшение экономической ситуации в стране за время президентства Путина не сказалось на значительной части русской молодѐжи. В их сознании «азиаты» – а под ними подразумеваются все выходцы из Азии и Кавказа – захватили власть в стране в союзе с евреями и представляющей их интересы православной церковью. Эта увязка православия, Азии и евреев, кажущаяся сюрреалистической для стороннего наблюдателя, является на самом деле отражением уникальных черт путинской России, где режим сочетает поддержку православия с позитивным отношением к евреям и известной терпимостью к мусульманским народам Северного Кавказа. ; Almost a generation has gone by since the end of the Cold War, a time that has brought many changes. It has become steadily clearer that not the affirmation of the centrality of the democratic West – as asserted by Francis Fukuyama in his famous essay – but the opposite has occurred. There has been continuous erosion of the power of the West. First, the economic and geopolitical balance has increasingly shifted to Southeast Asia, where quite a few states have authoritarian, even totalitarian, socioeconomic arrangements. China is, of course, the best-known example. Second, the demographic and cultural tides have changed. In the past, Europe sent waves of émigrés all over the world. Now the West has become the destination of millions from nonEuropean countries. The pattern of cultural adaptation has also undergone dramatic changes. A considerable number of non-Europeans have no desire to assimilate, or at least they wish to preserve their heritage. All these processes – especially as they relate to the fact that the West is losing its economic competitiveness – cause a response that often leads to racism and neo-fascism. Those who study European neo-fascists almost instinctively compare them with pre-Second World War fascists and Nazis. This temptation is reinforced by the fact that these neo-fascists often use Nazi symbols and trappings. However, a close look at these European neo-fascists/neo-Nazis and their prewar counterparts indicates that their similarities are usually deceptive and they actually belong to quite different species. Present-day neo-fascists/neo-Nazis are not imperialists, as were the German Nazis who dreamed about a worldwide empire. Current European right-wingers are parochial isolationists. They want not an empire but the cleansing of their state from newcomers, especially those of non-European origin. Many are even suspicious of European unity they see the European Union as the key that opens the gates of their countries, not just to Asians/Africans but to East Europeans, seen as almost an alien race. Second, their view of Jews is different from that of the Nazis. They may be anti-Semitic, but their dislike of Jews is hardly the central element of their worldview. Moreover, they are similar to many of the general public who differentiate between ‗their' native Jews – against whom they have no grudges – and newcomers from, say, Eastern Europe, whom they consider parasitic aliens. Furthermore, they have problems with the church. Some may be neo-pagans in this they are also quite different from the Nazis, who had a tense relationship with the church but did not openly oppose it. Russian rightists in many ways follow the model of the European far right. This is due not only to direct ideological borrowing but also to similar conditions. Russia"s heartland, for example, is also a major destination for non-European migrants. Still, the Russian far right"s views unquestionably have elements arising from the country"s specific conditions. As a result, they have developed several peculiar ideological characteristics. They are often pagan and quite hostile to the Orthodox Church. They also see Jews as part of an unholy cabal of Asiatics set on Russia"s destruction.

Book reviewed in this article:MATTERS FOR JUDGMENT: An Autobiography. By John Kerr. (Melbourne: Macmillan of Australia, 1978). Pp. xii + 468. $14.95. THE TRUTH OF THE MATTER. By Gough WhitlamPUBLIC SERVICE INQUIRIES IN AUSTRALIA. Edited by R.F.I. Smith and Patrick Weller.POLITICS AND POLICY IN AUSTRALIA. By Geoffrey Hawker, R.F.I. Smith, and Patrick Weller.COLLECTIVE BARGAINING AND COMPULSORY ARBITRATION IN AUSTRALIA. By John Niland.UNIONS AND UNIONISTS IN AUSTRALIA. By D.W. Rawson.FEDERAL JURISDICTION IN AUSTRALIA. Second Edition. By Zelman Cowen and Leslie Zines.LAWYERS AND THEIR WORK IN NEW SOUTH WALES: Preliminary Report. By Roman Tomasic and Cedric Bullard.WAR ECONOMY 1942–1945. By S.J. Butlin and C.B. Schedvin.POLITICAL PARTIES IN AUSTRALIA. By Graeme Starr, Keith Richmond and Graham Maddox.THE PHILOSOPHY OF THE AUSTRALIAN LIBERAL PARTY, By D.M. WhiteSURVEYS OF AUSTRALIAN ECONOMICS. Edited by F.H. Gruen.THE ECONOMICS OF THE AUSTRALIAN SERVICE SECTOR. Edited by K.A. Tucker.SOClETY AND ELECTORAL BEHAVIOUR IN AUSTRALIA: A Study of Three Decades. By D.A. Kemp.SOCIAL STRATIFICATION IN AUSTRALIA. By R.A. Wild.AUSTRALIA IN PEACE AND WAR: External Relations 1788–1977. By T.B. Millar.INTERGOVERNMENTAL FISCAL TRANSFERS: Canadian and Australian Experiences. By R.M. Burns.CITIES UNLIMITED: The Sociology of Urban Development in Australia and New Zealand. By Leslie Kilmartin and David C. Thorns.THE CONSTITUTION OF PAPUA NEW GUINEA: A Study in Legal Nationalism. By John Goldring.SULU AND SABAH: A study of British policy towards the Philippines and North Borneo from the late eighteenth century. By Nicholas Tarling.ISLAM AND POLITICS IN A MALAY STATE: Kelantan 1838–1969. By Clive S. Kessler.THE CORRESPONDENCE OF G.E. MORRISON. Volume II, 1912–1920. Edited by Lo Hui‐min.CHINESE SOCIETY IN NINETEENTH CENTURY SINGAPORE. By Lee Poh Ping.THE POLITICS OF MEDICINE IN CHINA: The Policy Process, 1949–1977. By David M. Lampton.ALLIES OF A KIND: The United States, Britain, and the War Against Japan, 1941–1945. By Christopher ThorneCLASSICAL POLITICAL ECONOMY AND BRITISH POLICY IN INDIA. By S. Ambirajan.AFRICA IN MODERN HISTORY: The Search for a New Society. By Basil Davidson.WEST AFRICAN STATES: Failure and Promise. A Study in Comparative Politics. Edited by John Dunn.GAITAN OF COLOMBIA: A Political Biography. By Richard E. Sharpless.IMPERIALISM AT BAY 1941–1945: The United States and the Decolonization of the British Empire. By Wm. Roger LouisDECOLONIZATION: The British, French, Dutch and Belgian Empires 1919–1963. By Henri Grimal.THE LIBERAL MIND 1914–1929. By Michael Bentley.WHO'S WHO OF BRITISH MEMBERS OF PARLIAMENT. Volume II, 1886–1918: A Biographical Dictionary of the House of Commons. By Michael Stenton and Stephen Lees.DISTRUST AND DEMOCRACY: Political Distrust in Britain and America. By Vivien Hart.SOCIAL DEMOCRATIC PARTIES IN WESTERN EUROPE. Edited by William E. Paterson and Alastair H. Thomas.LA DROITE REVOLUTIONNAIRE 1885–1914: Les Origines Françaises du Fascisme. By Zeev Sternhell.THE POLlTlCAL ECONOMY OF GERMANY 1815–1914. By Martin Kitchen.THE SOCIAL DEMOCRATIC IMAGE OF SOCIETY: A Study of the Achievements and Origins of Scandinavian Social Democracy in Comparative Perspective. By Francis G. Castles.THE WORKING CLASS IN WELFARE CAPITALISM: Work, Unions and Politics in Sweden. By Walter Korpi.SOZIALISTISCHE AGRARPOLITIK IN OSTEUROPA. By Karl‐Eugen Wadekin. Vol. I, Von Marx bis zur Vollkollektivierung.PHILIP OF MACEDON. By George Cawkwell.PARTIES AND PARTY SYSTEMS: A Framework for Analysis. Volume I. By Giovanni Sartori.WHAT IS GOVERNING? PURPOSE AND POLICY IN WASHINGTON. By Richard Rose.PLANNING, POLITICS, AND THE PUBLIC INTEREST. Edited by Walter Goldstein.LAW AND SOCIETY: The Crisis in Legal Ideals. Edited by Eugene Kamenka, Robert Brown and Alice Erh‐Soon Tay.THE HISTORY OF POLITICAL THOUGHT: A Short Introduction. By R.N. Berki.PROGRESSIVENESS AND CONSERVATISM: The Fundamental Dimensions of Ideological Controversy and their Relationship to Social Class. By C.P. Middendorp.MARXISM AND THE QUESTION OF THE ASIATIC MODE OF PRODUCTION. By Marian Sawer.ELECTION 78: The 1977 Electoral Redistribution and the 1978 General Election in New Zealand. By Alan McRobie and Nigel S. Roberts.THE SERPENT AND THE NIGHTINGALE. By Cecil Parrott.WHITE MAN, WE WANT TO TALK TO YOU. By Denis HerbsteinALLGEMEINE STAATSLEHRE. 6th edition, revised. By Reinhold Zippelius.

Review in this Article Calendar of Inquisitions Post Mortem and other Analogous Documents preserved in the Public Record Office. Vol. XV, 1–7: Richard II.R. A. Buchanan. Industrial Archaeology in Britain.Ralph Davis. English Overseas Trade 1500–1700.Robert Latham and William Matthews(Eds.). The Diary of Samuel Pepys. A new and complete transcriptionA. F. J. Brown. Essex People, 1750–1900, from their diaries, memoirs and letters.S. D. Chapman. The Cotton Industry in the Industrial Revolution.Robin M. Reeve. The Industrial Revolution 1750–1850.David J. V. Jones. Before Rebecca. Popular Protests in Wales 1793–1835.Dorothy Marshall. Industrial England 1776–1851.Robert Owen. A New View of Society, or Essays on The Formation of the Human Character Preparatory to the Development of a Plan for gradually ameliorating the Condition of Mankind.Janet Roebuck. The Making of Modern English Society from 1850.E. P. Hennock. Fit and Proper Persons: Ideal and Reality in Nineteenth Century Urban Government.Michael Sanderson. The Universities and British Industry, 1850–1970.H. V. Emy. Liberals, Radicals and Social Politics 1892–1914.A. R. Bridbury. Historians and the Open Society.Roderick Floud. An Introduction to Quantitative Methods for Historians.David Ricardo. The Principles of Political Economy and Taxation.Horst Claus Recktenwald (Ed.). Political Economy. A Historical Perspective.D. E. C. Eversley (Ed.). Third International Conference of Economic History, Munich, 1965.H.J. Habakkuk. Population Growth and Economic Development.Peter Laslett (Ed.) with the assistance of Richard Wall. Household and Family in Past Time.Norman J. G. Pounds. An Historical Geography of Europe 450 B.C.‐A.D.1330.Pauline Croft (Ed.). The Spanish Company.Phyllis M. Martin. The External Trade of the Loango Coast 1576–1870.A. J. H. Latham. Old Calabar 1600–1891. The Impact of the International Economy upon a Traditional Society.M. E. Falkus. The Industrialization of Russia, 1700–1914.Francis E. Hyde. Far Eastern Trade 1860–1914.E. A. Boehm. Prosperity and Depression in Australia 1887–1897.C. Forster (Ed.). Australian Economic Development in the Twentieth Century.E. A. Boehm. Twentieth Century Economic Development in Australia.Patrick Fridenson: Histoires des Usines Renault. I. Naissance de la Grande Entreprise: 1898–1939.Charles P. Kindelberger. The World in Depression 1929–1939.Melchior Palyi. The Twilight of Gold 1914–1935: Myths and Realities.C. F. Delzell (Ed.). Mediterranean Fascism 1919–1945.E. Wiskemann. Italy since 1945.J. S. Bromley and E. H. Kossmann (Eds.). Britain and the Netherlands.G. Kurgan‐Ph. Moureaux (Ed.). La quantification en histoire.I.J. Roorda. Hetrampjaar 1672.H. Van der Wee. Historische aspecten van de economische groei. Tien studies over de economische ontwikkeling van West‐Europa en van de Nederlanden in het bijzonder (12e–19e eeuw).H. De Vries. Landbouw en bevolking tijdens de agrarische depressie in Friesland (1878–1895).J. A. Faber. Drie eeuwen Friesland. Economische en sociale ontwikkelingen van 1500 tot 1800.Van Beylen. Schepen van de Nederlanden. Van de late Middeleeuwen tot het einde van de 17e eeuw.G. Kurgan‐Van Hentenryk. Leopold II et les groupes financiers beiges en Chine. La politique royale et pesprolongements (1895–1914). Société Générale de Belgique, 1822–1972. R. De Herdt. Bijdrage tot de geschiedenis van de veeteelt in Vlaanderen, inzonderheid tot de geschiedenis van de rundveepest, 1769–1785.E.J. Baels. De Generate Keizerlijke en Koninklijke Indische Compagnie gevestigd in de Oosten‐rijkse Nederlanden, genaamd "de Oostendse Compagnie".C. Van Bostraeten. De nederzetting Sloten en de Merowingische begraafplaats te Gent—Port Arthur. Economisch‐ en sociaal‐historisch jaarboek. R. Noel. Les deépôts de pollens fossiles.A. P. Timmermans. Les banques en Belgique, 1946–1968. Contributions à l'histoire économique et sociale. Tome VI: 1970–1971. O. Mus. Inventaris van het archief van de Commissie van Openbare Onderstand, leper: Oud Regime zonder de oorkonden.P. Lebrun, J. Gadisseur, J. Pirard, D. Degreve, C. Desama (Ed.). L'industrialisation en Belgique au XIXe siècle. Première approche et premiers résultats.F. B. M. Tangelder. Nederlandse rekeningen in de pondtolregisters van Elbing, 1585–1602. Finances Publiques d'Ancien Régime—Finances publiques contemporaines: processus de mutation, continuites et ruptures. Collogue International: Spa, 16–19‐IX‐1971. Pro Civitate.C. Verlindenet al. Dokumenten Voor de Geschiedenis van Prijzen en Lonen in Vlaanderen en Brabant (XVIe‐XIXe E.)

Aún en nuestros días la estetización de la política es entendida como el conjunto de recursos estéticos que, entre otras acciones instituidas por un movimiento autoritario, buscan asimilar a la patria y fundar una totalidad política: invención de fechas conmemorativas sui generis, reificación de imágenes del líder, movilización de emociones colectivas. En Argentina, la estetización sirvió históricamente de fundamento para homologar primer peronismo (1946-1955) con fascismo. Por este, entre otros motivos históricos, hacia los primeros años de este siglo el Partido Justicialista (PJ) había abandonado el recurso a rituales políticos y de culto a sus propias imágenes. Fue Cristina Fernández de Kirchner (CFK) (2007-2015) quien recuperó ciertos recursos estéticos del peronismo inscribiendo su gobierno dentro de la tradición justicialista. No obstante CFK no optó por la estrategia cincuentista de reificación de imágenes propias sino mediante una mediación: fomentó el culto a la figura de Eva Duarte de Perón. CFK se identificó entonces con un aspecto particular de la personalidad de Evita: el enojo. Por esta vía interpretativa, la presunta soberbia, de la que CFK fue acusada por los medios de comunicación opositores y la clase política adversaria en el período (2011-2015), cobra nuevo sentido: se relacionaría con un exceso (una hybris) que vuelve a aquel enojo una transgresión femenina. En los siguientes apartados nos abocaremos, primero, a determinar de qué se trata la existencia actual de las apariencias (políticas), despejando de esa conceptualización una perspectiva moralizante. En segundo lugar, buscaremos analizar de qué se trata la movilización de imágenes y afectos por parte de los primeros peronismos, procurando destacar el rol esencial que juega allí la figura de Evita. En este marco, en tercer lugar, buscaremos analizar la introducción de la figura de Evita en la primera presidencia de CFK. ¿En qué sentido es central para el gobierno de CFK el agenciamiento de los afectos enojo y soberbia? ¿En qué sentido ellos están en vinculación con los estereotipos contemporáneos de lo feminino y en qué sentido vienen a quebrarlos? ; Even today, the aestheticization of politics is understood as the set of aesthetic resources that, among other actions instituted by an authoritarian movement, seek to assimilate the homeland and found a political totality: invention of sui generis commemorative dates, reification of the leader's images, mobilization of collective emotions. In Argentina, aestheticization historically served as the basis for equalizing first Peronism (1946-1955) with fascism. For this, among other historical reasons, towards the first years of this century, the Justicialista Party (PJ) had abandoned the resource to political rituals and the cult of its own images. It was Cristina Fernandez de Kirchner (CFK) (2007-2015) who recovered certain aesthetic resources from justicialismo; this way she engraved her government within the Peronist tradition. However, CFK did not opt for the fifties strategy of reification of its own images but through a mediation: she fomented the cult of Eva Duarte de Perón's figure. CFK then identified with a particular aspect of Evita's personality: anger. Through this interpretation, the presumed arrogance, of which CFK was accused by the opposition media and the adversary political class in the period 2011-2015, takes on new meaning: it would be related to an excess (a hybris) that turns that anger into transgression. In the following sections we will first try to determine what the current existence of appearances (political) is about, removing a moralizing perspective from that conceptualization. Secondly, we will try to analyse what the Peronist mobilization of images and affections is, trying to emphasize the essential role played there by the figure of Evita. In this context, in the third place, we will try to analyse the introduction of the figure of Evita in the first presidency of CFK. In what sense are the affections of anger and arrogance central to the CFK government? In what sense are they in connection with the contemporary stereotypes of the feminine and in what sense do they come to break them? ; Fil: Losiggio, Daniela. Consejo Nacional de Investigaciones Científicas y Técnicas; Argentina. Universidad de Buenos Aires; Argentina. Universidad Nacional Arturo Jauretche; Argentina

Der Band bietet ein Kompendium zur deutschen Wirtschaft unter dem Nationalsozialismus unter Einschluss der Kriegsperiode und der Besatzungswirtschaft. Wirtschaftsgeschichte wird in einem umfassenden Sinne verstanden, d. h. es werden auch Themenfelder wie Sozial-, Arbeitsmarkt- und Umweltpolitik oder Wissenschafts- und Konsumgeschichte einbezogen. Ausführliche Kapitel widmen sich dem Kern der bisherigen Forschung: Rüstung, Industriebranchen, Landwirtschaft, Außenwirtschaft und Wirtschaftslenkung. Daneben werden Bereiche wie Tourismus, Medien oder Luxusgüter behandelt. In vielen Kapiteln findet das Thema der Vernichtung wirtschaftlicher Existenzen einen Platz. Forschungserkenntnisse der vergangenen Jahre, insbesondere auch aus den umfangreichen Forschungsprojekten zur Geschichte deutscher Institutionen und Ministerien im Nationalsozialismus, werden in einen größeren Rahmen eingebettet. Eine solch facettenreiche Behandlung der NS-Wirtschaftsgeschichte in einem Werk ist eine Neuheit auf dem Büchermarkt. Der Band richtet sich an alle Interessierten, die Informationen über die Wirkungen der nationalsozialistischen Ideologie auf wirtschaftliche Prozesse suchen. Der Band ist sowohl in der schulischen als auch der universitären Lehre einzusetzen, kann aber auch als Einstieg für weiterreichende oder detailliertere Forschungen dienen

"This article investigates the complicated and intertwined history between the scientific discipline of demography, the depopulation debate and the pronatalist lobby, and French republican policies from the late nineteenth century till the eve of the Second World War. The authoress suggests that central to this history is the concept and codification of fertility." (author's abstract)

'Dokica Jovanovic schildert in seinem Essay die Zerrissenheit seines Landes zwischen Modernisierung und Traditionalismus, Westen und Osten sowie die durchaus populäre Ablehnung, sich auf den dringend notwendigen Transitionsprozess einzulassen. Nach dem Zusammenbruch des sowjetischen Sozialismus entstand auch bei den Satellitenstaaten ein ideologisches Vakuum, das mit traditionalistischen Beständen aus der eigenen Geschichte aufgefüllt wurde. Liberale Prinzipien blieben diesem Denken fremd. Zu den Folgen der antiliberalen, traditionalistischen Haltung gehören in Ost- und Südosteuropa heute die Wiederaufnahme der Ausgrenzung von Minderheiten wie Roma und Juden. 'In höherem Maße als in Westeuropa suchen extrem rechte politische Gruppen aggressiv nach einem Platz und versuchen, ihn einzunehmen: protofaschistische, klerikal-nationalistische und (...) pro-bolschewistische und rechtsorientierte Assoziationen zusammen'. Nicht individuelle, sondern kollektive Selbstidentifizierung bestimmte in der Neuzeit das gesellschaftliche Handeln. Anders als die zivilen Kulturen des Westens war die balkanische Kultur eine patriarchalisch-orientalische. Dieser fehlte der Fortschrittsgedanke ebenso wie die urbane, Freiheitsimpulse setzende Lebensweise. So fehlte das kulturelle und ökonomische Potential zur Ausbildung einer nicht nur auf ethnischen Kriterien beruhenden politischen Gemeinschaft. Das allein einigende Band blieb der serbische Ethno-Nationalismus mit seiner Abgrenzung gegenüber der als bedrohlich empfundenen Außenwelt einerseits und dem Verlangen nach Integration aller von Serben bewohnten Territorien andererseits. Daraus erwächst die ständige Forderung nach einer vergangenheitsfixierten 'Rückkehr zu den Wurzeln', nach 'Tradition'. In dem pseudotraditionalistischen, depersonalisierten Kollektiv, so der Verfasser, gebe es keine Solidarität und ein hohes Maß an Unempfindlichkeit gegenüber dem Leid anderer. Die Nationalismen im ehemaligen Jugoslawien schaukelten sich gegenseitig auf, führten zum Abbruch der bis dahin bestehenden Beziehungen, zu Isolation und Selbstisolation. Vor diesem Hintergrund entfernte sich das von Slobodan Milosevic geführte Serbien, das die Verteidigung des angeblich 'bedrohten Serbentums' zu seiner obersten Maxime erklärt hatte, immer weiter von dem sich vereinigenden, zivilen Europa. Serbische Intellektuelle, die der so genannten 'nationalen Intelligenz' angehörten, hatten schon seit langem das Identitätsbild Serbiens, auf das sich Milosevic stützen konnte, konstruiert. Dazu gehört auch der Führungsanspruch Serbiens über alle Balkanslawen. Während in den Ländern Ostmitteleuropas Künstler, Schriftsteller und Wissenschaftler oft den Kern der Opposition bildeten, unterstützten der Schriftstellerverband Serbiens und die Serbische Akademie für Wissenschaft und Kunst in hoch emotionalisierten, romantisierenden Manifesten faktisch die Politik Milosevics. Das größte Problem der Gegenwart sieht der Verfasser darin, dass es keine Anzeichen einer 'Dechauvinisierung' Serbiens, keine Bereitschaft zur Anerkennung der Verbrechen gebe, sondern nur Schweigen. Jovanovic plädiert für einen dem Entnazifizierungsprozess nachempfundenen Dechauvinisierungsprozess, der die Verantwortlichkeiten offen legt.' (Textauszug)