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AbstractPolitical agenda‐setting research has shown that policy makers are responsive vis‐à‐vis media priorities. However, the mechanisms behind this effect have remained understudied so far. In particular, agenda‐setting scholars have difficulties determining to what extent politicians react to media coverage purely because of the information it contains (information effect), and to what extent the effect is driven not by what the media say but by the fact that certain information is in the media (media channel effect), which is valued for its own sake – for instance, because media coverage is considered to be a reflection of public opinion. By means of a survey‐embedded experiment with Belgian, Canadian and Israeli political elites (N = 410), this study tests whether the mere fact that an issue is covered by the news media causes politicians to pay attention to this issue. It shows that a piece of information gets more attention from politicians when it comes via the media rather than an identical piece of information coming via a personal e‐mail. This effect occurs largely across the board: it is not dependent on individual politician characteristics.

This article investigates the work of processors who curate and "clean" the data sets that researchers submit to data archives for archiving and further dissemination. Based on ethnographic fieldwork conducted at the data processing unit of a major US social science data archive, I investigate how these data processors work, under which status, and how they contribute to data sharing. This article presents two main results. First, it contributes to the study of invisible technicians in science by showing that the same procedures can make technical work invisible outside and visible inside the archive, to allow peer review and quality control. Second, this article contributes to the social study of scientific data sharing, by showing that the organization of data processing directly stems from the conception that the archive promotes of a valid data set—that is, a data set that must look "pristine" at the end of its processing. After critically interrogating this notion of pristineness, I show how it perpetuates a misleading conception of data as "raw" instead of acknowledging the important contribution of data processors to data sharing and social science.

AbstractOur paper is the first to examine the impact of government‐firm collusion on firm tax avoidance in China by applying an instrumental variable approach. We take political turnover of local leaders as an external shock to the existing collusion and investigate firms' tax avoidance activities during local leadership transition. By using data on political turnover of prefectural leaders and listed firms from 2007 to 2014, we find that political turnover leads to the instability of existing collusion, and consequently a decrease in firm tax avoidance. This provides evidence of the pre‐existing collusion between government and firms. We then rule out the possibility that such change is driven by the effect of political uncertainty or tax competition by considering the heterogeneous effect of firms and cities. Finally, we show that firms' political connections, captured by political ties and ownership of firms, stabilize the existing collusion and help firms maintain their advantage while facing external political shocks.

In this article, I argue that at the center of Jean-Luc Nancy's approach to the political lies the thinking of subject as that of relation. Throughout the historical actualizations of, for example, the individual, the state, or the people as a subject, the problematic of relation is one that has retreated and now demands to be subjected to a retreatment. When the arche-teleological presuppositions that constitute subject as that which is given enter the phase of deconstruction, subject comes to present itself as nothing but the activity of relating itself to itself. I respond to Nancy's call to invent "an affirmation of relation" by way of rethinking the logics of sovereignty and democracy. While sovereignty unites, posits, finitizes, and finishes the self of the people, a post-68 democracy pluralizes, infinitizes, and disfigures the identity of the people. Between sovereignty and democracy, notwithstanding their conflicting tenets, the relation is not that of reciprocal exclusion. One is rather the correlative of the other. Without the one, the other would not make any sense. Through this Janus-faced economy of the political, the people can experience its own "reality"—to experience relation itself. The affirmation of relation is what gives and keeps free the voided site of the political for the infinite self-institution of the people, and for that reason is political par excellence. ; peerReviewed

This paper addresses the issue of the political Islam which has a long history in Algeria, since the link between Islam and politics is not a new phenomenon in contemporary Algeria. The various resistance movements against the French Colonization gained justification not only in the name of Algeria but also of Islam. Thus, Algeria's specific historical experience largely determined the timing and particular nature of its own Islamist movement. This article attempts to trace the modern origins of the Islamist movement from the role Islam played in resistance to French colonial rule, to contemporary Algeria which is a key test case for the role of Islam in politics and its influence on both internal and external policies. Aside from analyzing the politico-religious landscape in Algeria and the relationship between the state and religion, the paper also examines how Algerian Islamism has evolved into transnational terrorism under the light of the analytical background.

Background: Students enter the medical study with different types of motives. Given the importance of academic motivation for good academic achievement of the students, the present study was designed to reveal the possible relationship between academic motivation and achievement in medical students.Methods: In this cross-sectional study medical students (N=364) of Nepalese Army institute of Health Sciences were participated and classified to different subgroups using intrinsic and controlled motivation scores. Cluster membership was used as an independent variable to assess differences in study strategies and academic performance. Results: Four clusters were obtained: High Intrinsic High Controlled, Low Intrinsic High Controlled, High Intrinsic Low Controlled, and Low Intrinsic Low Controlled. High Intrinsic High Controlled and High Intrinsic Low Controlled profile students constituted 36.1%, 22.6% of the population, respectively. No significant differences were observed as regards to deep strategy and surface strategy between high interest status motivated and high interest-motivated students. However, both of the clusters had significantly deeper, surface strategy and better academic performance than status-motivated and low-motivation clusters (p < 0.001). Conclusions: The interest status motivated and interest-motivated medical students were associated with good deep and surface study strategy and good academic performance. Low-motivation and status-motivated students were associated with the least academic performance with less interest learning behaviors. This reflected that motivation is important required component for good learning outcomes for medical student.

A one-dimensional model of spatial political competition with endogenous party formation is developed. It is proved that at equilibrium there are only two parties. These parties propose alternatives in the extreme positions of the policy space. The adopted policy, however, is a compromise between these two extremes ; The second author wishes to acknowledge financial support from the Spanish Ministry of Education, projects no. PB93-0940, PB94-1504 and D.G.I.C.Y.T. mobility grant ; The first author is supported by the German Academic Exchange Service (DAAD). The second author wishes to acknowledge financial support from the Spanish Ministry of Education, projects no. PB93-0940, PB94-1504 and D.G.I.C.Y.T. mobility grant ; Publicado

Contents -- Preface - Morris Janowitz -- Introduction - Henry Bienen -- Part One. The Initial Involvemnet: Sub-Saharan Africa -- The Military in Ethiopian Politics: Capabilities and Constraints - Donald N. Levine -- Public Order and the Military in Africa: Mutinies in Kenya, Uganda, and Tanganyika - Henry Bienen -- Military Intervention in the New States of Tropical Africa: Elements of Comparative Analysis - Aristide R. Zolberg -- Part Two. After the Seizure of Power: The Struggle for Stability

This article documents the activism and applied contributions of select African American social scientists whose applied methods from the mid-1890s to the present made contributions to understanding the black experiences, the achievement of civil rights, and the development of the contemporary Black Studies academic discipline. The resulting historical analysis indicates that black social scientists had initially been, and to some extent continue to be, the progenitors of applied social science methodology. While scholars have recently recognized the marginalization of black social scientists within their respective disciplines, I argue that black social scientists have been the underrecognized intellectual leaders that helped established what is now known as applied social science.

Over the last century, many philosophers have argued in favour of a liberal-egalitarian accommodation of capitalism, in which the liberty of the market is to be combined with an egalitarian distribution of property. Theorists of positive freedom, amongst others, have been prominent in arguing for the liberal-egalitarian accommodation. They have argued that an egalitarian distribution of private property is necessary to give every citizen equal positive freedom. To lead an autonomous life, every citizen needs control over some private property. The liberal-egalitarian accommodation to capitalism has come under threat in the last decades, as documented by a renewed widening of inequalities in wealth and income. In this essay, I will argue that this predicament requires us to look at one important precondition of the positive freedom argument. This precondition I call the de-politization of private property. Private property is conceived of as a purely private phenomenon, which has no effects on the exercise of political power. However, whether this precondition is met is a contingent matter; and so defenders of the positive freedom argument therefore need to turn their attention to the problem posed by the relation between private property and political power.

The Romanian Academy of Medical Sciences is the institution that includes the elite of the Romanian medical and pharmaceutical professionals. This is an article of recollection of one of the most outstanding presidents of the Romanian Academy of Medical Sciences, Nicolae Cajal. A distinguished scientist, Cajal accepted not only the task of president of this forum, but was also involved in social and political projects, as chairman of the Jewish Community of Romania, gaining the respect of both his colleagues and the general population. His activity is put in the context of the period in which he lived.