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The paper scrutinized the correlation between financial development interaction with institutional quality and economic growth in Africa. The study adopted 30 different interactions. The study used the Augmented mean group estimation technique to estimate the model. Gross domestic savings/GDP and broad money/GDP positively influenced growth with the majority of interactions with institutional quality indicators. Credit to Private Sector/GDP interaction with Voice & Accountability; and Political Stability has a higher impact on growth than any interaction variable. However, government effectiveness, regulatory quality, and corruption control are weak in Africa; even if interacted with financial development indicators, it mostly reduces economic growth. This study recommends that governments in Africa strengthen financial development indicators; Bank Deposit/GDP, Gross Domestic Savings/GDP and Credit to private sector/GDP, and institutional quality indicator political stability & absence of violence since their interaction has proven to aid rapid economic growth.JEL Classification: E17, F62, F63How to Cite:Nketia, E. B., & Kong, Y. (2021). Decipheting African Financial Development Interaction with Institutional Quality and Economic Growth Nexus. Etikonomi: Jurnal Ekonomi, 20(1), 23 – 44. https://doi.org/10.15408/etk.v20i1.16177.

The existence of the Law on Eradicating Corruption (PPTK Law) became a hope for the Indonesian nation in eradicating corruption, but eradicating corruption cases continues to be difficult. Corruption is a disease that has infected the Indonesian people for a long time. Corruption has infiltrated all levels of government, including state-owned enterprises. This study investigates the risks of corruption to the Republic of Indonesia and the Corruption Eradication Commission's (KPK) strategy for reducing corruption in Indonesia. This study employs qualitative methods in conjunction with a literature and law approach. This study's data came from legislation, court decisions, legal theory, books, and legal journals. According to the findings of this study, the dangers of corruption in Indonesia resulted in four things: inefficiency, uneven distribution, stimulants (incentives) in an unproductive direction, and political alienation, community cynicism, and political instability. Strategies to reduce corruption through preventive efforts, such as law enforcement officials supervising various sectors, particularly the public sector, and establishing the National Action Plan to Eradicate Corruption (RAN-PK). Through education and religion, the prevention of criminal acts of corruption from the standpoint of Islamic law.

This article critically reviews the New Great Game image of the Caspian Sea region and the assumptions, concepts, and mechanisms (revolving around actors, aims, and motivations) this image is based on. More specifically, this review essay answers the following questions: How does the academic literature interpret the impact of competition between great powers on social, political and economic developments in the Caspian Sea region? Which actors are presented as the dominant players? The essay also introduces the existing criticism of the New Great Game concept and alternatives to it that have already been put forward. By identifying the gaps and limits of existing scholarship, this article offers new avenues for alternative theoretical and empirical interpretations. More specifically, this article argues that the New Great Game literature promotes unsystematic and shallow discussion as it ignores and misunderstands historical, material, political, economic, and normative differences in the Caspian Sea region. Within this discussion, actors, interests, identities, social contexts, and principles are taken to be fixed, i.e. not prone to change or to any sort of adjustment

This study examines whether disconnective practices on social media such as unfriending could constitute a form of selective avoidance and investigates its boundary conditions. To do so, we study whether, to what extent, and under which conditions exposure to disagreement on social media predicts politically motivated unfriending. Specifically, we examine how the relationship varies in different relational contexts and whether it is conditioned by opinion minority status. Using survey data collected shortly before the 2017 Chief Executive Election in Hong Kong, we find cross-cutting exposure to be a significant predictor of politically motivated unfriending. This suggests that the disconnective practices represent a form of selective avoidance, but only among a relatively small number of social media users. We also show that only disagreements arising from political discussion with distant others predict unfriending. Furthermore, opinion minorities are more inclined to cut ties in the face of political disagreement than the majorities. Based on these findings, we discuss the weakness of weak ties on social media and characterize selective avoidance as a means to build digital "safe spaces".

The political and economic crises faced today, evidenced by the manifestos of political parties and the texts published in social networks and in the press, point to Brazilian society the possibility of different directions, including that of an autocratic regime, with the return of the military to the public sphere. This article discusses the movements of acceptance and resistance to the military regime that was implemented in Brazil with the coup of 1964. It is observed that the military uprising received at that time the support of a large part of the Brazilian population, which sought ways to maintain its socioeconomic status to the detriment of a majority that perceived itself vulnerable in view of the forms of maintenance and expansion of power used by the regime. In this context, Tropicalism emerges as an example of a contesting movement. This text approaches the song "Culture and civilization" by Gilberto Gil, performed by Gal Costa, relating the ideas present in this composition with the understandings of politics and culture, in a multidisciplinary proposal, seeking to understand the resistance and counter-resistance movements that emerged in Brazil at the time.

How can we break away from a fixation on top-down power dynamics and track the impact of social movement in societies that do not easily fit with Western neoliberal theorisations? Building on Foucault's insights on governance, this paper proposes an analytical lens of the 'biopolitics of existence' to address this problem. The term existence refers not simply to the 'corporeal' needs of survival (be it of an individual or an organisation) but also to the freedom to (self-)develop and the ability to interact with others. By examining how the Good Food Movement has transformed the bios of ordinary people into agency and reshaped the governing ethos in China's food system, this paper demonstrates that to assess the gravity of social change is to first comprehend how actors calculated their action in a particular socio-political ecology. To speak of the politics of existence is to recognise that existence is simultaneously something to be defended and to be established. A 'biopolitics of existence' lens is instrumental in making visible social actors' logic in (re)forming socio-political norms while keeping in sight the entanglement of different stakeholders.

Despite the growing literature on the securitisation of North Korea, securitisation in the authoritarian state has been understudied thus far. Through analysing North Korean primary sources, this article presents the complexity of North Korean securitisation by examining how the United States is securitised in the North Korean newspaper Rodong Sinmun and by North Korea's Ministry of Foreign Affairs, looking at data from between 2017 and 2020. By expanding a framework that is centred in the illocutionary logic of securitising speech acts and by incorporating socio-political authority into its analysis, this article shows that securitisation in North Korea goes beyond the sole purpose of leader-legitimation. Instead, North Korea strategically (de)securitises by having certain governmental speakers utilise only specific strands of securitisation in such a way that potential contradictory changes in securitisation content do not substantially harm the credibility of the North Korean leadership. As a result, if there is a political, economic or other gain to be had, the North Korean government can change its depiction of the US with a negligible legitimacy loss and can comparatively easily resecuritise the US again when external conditions change.

Throughout Irish history - and especially in the years immediately following the Act of Union and the later 'Troubles' at the end of the twentieth century - writers have turned to the narrative of lovers from 'across the divide', in multiple permutations, to explore the complexities of the Anglo-Irish relationship. This article will focus on The Flower Master and Other Poems (1993), an early collection from the contemporary Belfast poet Medbh McGuckain. In explicating how a select number of these poems engaged with sexual intimacy, conflict, the afterlives of Seamus Heaney and the colonial romance trope, this article will elucidate how McGuckian's work is charged with a particular erotic energy. In The Flower Master , sexuality develops in the shadow of a complex history and contemporary political contexts, creating a poetics that writes the province's Troubled past as intimately interwoven with the pairing of sex, desire, and violent conflict. Ultimately, this article argues that McGuckian plays with the representational possibilities offered to her through the rhetoric of the colonial romance trope, suggesting that sexual desire itself is conditioned by the political conditions that shaped the province's difficult history.

Democratic reelection implies the exercise of political rights by citizens to be "elected", with the difference that the candidate for reelection holds a position of power. The foregoing, although it is not a legally reprehensible situation, it is a favorable scenario for the appearance of corrupt behaviors that lead to human rights violations. This article delves into political rights, corruption and State responsibility in democratic reelection, which, as stated, is a human right that, when enjoyed, may violate other rights. ; La reelección democrática implica el ejercicio de los derechos políticos de parte de los ciudadanos a ser "elegidos", con la diferencia de que el aspirante a ser reelegido ostenta una posición de poder. Lo anterior, si bien no es una situación jurídicamente reprochable, si es un escenario propicio para la aparición de comportamientos corruptos que desembocan en vulneraciones a los derechos humanos. En este articulo se profundiza sobre los derechos políticos, la corrupción y la responsabilidad Estatal en la reelección democrática, la cual, como se expone es un derecho humano que en su goce puede vulnerar otros derechos.

The article is the first part of studies showing Afghanistan's path towards adopting international instruments to protect human rights. Based on acts of national law, Sharia law, and historical sources, the text analyses the conditions that, from the time of regaining independence to the fall of the Kingdom of Afghanistan, led the State to accept or reject international human rights agreements. The structure of the article corresponds to the research objectives, which are: to show the codification of human rights in the internal legal order right after regaining independence, the role that Sharia and Pashtunwali played in the adoption of international human rights acts, the attitude of Afghanistan to these instruments in the context of the internal political situation of the State. Special attention was paid to the understanding of human rights in Nizam Nama-e-Dowlat Alliyeh Afghanistan, Osol-e-Assasi Dowlat-e-Allia-e- Afghanistan, Assasi Qanun, Pashtunwali, the conflict of Sharia law with international law concerning the equality of women, freedom from torture and inhuman, degrading treatment, right to life and religious freedom, analysis of changes in the political arena of the State.

This essay argues that an absolute prohibition to participation in political activities applies to all officials of the Costa Rican Ombudsman´s Office, contrary to the majority thesis of the Supreme Electoral Court that advocates the existence of an intermediate regime for them. Moreover, this paper presents other considerations on the use of social media for all public officials with an absolute prohibition of political participation. This analysis restates the position of the dissenting vote of electoral magistrate Luis Diego Brenes Villalobos to the TSE Resolution N.° 8080-E8-2017. ; Se defiende la tesis de que a todos los funcionarios de la Defensoría de los Habitantes de la República les aplica una prohibición absoluta de participación política, contrario a la tesis de mayoría del Tribunal Supremo de Elecciones que sostiene la existencia de un régimen intermedio para estos. Asimismo, se expresan consideraciones sobre el uso de redes sociales para todo funcionario público con prohibición absoluta de participación política. El análisis reitera la tesis del voto salvado del magistrado electoral Luis Diego Brenes Villalobos a la resolución del TSE n.° 8080-E8-2017.

This paper examines the concept of Shura and democracy in a normative manner and then in depth the interesting things in a comparative study. This study stems from a prolonged discussion among Muslim intellectual circles about the full picture of Islamic politics. In general, contemporary Muslim scholars and intellectuals make the concept of shura or deliberation as a principle in the study of Islamic politics. This could be the actualization of Islamic teachings by arguing that the democratic system is substantially in line with Islam and has become a major theme in the development of a civilized political system. The substantial values of democracy that are in line with Islam can be observed from the thinking of political experts. Whereas Islam as a universal religion includes the principles that support the establishment of democracy, namely the principles of justice, equality, equal rights and obligations before the law, pluralism, equalitiy, liberty and the principle of deliberation. However, implementatively these substantial values do not escape the tiring problems and discourse, which cannot be separated from the existence of Islam with comprehensive teachings in all aspects, in contrast to Western values based on secularism and freedom.

This article offers a critical analysis of the British monarchy within wider political economies of wealth and power. While sociology has renewed its interest in 'the elites', the British monarchy is often positioned as an archaic institution, an anachronism in relation to corporate forms of wealth and power, and therefore irrelevant. This article counters this framing by revealing the mechanics, technologies and actors 'behind the scenes', in order to expose and demystify the relationship between the symbolic and political-economic functions of the monarchy. To do this, I (re)conceptualise the monarchy as a corporation, 'The Firm', oriented towards, and historically entrenched in, processes of capital accumulation, profit extraction and other forms of exploitation. The article maps out The Firm's labour relations, financial arrangements, inter/national relationships and networks, and the legal status of The Crown and its components in order to demonstrate how 'old' and 'new' forms of wealth intersect and converge in contemporary Britain. This article is intended as a provocation to sociological studies of elites to suggest that, in overlooking monarchy, we are overlooking a key component of contemporary capitalism, and a key component in the reproduction of inequalities today.

NEW REVISED SECOND EDITION. The Congressional apportionment problem is deceptively easy to state: How many seats in the U. S. House of Representatives does each state get? To answer that question, Charles Biles, award-winning Professor Emeritus of Mathematics at Humboldt State University, examines the math and politics that has shaped government and power from the founding of the country to the modern day. Employing an interdisciplinary approach that stems from his research in mathematical modeling and the modeling of natural resource systems, Biles tells a flowing evolutionary tale of how slight changes in calculating apportionment has wrought massive shifts in political power and even decided presidents. Bile's work adds another chapter to the rich story of American history and the people, politics, and debates that continuously shape the political system we have today. This second edition includes a detailed account of the reapportionment based on the 2020 census, the impact of extreme partisanship, and an account of the precarious road ahead for the electoral college. This is an essential read for anyone who wants to understand the past and future of our representative democracy. ; https://digitalcommons.humboldt.edu/monographs/1004/thumbnail.jpg

In this paper I draw on qualitative material from the first complete data set of the 'Measure of the quality of life in detention' (MQLD) survey in the UK to explore common causes of distress in immigration removal centres and to reflect on their implication for understanding and challenging these sites. While similarities between immigration detention centres and prisons make it tempting to place the testimonies from people in detention within the framework of the 'pains of imprisonment', I propose an alternative reading of these first-hand accounts. Rather than approaching them as sociological statements of suffering, caused by the loss of liberty, I interpret them as political statements which, in turn, demand a political response. Immigration Removal centres, these people assert, are fundamentally at odds with key values of a liberal democracy. Those detained within them are not considered to be equal members of a shared community of value; rather, their incarceration in detention centres marks them out symbolically but also, as the testimonies in this piece make clear, quite practically, as outsiders to these ideas. The pain people describe illuminates the need for a new politics of detention.