Suchergebnisse

Any discussion of the Yugoslav self-managed firm must stress the historical changes which it has undergone. It is obvious that the theory of the self-managed firm must take into account real-life experience if it is to provide an explanation for what is happening. This paper will therefore present the main institutional changes in the development of Yugoslav self-management and the main characteristics of self-managed production units in each individual period. The discussion here is organized as follows:1 (1) a discussion of the role that self-managed production units played in particular periods (i.e. the process of decision-making, organization of the enterprise, role of management, relations to the environment); (2) a presentation of some basic characteristics in the development of Yugoslav selfmanagement which might be of importance for the theory of the selfmanaged firm and the possible future direction of Yugoslav selfmanagement as it is practiced.

The crisis in the Socialist Federal Republic of Yugoslavia had to have, and has had, its international component. The interest shown by the rest of the world, of foreign states, of the international community, or whatever one wishes to call the environment in which Yugoslavia existed, acted, and lived its difficult last days needs no special explanation. Suffice it to say, that the SFRY enjoyed a specific status in Europe as a country which internally belonged to "real socialism" but retained a large measure of autonomy in foreign policy, relying on its fornal membership and former leading role in the predominantly non-European non-aligned movement. In this sense, and geographically, the Yugoslav space constituted a "gray zone" between the two military-political blocks. It also contained some important routes (Russian access to the Mediterranean, the Morava-Vardar valley, Ljubljana gate etc.). (SOI : BF: S. 330)

AbstractThis paper investigates how Croats view the minority Serb population in Croatia. It is based on focus groups, dyads and interviews conducted in Croatia in 2014 and 2015. Serbs constitute the 'other' to Croatian identity, which is defined primarily through language and religion. The analysis finds that the predominant war narrative related to the 1991–1995 conflict, one of defence against a larger Serbian aggressor, influences both of these notions of identity, as well as perceptions of the Serb minority in the state. Participants displayed contradictory attitudes in a discourse that featured many key facets of the war narrative. Most respondents agreed that Serbs should be equal members of Croatian society, but they also did not believe Cyrillic signs should be put up in Vukovar. The introduction of bilingual signs both reduced trust in government institutions and was interpreted as a continued threat against the Croatian people and state.

This text explores the political role and influence of Serbian Orthodox, Croatian Catholic, and Yugoslav Muslim religious organizations in the Balkans during 20th century. The author rejects the notion that a 'clash of civilizations' has played a central role in fomenting aggression

This paper will assess the results of transition in the Yugoslav successor states using objective and subjective criteria. Four objective criteria related to economic growth will be used to compare economic performance in Yugoslavia and its successor states; 1. Speed of recovery after war/change in system, 2. Absolute growth rates, 3. Relative growth rates, 4. Place in world development. This will be supplemented by a survey of public opinion conducted by the European Bank for Reconstruction and Development.All the four objective criteria show that the Yugoslav economy performed much better than the economies of its successor states. The survey shows that only 20 percent of population are happy with the results of transition in South Eastern European countries, while 64 percent are unhappy and 16 percent are undecided. In the former Yugoslavia much less than 20 percent of population are happy with the changes brought by the transition.

THE NEW THEORY OF CONSTITUTIONLISM, WHICH IS A CONSEQUENCE OF THE FEDERAL AND SELF-MANAGING STRUCTURE OF THE YUGOSLAV POLITICAL SYSTEM, WOULD BE RATER THEORETICAL AND INEFFICIENT IF IT WERE NOT INSTITUTIONALIZED. THE CONSTI TUTIONAL JUDICIARY IN YUGOSLAVIA IS ACTIVE IN PROVIDING THIS PROTECTION, THEREBY EMERGING AS A FACTOR IN RATIONALIZING THE PRINCIPLE OF MULTIDIMENSIONAL CONSTITUTIONALITY.