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Explores accountability as a framework for building movements to transform systemic oppression and violence What does it take to build communities to stand up to injustice and create social change? How do we work together to transform, without reproducing, systems of violence and oppression?In an age when feminism has become increasingly mainstream, noted feminist scholar and activist Ann Russo asks feminists to consider the ways that our own behavior might contribute to the interlocking systems of oppression that we aim to dismantle. Feminist Accountability offers an intersectional analysis of three main areas of feminism in practice: anti-racist work, community accountability and transformative justice, and US-based work in and about violence in the global south. Russo explores accountability as a set of frameworks and practices for community- and movement-building against oppression and violence. Rather than evading the ways that we are implicated, complicit, or actively engaged in harm, Russo shows us how we might cultivate accountability so that we can contribute to the feminist work of transforming oppression and violence. Among many others, Russo brings up the example of the most prominent and funded feminist and LGBT antiviolence organizations, which have become mainstream in social service, advocacy, and policy reform projects. This means they often approach violence through a social service and criminal legal lens that understands violence as an individual and interpersonal issue, rather than a social and political one. As a result, they ally with, rather than significantly challenge, the state institutions, policies, and systems that underlie and contribute to endemic violence. Grounded in theories, analyses, and politics developed by feminists of color and transnational feminists of the global south, with her own thirty plus years of participation in community building, organizing, and activism, Russo provides insider expertise and critical reflection on leveraging frameworks of accountability to upend inequitable divides and the culture that supports them

Introduction / Darren Dochuk and Jerald Podair -- The Progressive Era: a historiographical survey / Elaine Frantz -- The 1920s: a historiographical survey / Jennifer Fronc -- The Great Depression and New Deal: a historiographical survey / Mason B. Williams -- World War II: a historiographical survey/ john mccallum -- The Cold War era: a historiographical survey / Gene Zubovich -- The 1960s: a historiographical survey / Doug Rossinow -- The 1970s: a historiographical survey / Kirsten Swinth -- The 1980s: a historiographical survey / Vincent J. Cannato -- The 1990s: a historiographical survey / Mark Thomas Edwards -- Economics and capitalism: a historiographical survey / Sean Vanatta -- Intellectual: a historiographical survey / Daniel Wickberg -- Politics of liberalism and conservatism: a historiographical survey / Jennifer Delton -- Social and cultural: a historiographical survey / Stephen R. Duncan -- Labor and working-class: a historiographical survey / Jon Shelton -- Foreign relations and U.S. in the world: a historiographical survey / Kelly J. Shannon -- Legal and constitutional: a historiographical survey / Mary Ziegler -- Environmental: a historiographical survey / Bartow J. Elmore -- Women's and gender: a historiographical survey / Abigail Trollinger -- LGBT: a historiographical survey / Cookie Woolner -- African American and civil rights: a historiographical survey / Clarence Taylor -- Latino/a history: a historiographical survey / Felipe Hinojosa -- Native America: a historiographical survey / Sherry L. Smith -- Asian American history: a historiographical survey / Cindy I-Fen Cheng -- Immigration and ethnicity: a historiographical survey / Stephanie Hinnershitz -- Metropolitan: a historiographical survey / Andrew R. Highsmith -- American west: a historiographical survey / John William Nelson -- Border/lands: a historiographical survey / Sheila McManus -- Agricultural and rural: a historiographical survey / Pamela Riney-Kehrberg -- Consumerism and popular culture: a historiographical survey / Emily A. Remus -- Science, medicine, and technology: a historiographical survey / Myrna Perez Sheldon -- Sport and leisure: a historiographical survey / Travis Vogan -- Disability: a historiographical survey / Daniel Wilson -- Religious: a historiographical survey / Sarah Ruble -- Food and health: a historiographical survey / Benjamin E. Zeller

The trope of the repressive Muslim, obstinately attached to their regressive world views, recalcitrant antagoniser of modernity, has become a thoroughly familiar drama. Redundant spectacles abound: events often highly mediatised, substantiated by conservativism and liberalism alike, deployed as justification for policing, surveillance and invasion. The 2019 protests against the 'No Outsiders' LGBT lessons held in Birmingham, England are one such spectacle. Foregoing the dominant portrayal of the protests as an event of Muslim homophobia, I instead examine the social processes that render the event exceptional in the British imaginary and the statecraft it subsequently enables. First, the protests' production as a spectacular event is analysed through the historical conditions of Europe's self-constitution through Islam-as-Threat. It is through liberalism's amnesiac frame, one that erases its imperial and racist culpability, that the sexual exceptionalism that undergirds the spectacle of the protests can be understood. Second, reading the protests 'sideways', I argue, reveals how the displacement of homophobia onto Muslims continues liberalism's tradition of situating its Others as oppositional to its purported gendered and sexual freedoms. In this context, sex education as deradicalisation of Muslim pupils becomes normalised, even as British liberalism disavows racism. Thirdly, the inclusion of queer Muslims as the authentic voice emerging from the cross-sections of queer and Muslim identity is critiqued as a 'non-performativity'. Rather than offering a relational understanding of queer, Muslim and queer Muslim vulnerabilities, this inclusion elides an intersectional analysis of British homonationalism. I conclude by arguing for 'an unalienated politics' that is vigilant to co-optation, refusing to treat queerness as an exceptional site of injury. As such, how can we imagine the 'queer' in queer Muslim as a political position that refuses to capitulate to the hierarchisation of the human?

For much of the 20th century, Evangelical churches were a religious sector traditionally resistant to political participation. However, nowadays, they participate inpublic life and are key actors in certain political junctures due to their capacity to convene,mobilize and pressure. Faced with this scenario, this article aims to identify and explain the factors that allow us to understand the reactive politicization of Evangelical churches. For this, in-depth semi-structured interviews were conducted with key actors andscholars, and different secondary sources were reviewed to trace the process and providean explanation for this phenomenon. The general hypothesis that guides the analysis isthat Evangelical churches gave up to their traditional resistance to political participation and dabbled in politics through social mobilization due to the confluence of three factors:the neopentecostalization of Evangelical churches, the influence of the AmericanChristian Right and the Peruvian state's responses to the demands of the feminist andLGBT movements. ; Durante gran parte del siglo XX, las iglesias evangélicas se caracterizaron por serun sector religioso tradicionalmente resistente a la participación política; sin embargo, enla actualidad, incursionan en la vida pública y son actores elevantes en ciertas coyunturaspolíticas por su capacidad para convocar, movilizar y presionar. Frente a ese escenario,este artículo tiene como objetivo identificar y explicar los factores que permitancomprender la politización reactiva de las iglesias evangélicas. Para ello, se realizaronentrevistas semiestructuradas a profundidad a actores clave y académicos especialistas, yse revisaron diferentes fuentes secundarias para reconstruir el proceso en cuestión yofrecer una explicación a este fenómeno. La hipótesis general que orienta el análisis esque las iglesias evangélicas desistieron de su tradicional resistencia a participar en políticae incursionaron en ella a través de la movilización social debido a la confluencia de tresfactores: la neopentecostalización del mundo evangélico, la influencia de la derecha cristiana estadounidense y las respuestas del Estado peruano frente a las demandas de losmovimientos feminista y LGBT.

My PhD thesis entitled The Political Economy of Sex Work in Europe' aims at reformulating the most politically relevant aspects of sex work in contemporary Europe in terms of state policy interventions and of main conflicts between groups engaging on the politics of sex work, through a systematic use of materialist tools, in particular French Materialist Feminism (Leonard, Adkins (eds.), 1996). The first step of this theoretical enterprise is the recognition of the uniquely interesting position, both political and epistemological, held by the sex workers' movement in the context of a general sex work regime emerging across different countries: the 'anti-trafficking' regime. Beyond the clear position that 'sex work is work', and its claims for legalisation, this movement offers a variety of original reflections on the specificities of sex work, both in terms of its labour content and its political content. In particular, sex work activists appear to argue that sex work is both sex and work; that, as with the rest of sex, it is first of all a practice of human interaction; and that, centrally, it carries a unique stigma which may correspond to a unique potential resistance. Elaborating on this marginalised knowledge, my contribution furthers an understanding of the specificity of the production of sex - whether it takes place in a work context or not - as a 'focused interaction' (Goffman, 1963) that constitutes a kind of 'factory of the selves' employing 'relational labour'. It also defines the concrete social division relevant to sex work in contemporary Europe, which is one of gender, but also of sexual identity and ethnicity - in other words, of those who are defined as 'abnormals' versus the 'normals'. The thesis overall suggests that, when given theoretical breath, the struggles of sex workers may indicate that a 'class' analysis is necessary to understand the specific relational exploitation that women, LGBT, and ethnicised people are subjected to as abnormals, far beyond the sphere of sex work.

On 11 April 2021 Ecuador's presidential run-off election will take place between leftist candidate Andrés Arauz from the UNES coalition and right-wing conservative Guillermo Lasso from the PSC-CREO alliance. Though this appears to be a conventional left-right battle, the successful first-round performance of Yaku Pérez from Pachakutik and Xavier Hervas from the ID surprised many observers. Ecuador's run-off represents the choice between two opposing models of development. Arauz seeks to advance ex-president Rafael Correa's anti-neoliberal "Citizen Revolution," while Lasso promotes the old neoliberal agenda. Both contenders are betting on revenues from extractivism to fund their development plans. In the first round, Arauz and Lasso avoided taking firm stances on issues related to the environment, gender, and sexual minorities. For the run-off, they have both "greened" their agendas and spun their positions as "women- and LGBT-friendly," recognizing the success of alternative third forces led by Pachakutik and the Izquierda Democrática (ID). Despite a left majority in the legislature, creating a unified leftist front is wishful thinking. The differences between Unión por la Esperanza (UNES) and Pachakutik are irreconcilable: the former seems incapable of turning away from its founding figure, Correa, and the indigenous movement continues to be internally fragmented. As both run-off candidates combined received only a little over half of the first-round vote, endorsements are currently a crucial battleground for the finalists. Pachakutik and the ID have announced they will support neither Arauz nor Lasso. The political tradition in Ecuador indicates that votes are not easily transferred, due to voters' weak identification with programmatic militancy and ideology. Whoever wins the presidential run-off will have to deal with an urgent and profound socio-economic crisis reinforced by the COVID-19 pandemic.

"Do the United States and France, both post-industrial democracies, differ in their views and laws concerning discrimination? Marie Mercat-Bruns, a Franco-American scholar, examines the differences in how the two countries approach discrimination. Bringing together prominent legal scholars--including Robert Post, Linda Krieger, Martha Minow, Reva Siegel, Susan Sturm, Richard Ford, and others--Mercat-Bruns demonstrates how the two nations have adopted divergent strategies. The United States continues, with mixed success at "colorblind" policies, to deal with issues of diversity in university enrollment, class action sex-discrimination lawsuits, and rampant police violence against African American men and women. In France, the country has banned the full-face veil while making efforts to present itself as a secular republic. Young men and women whose parents and grandparents came from sub-Sahara and North Africa are stuck coping with a society that fails to take into account the barriers to employment and education they face. Discrimination at Work provides an incisive comparative analysis of how the nature of discrimination in both countries has changed, now often hidden, or steeped in deep unconscious bias. While it is rare for employers in both countries to openly discriminate, deep systemic discrimination exists, rooted in structural and environmental causes and the ways each state has dealt with difference in general. Invigorating and incisive, the book examines hot-button issues of sexual harassment, gender discrimination, and equality for LGBT individuals, delivering comparisons meant to further social equality and fundamental human rights across borders"--Provided by publisher.

"Mainstreaming Gays discusses a key transitional period linking the eras of legacy and streaming, analyzing how queer production and interaction that had earlier occurred outside the mainstream was transformed by multiple converging trends: the emergence of digital media, the rising influence of fan cultures, and increasing interest in LGBTQ content within commercial media. U.S. networks Bravo and Logo broke new ground in the 2000s and 2010s with their channel programming, as well as bringing in a new cohort of LGBTQ digital content creators, providing unprecedented opportunities for independent queer producers, and hosting distinctive spaces for queer interaction online centered on pop culture and politics rather than dating. These developments constituted the ground from which recent developments for LGBTQ content and queer sociality online have emerged. Mainstreaming Gays is critical reading for those interested in media production, fandom, subcultures, and LGBTQ digital media"--

From Donald Trump in the U.S. to Jair Bolsonaro in Brazil, Viktor Orbán in Hungary, and Narendra Modi in India, right-wing populist leaders have taken power in many parts of the world. While each country's populist movement is distinct, they are united by several key features, including the presence of a boastful strongman leader and the scapegoating of vulnerable populations, especially immigrants, people of color, LGBTQ people, and women. The Perils of Populism shows how a feminist lens can help diagnose the factors behind the global rise of right-wing populism and teach us how to resist the threat it presents to democracy. Featuring interdisciplinary essays about politics in the United States, the Middle East, Europe, and India from a variety of acclaimed theorists and activists, the volume contributes to a rapidly expanding literature on gender and the far right. Together, these chapters offer a truly intersectional analysis of the problem, addressing everything from how populism has thrived in a "post-truth" era to the ways it appeals to working-class voters looking for an alternative to neoliberalism. Yet the authors also find reasons to be hopeful, as they showcase forms of grassroots feminist activism that challenge right-wing populism by advocating for racial and economic justice

In September 2019 German Foreign Minister Heiko Maas will officially launch the Alliance for Multilateralism at the United Nations, which Brazilian President Jair Bolsonaro regards as a "useless institution." Since the right-wing extremist took office in January 2019, Brazil and Germany have been positioned in opposing camps on climate change, migration, and human rights policies. Bolsonaro's rhetorical fanning of the flames in Amazonia is only the tip of the iceberg. Brazilian-German relations have not been more distant since the Brazilian military dictatorship.
Similar to President Donald Trump's populist modus operandi, Bolsonaro's foreign policy aims at pleasing his political base. Domestic interests are more important than global responsibilities such as the protection of the Amazon. Climate change has been called a "Marxist conspiracy" by Brazilian Foreign Minister Ernesto Araújo.
Traditional principles of Brazilian diplomacy such as democratic multilateralism have taken a back seat. National development in technology, infrastructure, and trade is the priority goal. The highly competitive agribusiness is a key sector in this approach.
Bolsonaro's election promise to move the Brazilian embassy in Israel to Jerusalem was addressed to his powerful evangelical base. Cabinet members from the military warned that Brazil might become a target of Islamist terrorism, while the liberal agricultural lobby is afraid of losing its Middle Eastern markets.
Brazilian foreign policy will depend on the outcome of the struggle between economic liberals, religious ideologists, and the military. However, the Brazilian government has already transformed itself from an advocate for into a violator of indigenous, LGBT, and other minorities' rights.
Shared Brazilian-German goals are limited to the peaceful re-democratisation of Venezuela and soft balancing China's New Silk Road project. Brazil is on the edge of becoming an illiberal democracy. Germany and the European Union should start using their economic leverage to side with Brazilian minorities and human right defenders. With the recent signing of the EU–Mercosur trade agreement, Europeans should seek to enforce social and labour rights standards as well as binding and verifiable regulations on agricultural goods linked to deforestation and violations of indigenous rights.

Abstract
This paper aims to demonstrate how the various declinations of public and private dissent represented in a contemporary work of African literature, The Death of Vivek Oji (2020) by Akwaeke Emezi, can be read as an instance of literature's world-making capacity. As the novel's title anticipates, The Death of Vivek Oji reconstructs the life of its eponymous protagonist and the events that led to their death (Vivek is a non-binary, transgender person and both male and female pronouns are used to refer to them). Emezi's novel is set in Nigeria during the late 1990s and the narrative actively engages in a representation of the socio-political situation of the country back then, covering the impact that the sudden death of the head of state, Sani Abacha, had on the population. Throughout the novel, dissent is depicted on two levels: on the one hand, it appears as an expression of democratic desire through the public protests against the country's politics, as well as acts of violence against and among ethno-religious groups; on the other hand, there is also a parallel representation of private dissent in terms of the affirmation of one's own identity. Vivek's decision to not cut their long hair becomes, therefore, a form of personal opposition against society's pre-imposed gendered constructs. In this sense, if the social stigma attached to members of the LGBT community is personified by the incapacity of Vivek's parents to accept and understand their non-binary child, Vivek's friends represent a communal act of resistance against such an oppressive social system. Ultimately, the opposition between public and private dissent finds its climax in Vivek's death, in its causes and consequences. Building the critical analysis of the novel upon recent conceptualisations of literature as an active force that provokes dissent (Cheah 2016, Burns 2019), this paper demonstrates how Emezi's narrative uses representations of public and private dissent to contest the current world in order to engage in the construction of a more equal one.

In politischen Auseinandersetzungen wird "Gender" als Sammelbegriff für Themen wie Frauen- und LGBTIQ + -Rechte, Gleichstellung der Geschlechter, sexuelle Bildung, feministisches Wissen und Geschlechterforschung verwendet. Während sich bisherige Veröffentlichungen auf die anti-gender Gruppen selbst oder feministische und queere Reaktionen auf diese konzentrieren, beleuchtet dieser Band die verschwimmenden Grenzen zwischen beiden Lagern. Im Fokus steht die Frage, inwieweit "Anti-Gender"-Behauptungen mit bestimmten Spielarten in der feministischen und LGBTIQ+-Politik interagieren und so Diskursbrücken zu liberalen und progressiven Teilen der Gesellschaft bauen. Anders als der "Sammelbegriff" Gender vermuten lässt, ist das feministische und LGBTIQ+-Lager von politischen Konflikten, Meinungsverschiedenheiten und divergierenden Interessen durchzogen. Daher analysieren die Autor*innen die Verbindungen zwischen einigen dieser umstrittenen Positionen und dem "Anti-Gender"-Diskurs.

Homophober Hass in Polen wird nicht nur durch Plakate, Piktogramme und Graffities nationalistischer, rechtsradikaler und katholisch-fundamentalistischer Bewegungen propagiert. Auch durch Internet und Straßenproteste findet er Verbreitung im digitalen und urbanen Raum. Julia Austermann erforscht diese polnischen Text- und Bildkonvolute vor und nach 1989, die fundamentalen Einfluss auf Polens visuelle Kultur haben und gleichzeitig Auskunft über Homophobie sowie deren Sichtbarmachung und Bekämpfung geben. Im Mittelpunkt steht dabei die Analyse der Produktion dieser Bilder, des Umgangs mit ihnen sowie die damit verbundenen Emotionalisierungstechniken. Aber auch die queeren Interventionen gegen Homophobie werden untersucht

Celebrates diverse queer experiences on society's marginsOutskirts addresses the diverse and intricate aspects of the queer experience on the periphery of the social world. From the Korean spa to the Carnival krewe to new sexual identities, this volume asks important questions about the atypical places, spaces, and identities that are an important part of LGBTQ life in the United States. By bringing together scholars specializing in the less visible facets of queer culture, the book offers valuable insights that contribute to a deeper understanding of queer perspectives and their impact on the discipline of sociology. The volume challenges researchers to focus on diversity and complexity of the queer experience in the fringe to inform larger sociological questions and contribute to the field of sociology. Most simply put: what is it that we learn from studying at the margins?The essays in Outskirts focus on the influence of place, both physical and virtual, within institutional settings and in situations of placelessness. This attention to non-normative spaces and identities enriches the collective knowledge of LGBTQ experiences and offers a compelling narrative that pushes the boundaries of sociological inquiry and highlights the importance of queer voices on the fringes of society