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Neo-republicans position James Harrington (1611–1677) as a seminal figure in a tradition that asks what set of institutions grant the individual freedom from domination. This article argues that the signal emphasis on freedom diverts us from the broader question of legitimacy motivating Harrington's republicanism. Harrington contends that the liberty property confers is a necessary but insufficient condition for de jure government. The popular liberty that a broad distribution of wealth secures must be supplemented by a Roman concept of authority in order for the regime to become legitimate. Republican legitimacy requires the marriage of popular power and aristocratic virtue; it demands both the wide distribution of property and the integration of authority as auctoritas into the political constitution. The elucidation of Harrington's dual theory of legitimacy makes it possible to reassess the distance separating a republicanism that follows Harrington from a liberalism that follows Hobbes.

In a recent article in theAmerican Political Science Review, Laver, Benoit, and Garry (2003, "Extracting policy positions from political texts using words as data," 97:311—331) propose a new method for conducting content analysis. TheirWordscoresapproach, by automating text-coding procedures, represents an advance in content analysis that will potentially have a large long-term impact on research across the discipline. To allow substantive interpretation, the scores produced by theWordscoresprocedure require transformation. In this note, we address several shortcomings in the transformation procedure introduced in the original program. We demonstrate that the original transformation distorts the metric on which content scores are placed—hindering the ability of scholars to make meaningful comparisons across texts—and that it is very sensitive to the texts that are scored—opening up the possibility that researchers may generate, inadvertently or not, results that depend on the texts they choose to include in their analyses. We propose a transformation procedure that solves these problems.

Recent work in the ethics of care is used as a point of departure for thought about the kinds of social conditions that lead to terrorism. Allusion is made to the work of Bayoumi, Held and others, and it is concluded that political acts of terror are often a response to a climate of hostility, including microaggression. ; Estudos recentes sobre a ética do cuidado têm sido usados como ponto de partida para ponderar quais são os tipos de condições sociais conducentes ao terrorismo. Referem-se os trabalho de Bayoumi, Held e outros, para se concluir que os actos políticos de terror são muitas vezes uma resposta ao clima de hostilidade, nele se incluindo a micro-agressão. ; info:eu-repo/semantics/publishedVersion

Analogies between society & living organisms, including persons, have been recurrent themes in political thought. One such analogy can be traced in Auguste Comte's interest in phrenology. Comte criticized phrenological theories that sought to define a distinct brain center for every function, emphasizing the vast number of possibilities inherent in the varying combinations of a few centers, thus defining the self as a quasipolitical entity. He recognized 18 faculties divisible into three groups: those informed by the senses, those guiding the musculature, & those guided only by the metabolic interior life of the body. He analogizes these to social groups, thus comparing individual & society rather than family & society, which reflects the influence of Augustinianism in French thought. 1 Figure. W. H. Stoddard

1. Introduction: A Civilian Response to State Terror -- 2. Political Technologies of Registration and Denunciation of State Violence -- 3. How to sustain a human rights organisation under state violence -- 4. Professions and Profiles: Epistemic Communities and the Registration of Human Rights Violations -- 5. Making state violence visible: Documenting, investigating and denouncing atrocities -- 6. The repertoire of Political violence: naming, defining and classifying -- 7. Registration and documentation of State violence as judicial evidence in human rights trials -- 8. Conclusion: Documentation of State Terrorism as Resistance -- 9. Epilogue

Social policy is a complex and heterogeneous system of political governance, which makes it necessary to study its implementation within the framework of various political systems and their constituent political institutions. Special attention should be paid to the political and social experience of European parliamentary monarchies, in which the elements of social policy are effectively implemented through social programs, the beneficiary, trustee or initiator of which is the monarchical component. A clear example reflecting the implementation of the previously announced principles of social policy in a practical dimension is the social programs of the monarchical component presented in the Principality of Liechtenstein. The article examines the social programs of European parliamentary monarchies, their role in the political process and the influence of the institution of the monarch on the adoption and implementation of relevant political decisions. The assumption is substantiated that the social programs characteristic of monarchical states correspond to the social function of the institution of the monarch, and also contribute to the de-escalation of social tension and the growth of political stability in society. A special monarchical approach allows for the support and protection of those social aspects that, by their nature, have a reduced public interest in non-monarchical states of government, which allows us to talk about the unique experience of European parliamentary monarchies and their contribution to the political and social progress of European states. These statements are confirmed by the experience of the social programs of the Principality of Liechtenstein, which is used as an illustration of these provisions.

In Political Liberalism , John Rawls did not try to fix public reason on a single political conception of justice. I disagree. This project shows that adopting a political liberal framework yields a political conception of justice with three principles of justice: equal basic rights and liberties, fair equality of opportunity and the bounded efficiency principle. The resulting theory is largely similar to justice as fairness, yet it differs in four key ways. First, equal basic rights and liberties is expanded to include a more robust set of positive political liberties. Second, fair equality of opportunity is not strictly political; rather, it can pierce the veil of nonpublic life if this aspect of life significantly impacts the basic structure of society. Third, the difference principle is rejected by a politically liberal framework, replace by the bounded efficiency principle. Last, the principles of justice are not lexicographically ordered. Instead, situations in which one principle conflicts with another are adjudicated by an appeal to general intuitionism.

Front Cover -- Half-Title Page -- Title Page -- Copyright Page -- Contents -- Foreword by Vandana Shiva -- The Seralini Affair and Monsanto's Manipulation of Science by Leemon B. McHenry -- Monsanto vs. Seralini: Pulling Back the Curtain by Michael L. Baum -- Chapter 1: Raising the Curtain -- Chapter 2: Discovery -- Chapter 3: The Way of the Whistleblower -- Chapter 4: The Explosion of 2012 -- Chapter 5: It's True Because We Say So -- Chapter 6: The Making of a Lie -- Chapter 7: Retraction by Corruption -- Chapter 8: The Dark Side of the Shadow Army -- Chapter 9: "A Pain in the Ass" -- Chapter 10: The Cornerstone of the Business of GMOs -- Chapter 11: Fate or a Bulgarian Umbrella? -- Chapter 12: Seralini against the "Scientific Community" -- Chapter 13: Toxic News: The Infiltration of the Media -- Chapter 14: A Society without Rotten Science -- Endnotes -- Glossary: Little Lexicon of Intentional Confusion -- List of Principal Characters in the Book -- Documents of The Seralini Affair -- Acknowledgments -- Books by the Same Authors.

Since the publication in 1896 of Andrew Dickson White's classic History of the Warfare of Science with Theology in Christendom, no comprehensive history of the subject has appeared in the English language. Although many twentieth-century historians have written on the relationship between Christianity and science, and in the process have called into question many of White's conclusions, the image of warfare lingers in the public mind. To provide an up-to-date alternative, based on the best available scholarship and written in nontechnical language, the editors of this volume have assembled an international group of distinguished historians. In eighteen essays prepared especially for this book, these authors cover the period from the early Christian church to the twentieth century, offering fresh appraisals of such encounters as the trial of Galileo, the formulation of the Newtonian worldview, the coming of Darwinism, and the ongoing controversies over "scientific creationism." They explore not only the impact of religion on science, but also the influence of science and religion. This landmark volume promises not only to silence the persistent rumors of war between Christianity and science, but also serve as the point of departure for new explorations of their relationship, Scholars and general readers alike will find it provocative and readable