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This paper aims to advance our understanding of Heidegger's politics as it is laid bare within the 'Schwarze Hefte'. Yet my interest is not in Heidegger's first order political views, but rather in his conception of the political sphere per se. Beginning from a close analysis of the earliest volume of the notebooks, Gesamtausgabe Bd.94, I suggest that the dominant characterisation of the political space within Heidegger's text is as a threat - to philosophy and to ontology. Underlying that characterisation, however, it is simultaneously possible to identify another pattern, one on which the political is itself gradually suppressed or occluded by the ontological. This tacit occlusion has, I suggest, a number of deeply problematic consequences. I close by indicating how the argument might be extended to the question of a Heideggerian ethics.

THIS PAPER DISCUSSES FREUD'S POLITICAL ANALOGIES AND METAPHORS, THE PERSUASIVE DISCOURSE BY MEANS OF WHICH POLITICAL VALUES ARE PRESUPPOSED, CONCEALED, CRITICIZED OR JUSTIFIED IN HIS INDIVIDUAL PSYCHOLOGY. IT IS THE AIM OF THIS PAPER TO CHALLENGE THE CLAIM THAT, 'TO TRY AND FIND IN FREUD'S WRITINGS AN ARTICULATED OR COHERENT SOCIAL THEORY OR ETHIC... IS A VAIN TASK.' ON THE CONTRARY THE AUTHOR ARGUES THAT EVEN FREUD'S INDIVIDUAL PSYCHOLOGY CONTAINS A POLITICAL THESIS, FORMULATED IN METAPHORS AND ANALOGIES BORROWED FROM THE EXPERIENCE OF THE SOCIAL WORLD AND USED AS STRUCTURING PRINCIPLES IN THE ELUSIVE REALM OF THE MIND.

Binary grass-legume mixtures can benefit forage production systems in different ways helping growers cope both with increasing input costs (e.g., N fertilizer, herbicides) and potentially more variable weather. The main objective of this study was to evaluate alfalfa (Medicago sativa L.) and tall fescue [Schedonorus phoenix (Scop.) Holub] mixtures across a wide range of environments to assess herbage accumulation, weed suppression and fertilizer nitrogen replacement values (FNRV). A common field experiment was established in 2009 and 2010 at six study sites in the United States: Maryland, Pennsylvania, Utah, Virginia, Wisconsin, and Wyoming. Experimental treatments included an alfalfa monoculture, three alfalfa-fescue mixtures with seed ratios of 75: 25, 50: 50, and 25: 75 of alfalfa/tall fescue, and tall fescue monocultures that received nitrogen applications of 0, 50, 100, 150, 200, and 300 kg N ha(-1), respectively. Data were collected over a 2-yr period. The responses of tall fescue monocultures to N fertilization differed among sites, and this contrasted with mixture yields, which did not exhibit site x treatment interactions (P > 0.05). Herbage accumulation and weed suppression were consistently higher in mixtures compared with alfalfa monocultures and tall fescue monocultures receiving less than 100 kg N ha(-1). The FNRVs for alfalfa were within the range reported for other studies and averaged 143 kg N ha(-1). The consistent herbage accumulations across these multiple environments suggest binary mixtures of alfalfa-tall fescue may be a good option for many forage-livestock producers although yields could be improved with location specific cultivar selection. ; Public domain authored by a U.S. government employee

In this article, I address the ways in which debates in liberal, (post)Marxist and postmodernist social theory have remoulded readings of emancipation – and how these reformulations have affected the organisation of emancipatory struggles by and in political parties and social movements. I focus on three conceptual ambiguities that have spurred theoretical disputes and restructured organisational imaginations of emancipation: who might struggle for liberation, to what end and in which ways. In all three respects, understandings of emancipation have become increasingly individualised, contingent and process-oriented – both in theory and in its political-organisational correspondents. As a consequence, effective collective struggles for autonomy may become ever more difficult to organise. While occurring in the name of further liberation, the ongoing reinterpretation of emancipation and its impact on the political organisation of emancipatory struggles might in the end hamper or even undermine the very liberation and autonomy they had aimed to promote.

En appui sur leurs expériences de chercheur, les auteurs identifient et caractérisent les obstacles, voire les impasses, rencontrés pour constituer un groupe de recherche interuniversitaire et international – « un groupe inter » – dans le champ des sciences humaines. Ils en proposent une analyse inscrite dans le paradigme de la psychanalyse en extension. Après avoir décrit les moments inhérents à la constitution du groupe de chercheurs, ils en définissent les organisateurs spécifiques : le duo porteur, l'interprète et les objets de relation. Ils soutiennent l'hypothèse que le processus groupal nécessite le déploiement d'un travail psychique spécifique se déclinant selon trois dimensions : la constitution d'un groupe « inter » présuppose non seulement une élucidation des enjeux narcissiques – individuels, groupaux et institutionnels – mais aussi le dénouage d'alliances inconscientes ainsi que l'élaboration d'incorporats culturels et institutionnels.

From the liberal largesse of George Soros to the big-spending ways of Republican financiers like Sheldon Adelson, the 2012 U.S. presidential election is being shaped almost as much by billionaire backers as by the voters and candidates themselves. America's permissive campaign finance laws give these political sugar daddies unique clout, but it's not a purely American phenomenon. When it comes to behind-the-scenes moneymen, it's a global bull market. This article details billionaire backers in other countries. Adapted from the source document.

Contemporary analyses of Athenian democracy have focused on binaries such as mass/elite, free/slave, and male/female, overlooking the urban/rural divide. In this article, I argue that urban/rural was a central cleavage in the Athenian demos. Ancient thinkers including Thucydides, Aristophanes, Plato, Xenophon, and Aristotle paid close attention to urban/rural differences and their consequences during the fifth century. Plato and Aristotle in particular developed sophisticated institutions and strategies to mitigate urban/rural divisions. Attending to the Athenian urban/rural divide deepens our understanding of the demos and highlights the importance of attachments to place, home, and customary ways of life for democratic stability.

This paper proposes a model that takes the dynamic agent-based analysis of policy-driven party competition into a multiparty environment. In this, voters continually review party support and switch parties to increase their expectations; parties continually readapt policy positions to the shifting affiliations of voters. Different algorithms for party adaptation are explored, including "Aggregator" (adapt party policy to the ideal policy positions of party supporters), Hunter (repeat policy moves that were rewarded; otherwise make random moves), Predator (move party policy toward the policy position of the largest party), and "Sticker" (never change party policy). Strong trends in the behavior of parties using different methods of adaptation are explored. The model is then applied in a series of experiments to the dynamics of a real party system, described in a published opinion poll time series. This paper reports first steps toward endogenizing key features of the process, including the birth and death of parties, internal party decision rules, and voter ideal points.

Chemical developments during the past one hundred years have filled domestic medicine cabinets as well as pharmacies. The widespread availability of medications has clearly transformed life and living in the twentieth century, with the healing benefits of antibiotics and chemotherapy countered by the destructive effects of addictive drugs both old and new. Even those medications prescribed and supervised by physicians are but one of hundreds of factors which may influence human behavior, decision making, and even international affairs. Half-way through this century even a relatively harmless drug was the scapegoat in an American book, The Aspirin Age (Leighton, 1949), whose contributors reviewed the "utterly fantastic news events of the gaudy and chaotic years that separated Versailles and Pearl Harbor."

The article examines two of Jung's contributions to the study of politics: his conjectures about the origin of culture and politics and his theory of psychic inflation. Culture arises because man is subjected to a series of opposing tensions that divert a part of his libidinal energy from its natural flow and produce a degree of surplus psychic energy. Symbols, rising from the unconscious, transform this energy into cultural manifestations. Through ornaments and rituals, symbols also play a vital role in differentiating individual consciousness from collective consciousness. The gradually evolving consciousness of both the indivdual and the group leads to the inception of politics—of conscious conflict and harmony.Psychic inflation is the extension of the ego beyond its natural limits as a result of an identification with the contents of the collective unconscious. It leads to an illusory sense of either superiority or inferiority. The atrophy of conscious development follows. On the other hand, the conscious assimilation of the contents of the collective unconscious produces a charismatic personality or group. But these are rare cases. For the most part, psychic inflation is a natural psychic law that can be partially controlled through an awareness of the forces of the unconscious.