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Governments in democratic systems are expected to respond to the issue preferences of citizens. Yet we have a limited understanding of the factors that cause levels of responsiveness to vary across time and between countries. In this article, the authors suggest that political contestation is the primary mechanism driving policy responsiveness and that this, in turn, is mediated by political institutions and government popularity. To test this proposition, the authors analyze the responsiveness of executive policy promises (speeches) and policy actions (public expenditure) in Britain, Denmark, and the United States in the period from 1970 to 2005. These time-series analyses show that higher levels of political contestation are associated with more responsive executives.

The 2019 Presidential election divided voters into two strongholds, namely the strongholds of Jokowi-Ma'ruf supporters and the stronghold of Prabowo-Sandi supporters. There has been an increase in political participation caused by the high cohesiveness of the group in supporting both candidates. The two sides attack each other even in some cases can damage family relationships and friendships due to differences in choice. The cohesiveness is evident from the swearing used to attack each group, Kampret is a swearing-in aimed at supporters of Prabowo- Sandi, and Cebong is a swearing-in aimed at supporters of Jokowi -Ma'ruf. The purpose of this paper is to see groupthink in political participants in the 2019 Presidential Election. The methodology used is descriptive qualitative. The results of this study show that groupthink occurred in the 2019 presidential election seen from several symptoms, namely each side shows the illusion of inconsistency, belief in ingrained morality, the existence of stereotypes of opposing groups, collective rationalization, self-censorship, pressure on opponents, mind guards and the illusion of unanimity.

Argues that the current situation is associated with cyclical violence between Israelis and Palestinian Arabs since establishment of the Palestinian National Authority (PNA) in 1994, as well as with Palestinian economic decline, problems which can only be solved by economic separation; with comments.

The foundation of recent science, technology and innovation (STI) policy in Tanzania lay in providing the 'proper' conditions for encouraging investment in agriculture. The authors argue that imagining activities in tea research as 'tinkering' helps to explain the learning processes and gaps in STI policy. Detailing how the tea industry tinkers with investment in the sector in a process of learning by using, how international networks influence formal learning, and how learning by interacting produces incremental innovations in practice demonstrates this point. Drawing on Kuhlmann et al.'s (2010) three dances, the authors show that there is a dominance of theory, but not a dominance of theoretically driven results. Rather, the actors are tinkering with the opportunities at their disposal to create spaces for progress on policy indicators that do not always align with the theory that drives them. As a result, the authors see a government failure where the practices of technology adoption and innovation are not taken up in systematic ways. However, they argue that it is more appropriate to speak of tensions, rather than failures, as the situation also provides opportunities. By drawing upon insights from the notion of tinkering, the authors contribute to the critiques of STI policy that are raised within Tanzania.