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This interdisciplinary volume examines the relationship between secularism, freedom of religion and human rights in legal, theoretical, historical and political perspective. It brings together chapters from leading scholars of human rights, law and religion, political theory, religious studies and history, and provides insights into the state of the debate about the relationship between these concepts. Comparative in orientation, its chapters draw on constitutional and political discourses and experience not only from Western Europe and the United States, but also from India, the Arab world, and Malaysia

Cover -- Half-title page -- Title page -- Copyright -- Contents -- Acknowledgements -- Introduction -- 1 A history of far-right ecologism -- 2 The far right and nature now -- 3 Online far-right ecologism and far-right movements -- 4 Deadly ecofascist violence -- 5 Towards ecofascism proper? -- Conclusion -- Notes.

This article explores the selected cases of the biographies of right-wing supporters from a larger sample of narrative interviews with young (18-35 years old) people in Poland and Germany. In the existing literature, we can find the socio-economic explanations of the sources of the right-wing turn (related to economic deprivation, precarisation, social exclusion, labor market competition with immigrants and others), as well as cultural explanations connected with new identity politics, symbolic exclusion and divide between society and political elites, the disembedding from previously solid communities, and the fear of new risks related to the inflow of cultural Others. Despite notable exceptions, it is rather uncommon to discuss in this context the actual biographical experiences of right-wing and far-right supporters. In the article, we take a closer look at four biographical cases of people declaring their political support for far right parties. The analysis of the cases leads to the distinction of socio-economic and socio-political pathways to right-wing populist support.

Under the motto "God, homeland, and family"—but also by stressing one further important marker of social identity, i.e., gender—Italian radical right party leader Giorgia Meloni multiplied her party seats in parliament from 2013 onwards. After the 2022 elections, she became the first woman prime minister in Italy. Starting from an overview of the figure of Giorgia Meloni as a radical right woman leader, we explore her and her party's position on women-related issues and their relevance while exploring, in opposition, two different contexts: representative institutions and social media. To do that, we draw on parliamentary data—bills and parliamentary questions introduced in parliament by Fratelli d'<em>Italia</em>—and on Meloni's public discourse—examined in an analysis of all the tweets posted by her official Twitter account, between 2013 and 2021. As expected, a low saliency of women's issues appears in all the types of data examined, although some of them are more exposed to the shift in attention caused by the rise of related trend topics. Both Meloni and her party are strong supporters of the "natural family" and make use of women's issues in claiming femonationalist arguments, especially on social media. However, Meloni and her party cannot be considered as fully "neo-traditional," as are other similar parties in Europe, but rather as a combination of "neo-traditional" and "modern-traditional."

This book offers a compact but general introduction to international human rights law. It discusses the theoretical, historical and legal foundations of international human rights law, providing an encompassing analysis of the substantive content of the most important human rights and of the role of States and non-State actors in ensuring their respect. It also carries out a specific analysis of the UN system and the ECHR and other regional systems, all this while constantly situating the discussion on international human rights law within the broader framework of public international law. While particularly suitable for undergraduate students in law, this book is also aimed at students of political science and other social sciences, as well as academics and practitioners. Pietro Pustorino is Full Professor of International Law at the Department of Law of Luiss University (Rome, Italy) and Director of the Luiss Center for International and Strategic Studies.

Intro -- Contents -- Table of Legislation -- Introduction -- 1. Philosophical Roots of the Concept of Humanity -- I. Ancient Greek Ideas Regarding Humanity and Citizenship -- II. Stoic Ideas of Humanity -- III. The Christian Idea of Humanity -- IV. The Enlightenment, Abstract Humanity and Universalism -- V. Kant's Conception of Humanity -- VI. Marx, Nietzsche and Freud: Towards a New Idea of Humanity and Political Subjectivity? -- 2. Foundations of Dignity and Human Rights -- I. Introduction -- II. The Human Soul in Greek Philosophy -- III. Dignity in the Christian Tradition -- IV. The Enlightenment, Kant and Human Dignity -- V. The Early French and US Declarations of Human Rights -- VI. Human Dignity in the Modern Human Rights Discourse -- 3. Ideas of Universal Human Rights versus Citizenship -- I. Introduction -- II. The Problem with Decoupling Human Rights and Citizenship -- III. Human Rights Dichotomies -- IV. Questioning the Universality of Human Rights -- 4. Ideas of World Citizenship: Attempting to Overcome the Conflict between the Exclusive and the Universal -- I. Introduction -- II. The Origins of Cosmopolitanism -- III. Global Citizenship and Human Rights -- 5. A New Framework of Global Human Rights -- I. Introduction -- II. A Postmodern Global Society without Borders? -- III. New Conceptions of Global Human Rights -- IV. A Theory of Global Human Rights -- Bibliography -- Index.

"Der Autor diskutiert die Frage, worin Bürgerschaft von Kindern in den zeitgenössischen Gesellschaften bestehen kann und an welche Voraussetzungen sie geknüpft ist. Hierzu stellt er verschiedene Konzepte von Bürgerschaft vor und diskutiert sie unter dem Aspekt ihrer Relevanz und Realisierungschancen für Kinder. Besonderes Augenmerk legt er auf eine Form von Bürgerschaft, die im Kontext sozialer Bewegungen von Kindern entsteht und die er als 'Bürgerschaft von unten' bezeichnet. In ihr manifestieren sich nicht nur Ansprüche auf Schutz, staatliche Leistungen und Partizipation, sondern eine Praxis, die auf Selbstorganisation beruht und die Möglichkeit einer gestaltenden Rolle von Kindern in der Gesellschaft unterstreicht." (Autorenreferat)