ABSTRACTThis article examines the merging of security and development agendas in primary commodity sectors, focusing on the case of peace‐building reforms in Sierra Leone's diamond sector. Reformers frequently assume that reforming the diamond sector through industrializing alluvial diamond mining will reduce threats to security and development, thereby contributing to peace building. Our findings, however, suggest that the industrialization of alluvial diamond mining that has taken place in Sierra Leone has not reduced threats to security and development, as it has entailed human rights abuses and impoverishment of local communities without consolidating state fiscal revenues and trust in local authorities. This suggests alternative strategies for resource‐related peace‐building initiatives, which we consider at the end of the article: the decriminalization of informal economic activities; the prioritization of local livelihoods and development needs over central government fiscal priorities and foreign direct investment; and better integration between local economies and industrial resource exploitation.
The thesis assesses the relationship between three variables; International Capacity, Local Capacity and Hostility and how it contributes to peacebuilding in Post-Conflict situation. This research has pointed out the U.N.'s failure to achieve its objectives in Sudan. It employs institutionalism as the theoretical framework to analyze the operations of institutions and particularly the U.N. in peacekeeping and peacebuilding efforts in the world. Thus, it takes note of peacekeeping interventions of the United Nations in Sudan by evaluating it, observing the challenges or difficulties being encountered and how this can be worked on through various means from the lessons learned. This is important because it will assist the United Nations in solving the Sudan crisis as well as other future reoccurrence in other parts of the world. To complete this study, the research has applied the Peacebuilding Triangle of Doyle and Sambinas to the case of Sudan. With this, the research will assess the three variables of the triangle relating them to Sudan and enable a critical examination to the reason for the continued crisis in Sudan and the inability of the UN to maintain a ceasefire till date. This study will explore the use of historical analysis for its findings as well as solutions based on other findings, affirmations and evidences on related U.N peacekeeping interventions with the use of primary sources such as official reports, agreements, protocols and secondary sources such as books and journal articles will be consulted. Keywords: International Organizations, Institutions, Peacekeeping, Peacebuilding, U.N. Interventions, Energy, Agreements. ; ÖZ: Tez üç değişken arasındaki ilişkiyi değerlendirir; Uluslararası Kapasitesi, Yerel Kapasite ve Düşmanlık ve nasıl Çatışma Sonrası durumda barışın tesisi için katkıda bulunur. Bu araştırma Sudan hedeflerine ulaşmak için BM'nin başarısızlığını işaret etti. Dünyada barış ve barışın inşası çabalarında kurum ve özellikle BM operasyonları analiz etmek teorik çerçeve olarak kurumsallık kullanır. Böylece, onu değerlendirmek zorlukları gözlemleyerek veya zorluklar karşılaşılan ve nasıl dersler bu çeşitli yollarla üzerinde çalışmış olabilir tarafından Sudan'da Birleşmiş Milletler'in barışı koruma müdahaleleri dikkate alır. Dünyanın diğer bölgelerinde Sudan krizi yanı sıra diğer gelecek reoccurrence çözümünde Birleşmiş Milletler yardımcı olacak, çünkü bu önemlidir. Bu çalışmayı tamamlamak için araştırma Sudan'ın davaya Doyle ve Sambinas ve Barışı Tesis Üçgen başvurdu. Bu grubu, araştırma Sudan onları ilgili üçgenin üç değişkeni değerlendirmek ve Sudan'da devam eden kriz ve tarihe kadar ateşkes sağlamak için BM'nin yetersizlik nedeni ile kritik bir sınava sağlayacaktır. Bu çalışma böyle resmi raporlar, anlaşmalar, protokoller ve kitap gibi ikincil kaynaklar olarak birincil kaynakların kullanımı ile ilgili BM barış müdahaleleri diğer bulgular, affirmations ve kanıtlara dayalı tarihsel bulguları analiz yanı sıra çözümlerin kullanımını inceleyeceğiz dergi makaleleri istişare edilecektir. Anahtar Kelimeler: Uluslararası Örgütler, Kurumlar, Barış, Barışı Tesis, BM Müdahaleler, Enerji, Anlaşmaları. ; Master of Arts in International Relations. Thesis (M.A.)--Eastern Mediterranean University, Faculty of Business and Economics, Dept. of Political Science and International Relations, 2015. Supervisor: Assist. Prof. Dr. Aylin Gürzel.
In: International journal of law libraries: IJLL ; the official publication of the International Association of Law Libraries, Band 1, Heft 3, S. 158-158
The First Panel The Historical and Political Backgrounds of the Conflicts in Northern Ireland, Sri Lanka, and Aceh Northern Ireland: Siobhan Ni Chulchain .................... 23 Sri Lanka: P. Ramasamy ............. 28 Aceh: Edward Aspinall ............................ 31 Discussion (Moderator: Withaya Sucharithanarugse) ........... 43 The Second Panel Violence, Mediation, and the Peace Negotiation Processes in Northern Ireland, Sri Lanka, and Aceh Northern Ireland: Christine Bell ... 51 Sri Lanka: Jehan Perara ....... 57 Discussion (Moderator: Danthong Breen, Co-moderator: Juanda) ... 62 The Third Panel The Peace Frameworks and Peace Accord: A Comparative Analysis of Northern Ireland, Sri Lanka, and Aceh Northern Ireland: Siobhan Ni Chulchain ............ . 73 Sri Lanka: Jehan Perara............................... ................ 79 Aceh: M . M . Billah ........................ 94 The Peace Discussions Framework and Peace Accord: Mark Tamthai .... 108 Discussion (Moderator: Chaiyan Rajchagool) ............... 111 The Fourth Panel The Role of Civil Society in Peace Building: Case Studies of Northern Ireland, Sri Lanka, and Aceh Northern Ireland: Christine Bell .................................................... 119 Sri Lanka: Freddy Gamage ................... 123 Aceh: Otto Syamsuddin Ishak ............... 126 Discussion (Moderator: Kevin McBride) .. 132 The Fifth Panel The Response and Role of Regional Government in Achieving a Sustainable Peace in AcehThe Response and Role of the US Government: Saiful Mahdi................ 141 Political Situation in Indonesia: Usman Hamid ...... 144 Discussion (Moderator: Sriprapha Petcharameesree) ....... 148 Film on Aceh: Anywhere but Fear ....... 152 The Sixth Panel Discussion on the Possible Strategies for Initiating the Peace Process Moderator: Kamarulzaman Askandar .................... 157
The outbreak of violence in South Sudan in December 2013 has enlarged ethnic divides and reversed the development advances the young nation has struggled to achieve since independence; while the continued deadlock in the IGAD-led negotiation process provides little hope of a negotiated peace settlement. A peacebuilding strategy that takes into account the context-specific circumstances of this intra-state conflict enhances the opportunity for peace and development in South Sudan, and provides the international community an opportunity to contribute to peace in a meaningful way. Limited capacity, deep and persistent ethnic divisions, corruption and a long memory of brutality within the civilian population complicate prospects for peace in the country. An examination of recent peacebuilding efforts in South Sudan reveals a fragmented and provisional approach. Using the framework of Ali and Matthews, this paper outlines a peacebuilding strategy for South Sudan that addresses root causes, consequences and legacies of the conflict, while taking into consideration the unique country specific circumstances. Recognizing the need to move from negative to positive peace, this paper prioritizes security and political arrangements as essential prerequisites for success in economic development and justice and reconciliation. The role of the international community, regional/sub-regional organizations and global civil society.
Post-war peacebuilding is a delicate undertaking, and even the most promising process will face challenges and setbacks, purposeful as well as accidental. Examples include residual violence, coups d'états, terrorist attacks, delays of implementation, disagreement over what has been agreed, etc. Sometimes these challenges derail a peacebuilding process, but in other cases they are overcome allowing the process to continue more or less unaffected. The ability to withstand challenges should be an important indicator of the quality of peace and the success of post-war peacebuilding, and is now entering the conceptualization of peace and peacebuilding in the form of "resilience." This paper starts from the need for a conceptualization of peace between negative and positive peace, and argues that resilience would be a useful concept. It then traces the argument back again, from adaptive cycle theory, via resilience, to peacebuilding. The tentative conclusions are very general, but I have not yet had the time to actually conduct a case study of Liberia. ; Resilient Peace:A Systems-Approach to Peacebuilding
The peace agreement concluded between the Colombian government and the FARC in 2016 has been seen not only as the end of the armed conflict, but also as the possibility of imagining and building an inclusive, fair and participatory society. It has been argued that the peace agreements are the shortest route to achieve the objectives of the State and comply with what is stipulated in its narrative as part of a social pact that leads to peaceful coexistence. However, a detailed and critical look at the descriptive and therefore practical framework of the agreements from a feminist perspective focused on difference, reveals an intentional sense of exclusion and marginalization of women that reproduces the theoretical frameworks of a feminism focused on equality and equity. Luce Irigaray's philosophical thinking allows fracturing and decentralizing the masculine logic in the Western philosophical tradition and opens the way for difference as a concept that recreates and reimagines the public and political space as a possibility for inclusion that strengthens citizenship as a right and sole guarantor of reconciliation in Colombian society. ; Los acuerdos de paz concertados entre el gobierno colombiano y las FARC en 2016 se han visto no solo como la finalización del conflicto armado, sino como la posibilidad de imaginar y construir una sociedad inclusiva, justa y participativa. Se ha argumentado que los acuerdos de paz son la ruta más corta para lograr los objetivos del Estado democrático, y cumplir con lo estipulado en su narración como parte de un pacto social que conlleva a la convivencia pacífica. Sin embargo, una mirada detallada y crítica a los lugares descriptivos y, por ende, prácticos a los acuerdos desde un punto de vista del feminismo centrado en la noción de diferencia revela en los acuerdos un sentido de exclusión y marginalización de la mujer que reproduce los marcos teóricos de un feminismo centrado en la igualdad y la equidad. El pensamiento filosófico de Luce Irigaray permite fracturar y descentrar ...
