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The techniques used by the Guatemalan military elite in exercising pol'al control have changed during the period 1954-66. During a period of direct military rule, 1963-66, the military elite brought technocrats & SE notables into the decisionmaking process. Anti-regime insurgents & politicians were controlled in the Ru areas through a network of military commissioners & in Ur centers countered by an extensive (but ineffective) force of secret police. Data was drawn from conversational interviews with military officers, military commissioners, insurgents, & civilian notables. (Field work was conducted May 1965-May 1966.) Major hyp's drawn from the study include: the norms & procedures characteristic of the military's control efforts reflect the interaction of tradition, ideology & the perspective of the existing situation. During the period 1950-63 the Armed Forces experienced new heights of discipline, coordination, & sense of purpose while civilian pol'al power was fragmenting. The military elite of 1963-66 was able to control nat'l pol because there existed no soc structure capable of recruiting, organizing, & directing effective countermilitary forces. In view of its monopoly of pol'al resources & the success of its control techniques, it seems unlikely that the Guatemalan Armed Forces will voluntarily relinquish its position of final arbiter of nat'l pol. AA.

Intro -- Contents -- Notes on Contributors -- List of Figures -- List of Tables -- 1 Political Marketing and Management in a Global Crisis: Challenges and Continuity in New Zealand 2017-2020 -- Introduction -- Market-Orientation and New Zealand Parties -- Methodology -- Labour in Government: High Fliers but Questionable Delivery on the Ground -- New Zealand First: A Lost Kingdom -- The Greens: Carving a Path Through the Complexities of Power -- National: Struggling in Opposition -- Act: Dancing and Delivering in Opposition -- The Māori Party: Restoring Their Niche Market -- Conclusion -- References -- 2 What the Market Wanted: Vote Compass 2020 and Public Views on Issues and Leadership -- Introduction -- Methodology -- Public Views on Issues and Propositions -- The Most Important Political Issues for New Zealanders -- Policy Propositions That Respondents Expressed Most Agreement With -- The Alignment of Party Positions with Public Views -- The Likeability of the Leaders -- Overall Perceptions of Leader Likeability -- Demographic Segments -- Likeability by Voting Intention -- Conclusion -- New Zealanders' Concerns and Demands -- The Marketing Effectiveness of Parties' Positions and Leadership -- Lessons Going Forward -- References -- 3 The COVID-19 Election: How Labour Turned a Crisis into Its Biggest Branding Opportunity -- Introduction -- Crisis Management as Political Management -- Team of Five Million: A Political Branding Masterstroke -- The Crisis Leader -- A Campaign with a Singular Focus: Strong, Stable Government to Beat COVID-19 -- Conclusion and Lessons for the Future -- References -- 4 Trashing the Brand: How Brand Damage Dented National's Chance at the 2020 Election -- Introduction -- Simple -- Unique -- Reassuring -- Aspirational -- Symbolic of Better Internal Values -- Credible -- Conclusion -- Advice for the National Party.

The allocation of political advertising in social media is rising in Western campaigns. Yet audiences, unlike those of television advertising, are no longer isolated and passive consumers of linear discourses from politicians; users can now interact, share, and merge political advertising with other messages. Literature has dealt with the effects of such affordances separately, yet not in an integrative, holistic way that makes it possible to observe how they interact with each other. Hence, this article explores qualitatively how users experience, engage with, and make sense of political advertising in social media, and how its affordances mediate the attitudes, responses, and meanings users bring to political advertising and its sponsors. Under the lenses of the theory of social media logic, which points out the properties of social media - popularity, programmability, datafication, and connectivity - that structure users' experiences, we conducted six focus group sessions with Mexican users (n = 34) during the 2021 federal campaigns. Findings show the fuzziness of digital advertising for users, which blurs with other formats like infographics or memes, the crucial role of individual linkages for advertising attention and attitude formation, a mismatch between the platform's political feed and citizens' information needs, and the tactics users perform to tame or avoid political content, disengaging them from campaigns.

Wolfgang Streeck, a leading figure in comparative political economy and institutional theory, addresses some of the key arguments in these fields: the role of history in institutional analysis, the dynamics of slow institutional change, and the recurrent difficulties of restraining the effects of capitalism on social order.

Social-political stability one of the important factors of building democratic, fair society, any kind of development that is necessary in terms of workmanship, positive changes in citizens life of stability of the society, the role social activity of the people and civil responsibility in providing social-political stability of society is analyzed in this article.

The article is devoted to the characterization of the state, the key features and trends of modern domestic regional mass media. There are determined and specified informational, social, ideological, political and economic objectives of current regional mass media also revealed specific features of regional mass communication.

This paper examines some French feminist uses of Lacanian psychoanalysis. I focus on two Lacanian influenced accounts of psychological oppression, the first by Luce Irigaray and the second by Julia Kristeva, and I argue that these accounts fail to meet criteria for an adequate political psychology.

On the basis of the Iranian case, the author concludes, that market discrepancies in levels of development between political institutions and overall socio-economic transformation are more probably important than the rate of growth or income inequalities as a source of instability and revolution. (DÜI-Hns)

Political hostility is a pervasive problem in American politics, producing dangerous consequences for individuals and society. Recent research in social psychology suggests that intellectual humility may be able to reduce political hostility, but the underlying causal relationship remains unclear. The purpose of this article is to examine how intellectual humility lowers hostility toward people who disagree (dissenters) about specific political topics. Results from a national survey indicate that those holding political beliefs with humility feel less negativity toward dissenters. Fixed‐effects regression models also show that intrapersonal variation in intellectual humility predicts issue‐specific hostility across political topics. Furthermore, a survey experiment priming intellectual humility caused a corresponding decrease in hostility toward dissenters without impacting underlying opinions. Altogether, these results suggest that fostering intellectual humility may be a fruitful avenue for alleviating the hostility and anger that often accompany political disagreement.

Do salient normative claims about politics require moral premises? Political moralists think they do, political realists think they do not. We defend the viability of realism in a two-pronged way. First, we show that a number of recent attacks on realism as well as realist responses to those attacks unduly conflate distinctly political normativity and non-moral political normativity. Second, we argue that Alex Worsnip and Jonathan Leader-Maynard's recent attack on realist arguments for a distinctly political normativity depends on assuming moralism as the default view, which places an excessive burden on the viability of realism, and so begs the question. Our discussion, though, does not address the relative merits of realism and moralism, so its upshot is relatively ecumenical: moralism need not be the view that all apt normative political judgements are moral judgements, and realism need not be the view that no apt normative political judgements are moral judgements.