Suchergebnisse

Most scholarship on immigration politics is made up of isolated case studies or cross‐disciplinary work that does not build on existing political science theory. This study attempts to remedy this shortcoming in three ways: (1) we derive theories from the growing body of immigration literature, to hypothesize about why political parties would be more or less open to immigration; (2) we link these theories to the broader political science literature on parties and institutions; and (3) we construct a data set on the determinants of immigration politics, covering 18 developed countries from 1987 to 1999. Our primary hypothesis is that political institutions shape immigration politics by facilitating or constraining majoritarian sentiment (which is generally opposed to liberalizing immigration). Our analysis finds that in political systems where majoritarianism is constrained by institutional "checks," governing parties support immigration more strongly, even when controlling for a broad range of alternative explanations.

International audience ; Research conducted in the years 2000 before the central and eastern European enlargements has shown that the EU used readmission agreements and the notion of safe third country to shift the burden of asylum cases to its Eastern neighbours. Several authors now claim that the EU is repeating this practice in the new neighbouring states such as Ukraine. This cannot be completely confirmed by the present contribution. The EU has indeed concluded a readmission agreement with Ukraine which allows the EU to lawfully extradite irregular migrants to Ukraine. Legally, this agreement cannot be applied for asylum seekers in violation of the Geneva Refugee Convention. However, the readmission agreement facilitates unlawful practices of Slovak border guards who refuse to register asylum seekers and send them back to Ukraine through the accelerated procedure. There are hints, that such unlawful practices are even more facilitated by joint patrols of Slovak and Ukrainian border guards. Joint patrols of border guards at EU borders are strongly supported by the EU and are likely to be expanded in the future. The consequences of joint patrols at EU borders for the right to seek asylum in the EU need to be further investigated. The second instrument which had been used by EU member states for the externalisation of asylum cases to CEECs is the notion of safe third country. This notion is not used to send asylum seekers back to Ukraine though. Indeed, Slovak border guards do not refer to this notion to legitimise the extradition of asylum seekers as they deny that they send asylum seekers back and do not record the wish to apply for asylum. It is possible that EU member states are not officially using the notion of safe third country for Ukraine given the normative power of UNHCR which regularly warns that Ukraine should not be considered a safe third country.However, the EU might apply other means in order to keep asylum seekers in Ukraine and prevent them from reaching the EU so that the above mentioned ...

International audience ; Research conducted in the years 2000 before the central and eastern European enlargements has shown that the EU used readmission agreements and the notion of safe third country to shift the burden of asylum cases to its Eastern neighbours. Several authors now claim that the EU is repeating this practice in the new neighbouring states such as Ukraine. This cannot be completely confirmed by the present contribution. The EU has indeed concluded a readmission agreement with Ukraine which allows the EU to lawfully extradite irregular migrants to Ukraine. Legally, this agreement cannot be applied for asylum seekers in violation of the Geneva Refugee Convention. However, the readmission agreement facilitates unlawful practices of Slovak border guards who refuse to register asylum seekers and send them back to Ukraine through the accelerated procedure. There are hints, that such unlawful practices are even more facilitated by joint patrols of Slovak and Ukrainian border guards. Joint patrols of border guards at EU borders are strongly supported by the EU and are likely to be expanded in the future. The consequences of joint patrols at EU borders for the right to seek asylum in the EU need to be further investigated. The second instrument which had been used by EU member states for the externalisation of asylum cases to CEECs is the notion of safe third country. This notion is not used to send asylum seekers back to Ukraine though. Indeed, Slovak border guards do not refer to this notion to legitimise the extradition of asylum seekers as they deny that they send asylum seekers back and do not record the wish to apply for asylum. It is possible that EU member states are not officially using the notion of safe third country for Ukraine given the normative power of UNHCR which regularly warns that Ukraine should not be considered a safe third country.However, the EU might apply other means in order to keep asylum seekers in Ukraine and prevent them from reaching the EU so that the above mentioned ...

In the American struggle for social justice, public interest litigation has played an indisputably important role. Yet over the past three decades, critics from both the left and right have challenged its capacity to secure systemic change. The critiques have varied, but have centered on two basic claims. The first is that litigation cannot itself reform social institutions. The second related concern is that over-reliance on courts diverts effort from potentially more productive political strategies and disempowers the groups that lawyers are seeking to assist. The result is too much law and too little justice. These critiques, although powerful in their analysis of the limits of litigation, have generally failed to adequately acknowledge its contributions and the complex ways in which legal proceedings can support political mobilization. This Article seeks to move beyond these critiques by situating the debate over public interest litigation in a richer theoretical and empirical context. In essence, our argument is that such litigation is an imperfect but indispensable strategy of social change. Our challenge is to increase its effectiveness through better understanding of its capacities and constraints. To that end, we draw on two bodies of work: research on law and social change, and research on social philanthropy. The first literature offers a detailed empirical and theoretical picture of how lawyers mobilize law to change institutional rules and redistribute power. In its empirical dimension, this research explores the ideals and practices of public interest lawyers and how their strategies are informed by where they work—non-profit public interest organizations, large firm pro bono programs, plaintiff-side law firms, and law school clinics. In its theoretical dimension, this literature draws on the sociology of law and social movements to explore the interplay between legal proceedings and political mobilization. A second body of work, which focuses on strategic philanthropy, holds important insights for how public interest organizations and pro bono programs can most effectively direct their social reform efforts. We draw a number of lessons from this research. The first is that litigation, although a necessary strategy of social change, is never sufficient; it cannot effectively work in isolation from other mobilization efforts. Second, money matters: how public interest law is financed affects the kinds of cases that can be pursued and their likely social impact. A deeper understanding of financial constraints and opportunities in different practice contexts is therefore critical to effective reform. A third key insight is the importance of systematic evaluation. Only through more reflective assessments of the impact of litigation can we realize its full potential in pursuit of social justice.

Societies in all countries are split by major divisions--or "fault lines"--Caused by differences in race, religion, ethnicity, wealth, class, or power. Some are plainly evident, whereas others are more concealed and can erupt with little warning.

AbstractSocioeconomic status (SES) impacts on both structural and functional brain development in childhood, but how early its effects can be demonstrated is unknown. In this study we measured resting baseline EEG activity in the gamma frequency range in awake 6–9‐month‐olds from areas of East London with high socioeconomic deprivation. Between‐subject comparisons of infants from low‐ and high‐income families revealed significantly lower frontal gamma power in infants from low‐income homes. Similar power differences were found when comparing infants according to maternal occupation, with lower occupational status groups yielding lower power. Infant sleep, maternal education, length of gestation, and birth weight, as well as smoke exposure and bilingualism, did not explain these differences. Our results show that the effects of socioeconomic disparities on brain activity can already be detected in early infancy, potentially pointing to very early risk for language and attention difficulties. This is the first study to reveal region‐selective differences in functional brain development associated with early infancy in low‐income families.

The opening essay of a symposium on "The Supreme Court and the Rule of Law in the Twenty-First Century" focuses on Marbury v. Madison to discuss the Court's legitimacy & authority. It is argued that Chief Justice John Marshall's controversial opinion was not the "power grab" aimed at inhibiting Congress many claim it was but, rather, an attempt to establish the Supreme Court as the constitutional umpire of the American political system. Since the Constitution limits the Court's power to cases & controversies, Marshall was simply reaffirming the framer's intentions, not suggesting that the Court have unrestrained judicial power. It is contended that the Marbury opinion reflects Marshall's understanding of the Supreme Court's place in the decentralized American system of self-government by advancing the notion of a limited national government; establishing the Supreme Court as the Constitution's ultimate legal interpreter; & elucidating how the Court should function in the context of government. Marshall's position in history as a "judicial statesman" is discussed. J. Lindroth

The cultural industry all around the world has seen a new interest in dystopian genres. At the same time, Argentina has shown an increase presence of feminism in the public scene during at least this last decade. Argentine literature showed it as well, and it can be considered one of its pillars. That is why we are interested in the relationship between the reflexion about feminism and the reflexion about dystopia. In this article, we analyze the novel Estrógenos (2016) by Leticia Martin. In this book, we are told about the journey of a pregnant man in a post-apocalyptic world. Our analysis probes the different aspects of this fictional narrative (technological, political, and ecological dytopias), and their connections to a critique of patriarchy. ; La industria cultural mundial se vio copada en los últimos años por un auge del género de la distopía. Al mismo tiempo, al menos a lo largo de la última década argentina, tenemos una fuerte presencia pública del activismo feminista. La literatura argentina no desdeñó tal impronta, e incluso puede considerársela como uno de sus pilares fundamentales. De allí que nuestro interés se centre en el cruce entre la reflexión sobre lo femenino y la reflexión sobre lo distópico. Para ello, abordamos la novela Estrógenos (2016) de Leticia Martin. En este texto se narran las peripecias de un hombre embarazado, con el fondo posapocalíptico de un mundo varias veces devastado. Nuestro análisis buscará comprender las diferentes facetas de la distopía narrada (vertiente tecnológica, política y medioambiental) y las alianzas que se establecen con una crítica al patriarcado.

A review essay on books by (1) Alan Gilbert, Must Global Politics Constrain Democracy? Great-Power Realism, Democratic Peace, and Internationalism (Princeton, NJ: Princeton U Press, 1999); (2) Stephen Krasner, Sovereignty: Organized Hypocrisy (Princeton, NJ: Princeton U Press, 1999); & (3) Alexander Wendt, Social Theory of International Politics (Cambridge: Cambridge U Press, 1999). This review article analyzes the changing relationship over the last 30 years between different political theorists in the field of international relations as expounded in these three works. Gilbert points out a change in modern democratic theorizing during the Vietnam War era. Krasner discusses state sovereignty, contending that Westphalian sovereignty does not deserve the position it holds in international relations' view of world politics. Wendt discusses constructivism within international politics. E. Miller

The paper investigates whether generalized trust in government varies among ethnic groups in a society. Theories on trust predominantly explain such institutional trust by the capabilities and intentions of the trusted actors, and research into trust is mainly done at the individual level measuring whether individual characteristics of the trustee and trusted one has explanatory power. Meanwhile, this paper analyzes the institutional trust at the macro (country) level. Based on a comparative study among 27 countries, this paper argues that there are significant differences between ethnic groups regarding their trust in the country's government and that significant effects are visible with the country's income inequality and one of Hofstede's dimensions of national culture, namely 'power distance'. This is an important finding as it calls for multi-level analyses when explaining institutional trust. Trust is not only dependent on the individual characteristics of the trusted one and the trustee but also on macro-level variables.

The paper investigates whether generalized trust in government varies among ethnic groups in a society. Theories on trust predominantly explain such institutional trust by the capabilities and intentions of the trusted actors, and research into trust is mainly done at the individual level measuring whether individual characteristics of the trustee and trusted one has explanatory power. Meanwhile, this paper analyzes the institutional trust at the macro (country) level. Based on a comparative study among 27 countries, this paper argues that there are significant differences between ethnic groups regarding their trust in the country's government and that significant effects are visible with the country's income inequality and one of Hofstede's dimensions of national culture, namely 'power distance'. This is an important finding as it calls for multi-level analyses when explaining institutional trust. Trust is not only dependent on the individual characteristics of the trusted one and the trustee but also on macro-level variables.

The paper investigates whether generalized trust in government varies among ethnic groups in a society. Theories on trust predominantly explain such institutional trust by the capabilities and intentions of the trusted actors, and research into trust is mainly done at the individual level measuring whether individual characteristics of the trustee and trusted one has explanatory power. Meanwhile, this paper analyzes the institutional trust at the macro (country) level. Based on a comparative study among 27 countries, this paper argues that there are significant differences between ethnic groups regarding their trust in the country's government and that significant effects are visible with the country's income inequality and one of Hofstede's dimensions of national culture, namely 'power distance'. This is an important finding as it calls for multi-level analyses when explaining institutional trust. Trust is not only dependent on the individual characteristics of the trusted one and the trustee but also on macro-level variables.

The paper investigates whether generalized trust in government varies among ethnic groups in a society. Theories on trust predominantly explain such institutional trust by the capabilities and intentions of the trusted actors, and research into trust is mainly done at the individual level measuring whether individual characteristics of the trustee and trusted one has explanatory power. Meanwhile, this paper analyzes the institutional trust at the macro (country) level. Based on a comparative study among 27 countries, this paper argues that there are significant differences between ethnic groups regarding their trust in the country's government and that significant effects are visible with the country's income inequality and one of Hofstede's dimensions of national culture, namely 'power distance'. This is an important finding as it calls for multi-level analyses when explaining institutional trust. Trust is not only dependent on the individual characteristics of the trusted one and the trustee but also on macro-level variables.

One of the fundamental traits of the Old Ethiopian Regime is the close link between land ownership and participation in the exercise of the move. In Mecca, the minority of landowners Amhara resident in town around churches, schools and government, proud of their ancient Christian civilization and their Solomonic genealogy, and aware of the superiority of their written culture. Oromo Meah, majority, folded in the countryside, have simultaneously lost their land rights and their independence from their defeat by troops Menilek (about 1870-1880). For nearly a century, no assimilation was possible between the chosen people of the victors and the vanquished who left swathes of their collective memory, submitting to the law of the masters. To this rule, beyond the few auxiliary Mecca of Amhara who have broken with their origins and received land rights and scraps of power. On the other hand, Galila, isolated on Wonn, false banana growers represent an enclave of peace, while throughout Mecca, the Amhara camp as an occupying army. The Revolution of 1974 provides striking proof when the old regime collapsed in a few days the announcement of Agrarian Reform. With the earth, the military surrendered to Mecca their traditions and language on radio and taught in schools. For some time, the firmed authorities try to control the land through cooperatives and show reluctance to return to the dominant Amharic character. The Mecca did they do that to change teachers? ; L'un des traits fondamentaux de l'Ancien Régime Ethiopien est la liaison étroite entre la possession de la terre et la participation à l'exercice du mouvoir. Au Meč̣č̣a , la minorité des propriétaires fonciers Amhara résident en ville autour des églises, des écoles et des administrations, fiers de leur antique civilisation chrétienne et de leur généalogie salomonienne, et conscients de la supériorité de leur culture écrite. Les Oromo Méa, majoritaires, repliés dans les campagnes, ont perdu simultanément leurs droits sur la terre et leur indépendance depuis leur ...