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"Since the collapse of the Soviet Union, Gazprom has dominated the Russian gas industry. However, the markets in which it operates have changed dramatically, with the company increasingly being challenged at home and abroad. At this critical moment, this insightful book analyses the involvement of the Russian gas industry in the changing international gas market and the dramatic implications for Russia's role as a global supplier of gas in the future. James Henderson and Arild Moe explore the link between changes in Russia's domestic market, where new players have recently emerged, and the development of Russia's gas export business. In particular, they assess the growing importance of LNG exports and the role of Novatek in developing this new business area for Russia. They also review changes in European gas trade and the development of new EU regulations, analysing the ambiguities in Europe's position on gas exports from Russia and showing why efforts to limit expansion of Russian gas exports have been unsuccessful. Timely and comprehensive, this book is critical reading for academics and researchers interested in the development of the global gas market. Policymakers and economists, particularly Russian specialists, will benefit from this book's key insights into the economic and political consequences of Russia's changing role in the global gas market."--

1. Introduction / Azyumardi Azra and Wayne Hudson -- 2. Political modernity and Indonesian Islam : a manifesto / Azyumardi Azra and Wayne Hudson -- 3. Islamic perspectives and the rules of law and constitutionalism / N.A. Fadhil Lubis -- 4. Constitutional values and an Islamic state / Adnan Buyung Nasution -- 5. The ambiguities of the rule of law / Brian Galligan -- 6. Western and Islamic conceptions of the rule of law / Spencer Zifcak -- 7. Democracy and Islam / Bahtiar Effendy -- 8. Islam and democratisation in Indonesia / Ahmad Syafii Maarif -- 9. Islam and the claims of democracy / Graham Maddox -- 10. Democratic leadership / Haig Patapan -- 11. Islamic perspectives on citizenship and statehood / N.A. Fadhil Lubis -- 12. Towards a conceptual framework for citizenship / Geoffrey Stokes -- 13. Liberal and communitarian approaches to citizenship / Janna Thompson -- 14. Problems with citizenship / Barry Hindess -- 15. Religious pluralism in Indonesia / Azyumardi Azra -- 16. Pluralism and liberalism / John Kane -- 17. Pluralism and universalism / George Crowder -- 18. Human rights and duties in Islam / N.A. Fadhil Lubis -- 19. Human rights and pluralism / Joseph Camilleri -- 20. Civil society and tolerance in Indonesia / Saiful Mujani -- 21. Civil society and the media in Indonesia / Philip Kitley -- 22. Indonesian Islam and democracy : ways ahead / Wayne Hudson and Azyumardi Azra.

A 2009 G20 official document stated that the era of banking secrecy is over but is it? If banking secrecy is the result of market mechanisms, it suggests that worldwide demand and supply are likely to remain for a long time to come. Since the Global Financial Crisis, many countries have fought to combat banking secrecy, yet it permeates both national and international industries, and global efforts to prevent banking secrecy have been ineffective or at worst counterproductive. In this book, the authors show how the growth of criminal activity has systematically generated a demand for banking secrecy. They explore how national politicians and international banks have been motivated to supply banking secrecy through economic and political incentives, and shed light on the economics and politics of banking secrecy. This book takes a multidisciplinary approach to reveal the variety of behaviours and processes involved in making dirty money appear clean, providing an in-depth study of financial transactions which are characterized by a special purpose: hiding the originally illegal sources. This work will be of interest to students and scholars of economics and finance, and those with an interest in banking secrecy, global finance, international banking, and financial regulation.

This speaking out article argues that populism is not only a phenomenon that characterizes extremist figures such as Farage, Trump or Le Pen. Drawing on Laclau's conceptualization of populism, we show how French President Emmanuel Macron developed in 2017 a form of anti-extreme electoral populism relying upon (1) the creation of a new political frontier between 'progressive reformers' and 'backward-looking conservatives', and (2) a number of key empty signifiers, such as 'Revolution', '(The Republic) onwards' and 'and at the same time'. These discursive levers allowed Macron's campaigns to incarnate a gradually larger plurality of demands, modulating the openness of equivalential chains over three successful electoral steps: the presidential first round, the presidential second round and the parliamentary elections. In parallel, his movement gradually moved from emergent organizing through a partial organization to a bureaucratized and hierarchized party. Thus, our analysis illuminates how Macron organized his own populism, based on a completely new movement: Macron's electoral populism exploited the middle space left vacant by all other candidates, it relied on its own anti-establishment discourse, and in doing so it succeeded in unifying much more demands than other populisms, leading to a landslide win in the French parliamentary elections.

The concept of the 'social investment state' refocuses attention on the productive function of social policy eclipsed for some time by the emphasis on its social protection or compensation roles. Here we distinguish between different social investment strategies, the Nordic 'heavy' and the Liberal 'light', with particular reference to the inclusive growth approach adopted in Australia. In 2007, social democrats in Australia returned to government with a clear mandate to reject the labour market deregulation and other neoliberal policies of its predecessor, and to tackle entrenched social and economic disadvantage in Australian society. For the last five years, social investment and inclusive growth has been at the centre of the Australian social policy agenda. Against this background, the article examines and critically assesses the (re)turn to 'social investment' thinking in Australia during Labor's term in office (2007–13). Analysis focuses not just on what was actually achieved, but also on the constraining role of prevailing economic and political circumstances and on the processes that were used to drive social investment reform. Inmany ways, the article goes some way to exposing ongoing tensions surrounding the distinctiveness of 'social investment' strategies pursued by leftist parties within the (neo)liberal state.

In a growing number of countries diplomatic systems are being overhauled so that the commercial activities of diplomatic services have been centralised, the commercial activities of diplomats have been extended, and business interests have been formally integrated within diplomatic systems. These changes result directly from the tendency of governments to reorganise, and in many cases merge, their trade and foreign ministries, as well as the strategy of building formal business–government links within diplomatic institutions. While none of these features is unfamiliar to previous diplomatic systems, what is exceptional is the relative neglect of the commercial aspects of diplomacy within diplomatic studies. This lack of attention to the commercial and business elements of diplomacy in traditional theories of diplomacy means that we find ourselves trying to analyse contemporary changes to diplomatic organisation and practice without a suitable conceptual and analytical framework. Highlighting the significance of a political economy approach to diplomacy, and also engaging with orthodox approaches to diplomacy, this article begins to develop some analytical and conceptual tools to better identify, explain and understand changes in diplomatic systems as well as the increased influence of private interests in diplomatic practice now under way.

In a growing number of countries diplomatic systems are being overhauled so that the commercial activities of diplomatic services have been centralised, the commercial activities of diplomats have been extended, and business interests have been formally integrated within diplomatic systems. These changes result directly from the tendency of governments to reorganise, and in many cases merge, their trade and foreign ministries, as well as the strategy of building formal business–government links within diplomatic institutions. While none of these features is unfamiliar to previous diplomatic systems, what is exceptional is the relative neglect of the commercial aspects of diplomacy within diplomatic studies. This lack of attention to the commercial and business elements of diplomacy in traditional theories of diplomacy means that we find ourselves trying to analyse contemporary changes to diplomatic organisation and practice without a suitable conceptual and analytical framework. Highlighting the significance of a political economy approach to diplomacy, and also engaging with orthodox approaches to diplomacy, this article begins to develop some analytical and conceptual tools to better identify, explain and understand changes in diplomatic systems as well as the increased influence of private interests in diplomatic practice now under way.

Two essential features allow us to understand recent developments in growth theory: a new conceptualization to explain its nature, that is, the return to classical political economy and the introduction of the theory of public goods, and some mathematics that allow the formalization of this new conceptualization. With the development of bothn elements, the article presents the "new" theoretical framework, the formal conditions and the mathematical techniques needed tounderstand current growth theory. This review of these new developments can serve as a point of reference to broeciet, or to question the formulations of endogenous growth theories. ; Dos aspectos esenciales que permiten entender los desarrollos recientes en la teoría del creciemiento: una nueva conceptualización para explicar sus naturaleza, es decir, el retorno a la economía política clásica y la introducción de una teoría de bienes públicos, y unas matemáticas que permiten formalizar esta nueva conceptualización. Con el desarrollo de ambos elementos, el artículo presenta el "nuevo" marco teórico, las condiciones formalesy las técnicas matemáticas necesarias para entender la actual teoría del creciento. Esta revisión de los nuevos desarrollos puede servir de punto de referencia para ampliar o cuestionar los planteamientos de las teorías de crecimiento endógeno.

This study attempts to analyze; 1) the effect of political product on the decision to choose the candidate of legislative member; 2) the effect of political product on the decision to choose political party; 3) the effect of the decision to choose the candidates of legislative members on the decision to choose political party; and 4) the role of mediating variable of the decision to choose the candidate of legislative member on the affect the decision to choose political party. The data were analyzed using inferential statistical analysis of Generalized Structured Component Analysis (GeSCA). It shows that 1) the political product has an effect on the decision to choose the candidate of legislative member; 2) the mediating variable of the decision to choose the candidate of legislative member plays a very important role for the constituents in taking the decision to choose political party. However, of the existing three indicators, only personal characteristic can explain the strength of the effect of political product on the selection of political party. Yet, the second hypothesis test result shows that the path coefficient is significant and provides evidence that the second hypothesis is accepted. The decision to choose political party is increa-singly stronger as a result of the decision to choose the candidate of legislative member which is in accordance with the expectations of voters. Acquisition of the party vote will increase after the constituents know the candidates proposed. The higher the popularity and quality of the candidate is, the greater the electoral gains of a party.

This open access book represents the first comprehensive, Australia-focused treatment of the problem of false election information disseminated for the purpose of gaining an electoral advantage. It explores cautious legal regulation as the most effective and decisive approach to the issue. In doing so, the book demonstrates that, although experiments with such remedies have met with mixed success elsewhere, they are nevertheless viable, especially in Australia where they have strong public support and are able to withstand constitutional challenge.

This open access book represents the first comprehensive, Australia-focused treatment of the problem of false election information disseminated for the purpose of gaining an electoral advantage. It explores cautious legal regulation as the most effective and decisive approach to the issue. In doing so, the book demonstrates that, although experiments with such remedies have met with mixed success elsewhere, they are nevertheless viable, especially in Australia where they have strong public support and are able to withstand constitutional challenge.

The political economy of tourism has historically been a marginalized paradigm within tourism studies. If the political economy of tourism is to gain prominence within tourism studies and within the broader political economy literature, it has to engage with debates that are key within political economy, such as discussions the origins of corporate profits, land rents, and the nature of tourism commodities and revenues. Setting up a theoretical agenda for a political economy of tourism around profits, rent, and finance not only allows to re-connecting the political economy of tourism with key debates currently taking place within the broader political economy field, but also allows to problematize key theoretical assumptions within political economy of tourism. Analyzing the nature of tourism services as a commodity from a Marxian perspective illustrates the need of a Marxian-oriented approach to political economy in tourism, and also leads to broader discussions about the categories of corporate profits and land rents and the interrelations between both categories. On the one hand, the dynamics of the tourism industry illustrates how increasing land rent payments do not necessarily mean fewer corporate profits., but on the contrary, more land rent payments often go hand-by-hand with more corporate profits. On the other hand, tourism exemplifies how financial revenues are dependent also on the production of commodities and not only in the circulation of capital, as several political economists have argued.

Abstract.  Japan has received conflicting assessments in the comparative political economy literature. This article seeks to identify the location of Japan's political economy within a comparative framework, building on recent analyses of macroeconomic policy and wage coordination. The author examines empirical records and shows that Japan's regime is best considered 'Keynesian centralization', rather than 'monetarist (semi)decentralization', in light of its effective wage coordination and its anti‐inflationary but flexibly accommodating macroeconomic policy. When there was national consensus on macroeconomic conservatism, Japan implemented restrictive policy and resembled monetarist centralization. However, Japan's monetarist centralization did not lead to distributional conflicts and high unemployment because its decentralized but coordinated wage bargaining and weak labor made it possible for employers and unions to achieve national diffusion of wage restraint without facing solidaristic wage demands by low‐paid workers.

ABSTRACTA method of measuring attitudes towards examples of unorthodox behaviour is developed, found to be reliable and to possess considerable population and construct validity when deployed among a target‐group sample of students, young workers, older workers, and older middle‐class groups. The structure of attitudes towards unorthodox political behaviour is examined in detail and is found to be characterised by a powerful unidimensional factor of "positive‐to‐negative affect" traversed by strongly related dimensions like approval, justification, behavioural intentions, and even evaluative dimensions like "effectiveness". A model (akin to Fishbein's formulation) for combining these dimensions into a single measure of "Protest Potential" is derived from regression analysis.The relationships between this new measure and more familiar socio‐political attitudes are examined and some substantive conclusions are indicated, in particular, the role of politicised personal dissatisfaction.