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The emergence of a public request for the realization of special abilities of a person, focused on children, is typical for countries where awareness of their own intellectual backwardness has become a consequence of comparison with others. This is the so-called post-totalitarian or, more specifically, post-communist countries, different from the free world, as thoroughly proved by the study "Psychotherapy in the Western World and in the USSR" (1973) by one of the most prominent hypnotherapists and psychotherapists of the world Dr. Eugene Hlywa (Sydney, Australia). In particular, a definite stature, inherent in every human population, the aggregate of the capacities of people's abilities is roughly equal in each country. However, the countries of the free world, by their freedom of expression and respect for this individual self-expression, create conditions for the implementation of any capacities of abilities, while totalitarian - only conditions for a relatively small number of able people, sufficient to serve the interests of the ruling elite. Everyone else, as it was already in the history of Ukraine at the beginning of the 20th century, was destroyed: most Ukrainian kobzars were shot at Kharkiv, Ukrainian poets, writers and playwrights - shot in the Sandarmokh Karelian tract, etc. Comparison of ancient Greek cities confirms the vitality of Athens as a city of free prosperity of human abilities and the decline of Sparta, which served as an example of a state organization for future communist and national-socialist leaders of the USSR and the Third Reich.

In 1934, with the increasing threats to democracy from such totalitarian nations as Italy and Germany, Sir Ernest Simon (1879-1960), a British industrialist and former Liberal MP, founded the Association for Education in Citizenship (AEC) to advocate reform in citizenship education forcultivating democratic citizenship. Simon's efforts and his distinctive approach towards citizenship education, which was different from that of his contemporaries such as Fred Clarke, R. H. Tawney, and Richard Livingstone, have been discussed and acknowledged by historians. Even so, few historians have attempted to grasp Simon's ideals of liberal democracy and how his democratic ideals were reflected in his views of citizenship education. Due to a lack of connection between Simon's democratic ideals and his views of citizenship education, previous literature not only fails to explain in what way Simon's approach towards citizenship was «liberal», but also misinterprets Simon's ideas of citizenship education. In view of this, the current paper explores Simon's views of democratic citizenship and his campaign for a new citizenship education in relation to his ideals of liberal democracy in order to provide a better understanding of Simon's approach towards citizenship education. Moreover, it will help shed some light on the development of citizenship education in twentieth-century England. ; En 1934, con los crecientes desafíos a la democracia por parte de naciones totalitarias como Alemania e Italia, Sir Ernest Simon (1879-1960), un industrial británico y exdiputado liberal, fundó la Asociación para la Educación en Ciudadanía (AEC) para propugnar la reforma de la educación para la ciudadanía con el fin de cultivar la ciudadanía democrática. Los esfuerzos de Simon y su enfoque característico de la educación para la ciudadanía, que presentaba diferencias con respeto al de sus contemporáneos como Fred Clarke, R. H. Tawney y Richard Livingstone, ha sido tratada y reconocida por los historiadores. Aun así, pocos historiadores han intentado captar los ideales de democracia liberal de Simon y cómo se reflejaron en su visión de la educación para la ciudadanía. Debido a esta falta de vinculación entre los ideales democráticos de Simon y su visión de la educación para la ciudadanía, la bibliografía existente no sólo fracasa al explicar de qué manera el acercamiento de Simon a ciudadanía fue «liberal», sino que también interpreta erróneamente las ideas de Simon sobre la ciudadanía democrática y su campaña por una nueva educación para la ciudadanía. En vista de esto, el presente escrito explora la visión de Simon de la ciudadanía democrática y su campaña por una nueva educación para ciudadanía en relación a sus ideales de democracia liberal con el fin de ofrecer una mejor compresión del enfoque de Simon a la educación para la ciudadanía. El artículo, además, ayudará a arrojar luz sobre el desarrollo de la educación para la ciudadanía en la Inglaterra del siglo XX

1. If Not Now, When? -- 2. A Developing Community of Collaboration in Indiana -- 3. Learning Together: Exploring Visual and Textual Narration with Students Affected by Forced Migration -- 4. Global Cultural Exchange, Women's Leadership, and Advocacy: Connecting the Hudson Valley and the Gaza Strip through WhatsApp -- 5. Refugees and Forced Migration: An Engaged Humanities Course in French and Francophone Studies -- 6. Education Can't Wait for LGBTQ Refugees? Exploring Inclusion and Access to Higher Education in Kakuma Refugee Camp -- 7. Migration, Death, and Disappearance: Education and Engagement in Tuscon, Arizona -- 8. Teaching Undergraduate Forced Migration Studies through a Community-based Law and Policy Clinic during COVID: What are the crises and opportunities? -- 9. Court Interpretation, or Ganas Goes Legit -- 10. Searching for Safety and Researching for Justice: Documenting Migrant Experiences in the Paso del Norte Border Region -- 11. What Can Architectural Education Do? From a Design-Oriented Approach toward a Research-Oriented Approach and Politically Informed Spatial Practice in the Refugee Context -- 12. The Archaeology of Forced Migration in Greece: A Layered Pedagogy -- 13. Teaching Forced Displacement with Geospatial Technology in Refugee Camps: Lessons from Rwanda and Jordon -- 14. On the Pedagogical Value of Not Going There: Mobility, Fossil Fuel Consumption, and the Production of Refugees -- 15. Teaching Tragedy: Toward a Pedagogy of Accountability - The Every Campus A Refuge Model -- 16. The Power of Participatory and Immersive Filmmaking -- 17. Finding Place: Strengthening Pedagogical Practices on Forced Migration through Interpersonal Understanding in Higher Education -- 18. Climate Change, Human Displacement, and STEM Education: Toward a More Transdisciplinary and Inclusive Culture of Science -- 19. Reading Eveline in Jakarta: Community Learning with Hazara Refugees -- 20. Place-Conscious Education: Teaching Displacement Using Oral Histories in Virtual Reality -- 21. Learning at the Borders: How an Experimental Learning Course in Bern, Switzerland Transformed Undergraduate Learning about Memory, Mental Health and Displacement -- 22. Rebuilding After War and Genocide: Learning with and From Refugees in the Transnational Digital Classroom -- 23. Small Things.

Environmental education in elementary schools is one of the important issues related to the overall institutional education. During the last few decades we have witnessed threats to the environment which have made the environmental education of young people a necessity. The process of this education should be continuously examined and improved. It has been noticed that along with education, it there is a growing need for more effective environmental training. The education system in schools is formed according to guidelines set by legislation, curriculum and educational standards relevant to the level of achievement of students and binding for all participants in the teaching process. An analysis of class 5-8 standardized geography curriculum emphasizes the lacks of environmental education goals, general and operational tasks, curriculum contents and instructions for teaching environmental protection related curriculum. With the aim of improving teaching methods and achieving better results concerning environmental awareness among students, the paper presents suggestions for improving the existing primary school geography curriculum.

The state increasingly represents an enigma in contemporary politics, and opens up a variety of controversies in social science research. On the one hand, the state has been a central concept used to constitute the 'international', and its institutionalization across the globe the focus of concern behind state-building. For instance, the state frequently represents itself as a practical measure of political maturity - as exemplified by the significance attached to 'a seat' at the United Nations and the importance assigned to state-building measures as a means to counter poverty and terrorism. Yet, on the other hand, there are simultaneous claims that the state is increasingly eclipsed by global markets, transnational environmental and social hazards, and not to mention expanding webs of international governance regimes. Following this logic, the concept of the state is argued as outdated, while we are being persuaded to be better off speaking of a politics of networks, instead of a politics among nations.