Suchergebnisse

Freie und faire Wahlen bilden das Herzstück der repräsentativen Demokratie. In den letzten Jahren geraten Wahlen jedoch in vielen entwickelten Demokratien zunehmend unter Beschuss von populistischen Akteur:innen, welche mittels ihrer Rhetorik die Qualität und Integrität des elektoralen Prozesses in Frage stellen. Während sich die wissenschaftliche Debatte bisher weitgehend auf Expert:innenbefragungen zur Messung und Dokumentation der objektiven Integrität verschiedener Wahlen konzentriert hat, so ist über die individuellen Wahrnehmungen elektoraler Integrität seitens der Bevölkerung und insbesondere deren Implikationen für das politische Verhalten der Bürger:innen nur vergleichsweise wenig bekannt. Vor diesem Hintergrund untersucht die vorliegende Studie, welchen Einfluss Wahrnehmungen elektoraler Integrität auf das politische Verhalten der Bürger:innen in Deutschland ausüben. Hierbei fokussiert die Studie auf insgesamt drei verschiedene Formen politischen Verhaltens: die Wahlbeteiligung, die Wahlentscheidung sowie die nichtelektorale (institutionalisierte und nichtinstitutionalisierte) politische Partizipation im Offline- und Online-Bereich. Die präregistrierte empirische Analyse basierend auf der Vorwahlbefragung der German Longitudinal Election Study (GLES) 2021 zeigt, dass elektorale Integritätswahrnehmungen bedeutende Effekte auf die Wahlbeteiligung sowie die Wahlentscheidung haben, während ihr Einfluss auf die nichtelektorale politische Partizipation von der spezifischen Art und dem Bereich der politischen Beteiligung abhängt. Diese Ergebnisse liefern innovative Einsichten bezüglich der verhaltensrelevanten Implikationen elektoraler Integritätswahrnehmungen und erweitern die Befunde bisheriger Forschung um (1) ein breiteres politisches Partizipationsrepertoire sowie (2) den deutschen Kontext. Hinsichtlich der generellen Funktionsfähigkeit moderner Demokratien deutet die in dieser Studie präsentierte empirische Evidenz darauf hin, dass der Zusammenhang zwischen elektoralen Integritätswahrnehmungen und politischem Verhalten als "dreifaches Handicap" oder "doppeltes Korrektiv" für die repräsentative Demokratie angesehen werden kann.

This article is devoted to the analysis of the unusual trajectory of Italian parties and party systems from the end of World War II to the 2013 general election, when an oversized coalition of three parties, with the crucial support of the President of the Republic, formed a so-called "broad agreements" government. This article will not retell the story of the passage from the First to an alleged Second Republic, for the simple fact that this transition never actually took place. Italy changed the format and, above all, the mechanics of its party system in the mid-1990s, but it has never significantly changed the Constitution and the functioning of its main political institutions. If the label "Second Republic" is designed to describe the transition from a constitutional structure to something else, that "Second" republic never existed. This article will describe the history of this "phantom" republic, and it will also analyse the evolution (or devolution) of the Italian party systems.

While the public blames the United States Supreme Court's decision in Citizens United v. FEC for the outsized political influence of the super-wealthy, experts in the field know that the constitutional constraints on our ability to limit the political influence of moneyed elites long-predate Citizens United and pose a formidable barrier to effective campaign finance reform. Nevertheless, the most consistent calls in legal circles are for yet more campaign finance reform. This Article argues that it is time for those serious about curtailing the influence of money in politics to recognize that the struggle for effective campaign finance reforms has run its course. Renewed democratic accountability requires an organized, informed, and representative electorate. The field of election law must, therefore, come to grips with the evidence that the apparent crisis of representation is attributable to profound social and political changes since the 1970s, foremost among them, a transformation of civic associations critically linked to legal choices. While increasing the representativeness of the electorate that turns out to vote must remain a key priority for the field, it is time to attend to the ways that law might encourage civic reorganization—just getting voters out on election days is too little too late. In making this argument, this Article defends two controversial claims: First, the First Amendment tradition poses a formidable barrier to curtailing the influence of moneyed interests regardless of the composition of the Supreme Court. Second, the widespread skepticism in the field that the electorate can be a source of democratic accountability is overstated: The fact that voters, as individuals, are incapable of monitoring elected officials does not foreclose the possibility that voters, as groups, could demand democratic responsiveness. In fact, the historical record reveals that ordinary citizens can exercise influence over the officials elected to represent them when they are well organized and vote.

Die vorliegende Studie ist 'eingebettet in die langfristigen Forschungsstrategien des Projekts 'Demokratie und Antikommunismus in Berlin nach 1945' bis 1972. Die darin enthaltene Analyse geschieht unter ständiger Beachtung des Interaktionsdreiecks von Besatzungsmächten, politischen Eliten und Bevölkerung. Mit dem vorgelegten Datensatz tun sich vielfältige Analysemöglichkeiten auf, die u.a. in der technischen Konzeption des Datensatzes und in verschiedenen Untersuchungsebenen begründet sind.' Nach kurzen Erläuterungen zum Aufbau der Studie werden 'Konstanz und Wandel sozialstruktureller Merkmale von Abgeordneten und Kandidaten anhand der Geschlechtsverteilung, des Geburtsortes, des Alters, des erlernten und ausgeübten Berufs, der sozialen Mobilität, der Unterschiede zwischen gewählten und nicht gewählten Kandidaten und der Zirkulation und Anciennität der Kandidaten' untersucht. Der Autor betont zum Schluß noch einmal, daß die 'auf den ersten Blick so spärlichen Informationen, die den amtlichen Kandidatenlisten entnommen werden können, aufschlußreiche Hinweise zu Antworten sowohl auf allgemeine wie auch auf historische Fragen der politischen Soziologie geben können. ; Information on candidates, including name, date and place of birth, first occupational background, and the current profession are regularly gazetted in Berlin as part of the official proceedings required by the formal standards of a pluralist democratic process. This information serves as the data base for an empirical analysis fo the social composition of candidates appointed by the two major parties in Berlin (Social Democratic Party and Christian Democratic Party) for six elections between 1946 and 1963. The panel-like design of the data permits the identification of frequency with which a person contested a seat in parliament, and thus allows for the analysis of circulation processes. An increase in candidates employed in the public sector, changes in the social background - both mainly due to generation replacement - and a basically continuous circulation of candidates from the first postwar elections onwards are the principal results.

The relationship between "football and politics" can be understood from multiple perspectives. We chose, this time, to do it from the participation of individuals, representatives of other areas, entering the plot of the institutional politics of a sports club; and see the difference that this situation makes towards the development of an interface between different spaces: the club, the political power of the town hall, and labor union politics. Given this framework, the paper also analyzes the practices and strategies that politicized individuals develop to gain executive positions in the club at election times. The data used as evidence of this development emerged during the fieldwork in a sports institution, a nationally renowned institution between 2004 and 2005 and mid-2007 until late 2009. ; La relación entre "fútbol y política" puede comprenderse desde múltiples perspectivas. Elegimos, en esta oportunidad, hacerlo a partir de la participación de los individuos, representativos de otros espacios, que ingresan a la trama de la política institucional de una entidad deportiva; y observar la particularidad que esta situación genera para el desarrollo de una articulación entre los distintos espacios: el club, el poder político municipal y la política sindical. Considerando este marco, el trabajo también analiza las prácticas y las estrategias que los individuos politizados producen con el fin de ganar los puestos directivos en el club en el tiempo signado por las elecciones. Los datos que usamos como evidencia de este desarrollo surgieron durante el trabajo de campo realizado en una institución deportiva, de reconocida trayectoria en el fútbol nacional, entre los años 2004 y 2005, y mediados de 2007 hasta fines de 2009.

В данной статье репрезентация в движении «За честные выборы!» в России 2011-2013 годов рассматривается через анализ ожиданий и представлений участников протеста и стратегий их голосования на выборах в Координационный совет оппозиции (КСО). Участники массовых демонстраций видят в роли представителей прежде всего тех, кто, во-пер58 вых, способен сплотить внутренне разнородное движение, а во-вторых мобилизовать тех, кто еще не вышел на улицы. Выявленный парадокс «единства разных» заключается в том, что это воображаемое единство должно объединять людей вне зависимости от их индивидуальных различий, не отменяя, а сохраняя последние. Стремление к объединению с сохранением различий проявляется в самых разных аспектах существования протестного движения, являясь одновременно его движущей силой и причиной угасания. Концепция популизма Э. Лаклау позволяет различить в протесте 2011-2013-х годов как типичные черты популистского движения, так и отличия от указанной схемы. ; This article concerns the phenomenon of representation phenomenon and analyzes views of 'For fair elections' movement participants on representation in general and Coordination Board of Opposition in particular. The views on representation give a possibility to better understand the logic of the movement in mobilization mechanics, participants expectations, issues of local activist groups, etc. The Laclau concept of populism helps to distinguish typical features of populist movements as well as their differences in the protests of 2011-2013. A key feature is the paradox of 'unity of the different' when there is a tendency to associations that become acceptable only if individual and group differences of protesters are preserved. 'Unity of the different' bounds participants and prevents them from elaborating a joint political program; it supports the protest and at the same time leads to its decline.

In 2006, Mexicans living abroad were allowed to vote in the Mexican presidential election for the first time ever. Though the event was highly anticipated, hardly anyone living abroad voted. Previous studies attributed the low voter turnout to difficult requirements and a lack of information, without paying attention to the experience of immigrating or an individual's connections back to Mexico. In this thesis, I explore how the experience of immigrating and transnational ties back to the home country affect an individual's decision to continue participating in politics across the border

" Correspondence exchanged among Mr. Salvador Saucedo, President of the Liberal Party of Colima, Mr. Fernando Torreblanca and Gen. Alvaro Obregón, in which the first informs Gen. Obregón of his victory in the state of Colima. Mr. Saucedo sends a letter to Mr. Torreblanca from Mr. Bernadino C. Ramírez, directed to Gen. Obregón, in which he congratulates the General on his election victory. / Correspondencia entre el Sr. Salvador Saucedo, Presidente del Partido Liberal Colimense, el Sr. Fernando Torreblanca y el Gral. Alvaro Obregón, en la que el primero informa al Gral. Obregón de su triunfo en el estado de Colima. El Sr. Saucedo envía al Sr. Torreblanca una carta del Sr. Bernardino C. Ramírez dirigida al Gral. Obregón en la que lo felicita por su triunfo electoral."

"A Divided Union delves deep into ten pressing political challenges central to the dysfunction in Congress and the country today. The core of the book is original analysis by experts on key topics such as geographic challenges, demographic change, a polarized media, gerrymandering, the role of money in politics, and the structure of primary elections. Contributors include former federal elected officials, political science professors, members of the press, and scholars immersed in their fields of study. A Divided Union is appropriate for all political science students as well as the general public frustrated and alarmed by political deadlock"--

The selection of candidates is one of the most important processes related to elections which are the key aspect of the functioning of modern democracies. The shape and the outcomes of nomination processes reveal how political parties operate within their organizations. The process of candidate selection also affects the real politics as the political elite is formed from the group of elected candidates. For these reasons, this topic is slowly gaining significance in political science. The book follows these trends and focuses on the nomination processes in the Czech political parties for elec.

"The author addresses one of the most pressing issues in modern American life: the pervasiveness of lies, the constitutional protection they enjoy, the harm that they cause, and how to combat them. The two most recent presidential elections, the battle against the coronavirus, and the January 6, 2021, attack on the Capitol demonstrate the power of lies, their pervasiveness online, and the damage that they can inflict"--