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This paper develops two criteria for institutional evaluation -- necessity & convenience -- & applies them to the analysis of 76 presidential elections in Latin America between 1979 & 2002. Over the last 20 years, a majority of Latin American countries have adopted presidential runoff electoral systems, but the empirical evidence suggests that both the necessity & convenience of this institution can be questioned. The need for runoff elections is dubious when the most voted candidate in the first round has obtained enough votes to become a legitimate winner, & their convenience is questionable when the candidate elected in the runoff election lacked enough political support to rule. The latter problem has been most visible when the front-runner in the first round was defeated in the runoff (i.e., when the electoral system produced an inversion of the initial outcome) in a context of low party system institutionalization. Tables, Figures, References. [Copyright 2006 Elsevier Ltd.]

The 1976 Presidential vote is examined in relation to the individual's personal financial outlook, evaluations of government policy, & assessments of partisan & candidate economic competency. The analysis utilizes data obtained from the Center for Political Studies' 1976 National Election Study. Respondents were asked to evaluate whether their financial situations had been getting better, worse, or had remained about the same, & to evaluate both the government's inflation policies & its unemployment policies as good, fair, or poor. In addition, respondents were asked to evaluate Presidents Ford & Carter as to their abilities to reduce unemployment & inflation, & also evaluate the relative competence of Democrats & Republicans to deal with the same economic issues. A combined partisan-candidate economic competency index is found to be much more strongly related to vote than either personal outlook or policy evaluations. Evaluations of partisan-candidate economic competency is also shown to have greater direct explanatory power than even partisanship, which nevertheless appears to play an important role in the development of competency evaluations. 1 Figure. Modified AA.

We analyze the design of a unique Spanish public program aimed at recruit-ing high-quality researchers in public research centers: the Ramón y CajalProgram. We claim that, after a number of calls for applicants, the programdesign changed in response to agents' needs. Exploiting data on applica-tions and candidates, we find that the new program design led to significantchanges in the probability of being awarded a contract. In particular, oppor-tunities for candidates with no attachment to the system were equalized. ; Research funding from Ministry of Education, Grant Nos.ECO2009-11165 and ECO2012-31358 (Alonso-Borrego), ECO2011-25330 (Romero-Medina andTriossi) and ECO2009-10287 (Sánchez-Mangas) is acknowledged. ; Publicado

Intro -- FrontMatter -- Reviewers -- Acknowledgments -- Contents -- Boxes, Figures, and Tables -- Summary -- 1 Introduction -- 2 The Process for Identifying Candidate Leading Health Indicators -- 3 Details of the Top-Down Procedure -- 4 Results of the Bottom-Up Procedure: Gaps in the Draft Objectives -- 5 Conclusion -- References -- Appendix A: Committee Member Biosketches -- Appendix B: Public Information-Gathering Meeting Agendas -- Appendix C: Two Social Determinants of Health Frameworks -- Appendix D: Leading Health Indicator Contender Form -- Appendix E: Department of Health and Human Services Proposed Objectives for Inclusion in Healthy People 2030.

In an experiment that tests the effects of different information on the role of electability and policy considerations in people's evaluations of presidential candidates, we find that both substance and electability affect those assessments. In the context of the 2004 Democratic presidential primary, evaluations of candidates by more politically sophisticated partisans were affected by the experimental treatment that mentioned the traditional Democratic issue of social security, whereas less sophisticated respondents were more affected by the issue treatment that mentioned the economy. Because both groups were affected by positive electability information, we find some evidence of strategic considerations in voters' decision-making processes. In contrast to complaints that citizens do not use substantive information when assessing candidates in presidential nomination campaigns, we find that presidential primary candidates' electability and issue emphases both matter. [Copyright 2006 Elsevier Ltd.]

An enduring assumption exists in the United States that past military service casts electoral candidates in a positive light. To demonstrate how voters understand candidates' military experiences, it is necessary to understand how their attitudes about a candidate change when exposed to biographic information. This study uses an experimental design to evaluate whether voters see candidates with a military background as better able to handle defense and security issues, are more capable leaders, and whether voters express higher affect toward veteran candidates. Using manipulated television advertising and handbills from an actual election, along with variation of the party information about the candidate, this study finds that voters are unmoved in their impressions of leadership and their affect toward a candidate with military experience. However, potential voters report markedly higher evaluations of candidates' ability to handle defense and security issues when exposed to the military cue, irrespective of party affiliation. [Reprinted by permission; copyright Inter-University Seminar on Armed Forces and Society/Sage Publications Inc.]

Content‐coded network newscasts are used to examine the relationship between news and editorial coverage of candidates by New Hampshire's largest newspaper and the daily New Hampsbire poll standings of the leading 1996 Republican candidates in the weeks before the primary. The Manchester Union Leader's news and editorial coverage powerfully influenced the poll standings of Patrick Buchanan, the paper's preferred candidate. News coverage of the horse‐race aspects of the Buchanan campaign and substantial evaluation of the candidate in editorials proved to be the most influential types of coverage for Buchanan, who won the 1996 New Hampshire primary. The paper's news coverage and editorials relating to the other leading candidates‐Bob Dole, Lamar Alexander, and Steve Forbes‐bad far less significant effects on their standings in the tracking polls.

Are female candidates disproportionately punished for relying on negative campaign ads? While scholars agree that sponsoring negativity works against traditional gender stereotypes, it is less clear how relying on negativity affects voter evaluations of female candidates. In this manuscript we reconsider the relationship between candidate gender and negativity. Relying on theories of conditional stereotype use, we argue that negative ads translate to significantly poorer evaluations for the female candidate when two conditions are met: (1) the female candidate is perceived as the instigator of negativity and (2) she is of a different party than the voter. We test our predictions using an experiment and show that female candidates only face a disproportionate punishment for relying on negativity under our two specific conditions. In contrast, voters are much more forgiving when they believe that a female candidate simply followed her opponent's lead in using negative ads or when negativity is used to promote the voter's party. While our research suggests that-compared to their male counterparts-female candidates do face some added constraints, our findings have broader implications. Not only are voters more or less likely to use gender stereotypes under certain conditions, but these conditions are highly dependent on the campaign context. Adapted from the source document.

Includes bibliographical references (p. 417-441) and index. ; Winckler -- SNTV and STV compared: their political consequences in Japan, Ireland, and Malta / Arend Lijphart -- Measuring the ties that bind: electoral cohesiveness in four democracies / Kathleen Bawn, Gary W. Cox, and Frances Rosenbluth -- SNTV, STV, and Single-Member-District systems: theoretical comparisons and contrasts / Bernard Grofman -- The electoral economy of SNTV in Japan and Taiwan / Edwin A. Winckler -- Seat bonuses under the single non-transferable vote system: evidence from Japan and Taiwan / Gary W. Cox and Emerson Niou -- SNTV: An inventory of theoretically derived propositions and a brief review of the evidence from Japan, Korea, Taiwan, and Alabama / Bernard Grofman. ; The politics of reform in Japan's lower house electoral system / Brian Woodall -- Politics of electoral reforms and practices: the case of Korean SNTV elections under the Yushin Constitution / Sung-Chull Lee -- Manipulating the electoral system under the SNTV: the case of the Republic of China on Taiwan / John Fuh-sheng Hsieh -- Organizing one's support base under the SNTV: the case of Japanese Koenkai / Jean-Marie Bouissou -- Campaigning for the Japanese diet / Haruhiro Fukui and Shigeko N. Fukai -- Candidate evaluation and voting choice under the Japanese electoral system / Ichiro Miyake -- Campaigning in an SNTV system: the case of the Kuomintang in Taiwan / I-Chou Liu -- The fragmentation effect of SNTV in Japan / Steven R. Reed and John M. Bolland -- The SNTV and the politics of electoral systems in Korea / Jongryn Mo and David Brady -- The votes mattered: decreasing party support under the Two-Member-District SNTV in Korea (1973-1978) / Kap-Yun Lee -- Electoral equilibria on Taiwan / Edwin A. ; Mode of access: Internet.

Common conceptions of the electoral connection often make two assumptions about the behavior of candidates and voters. The first is that candidates focus their campaigns on their records. The second is that voters evaluate candidates on the basis of their campaign messages. This article explores how candidates' backgrounds influence these two components of representation. The main premise is simple: Campaign messages are more effective if they emphasize issues on which candidates have built a record that appears favorable to voters. Consequently, candidates tend to focus on this type of issue when choosing campaign themes. Candidates are less successful in winning favorable evaluations if they stray from their records and make unsubstantiated claims.

Womens right in politics has been regulated by law. Specifically, Law No. 12 of 2003, article65, paragraph 1, has specified the quota of women in the general election by 30 percent.Nevertheless, the womens representation in the legislative has not met expectations. Thedata from the Ministry of Women Empowerment and Child Protection has shown thatthe number of women who sit in the House of Representatives (DPR) is only 18 percent,while in the Peoples Consultative Assembly (MPR) and the Regional Representative Council(DPD) are respectively 20 and 27 percent,. The data also shows that the women who sit inthe Province Legislative Council (DPRD Provinsi) is only 16 percent, and 12 percent in theCity Council (DPRD Kota) dan the Regency (DPRD Kabupaten). The success of the womencandidates to become the members of legislature can not be separated from their sincerityand persistence efforts to apply the right strategy. Strategies determine the success ofthe candidates. Referring to the importance of strategy, thus, it becomes significant tospecifically examine the candidates strategies in a study entitled: Strategi Caleg PerempuanTerpilih sebagai Anggota DPRD Kabupaten/Kota di Kalimantan Selatan Pemilu 2014The problem formulated in this study is how the strategies implemented by theelected women candidates as the members of the City Council and the Regencyin South Kalimantan in the 2014 Election. The study employs qualitative methodthrough descriptive study. The study takes place in South Kalimantan wherethe samples are taken from seven locations with a diverse number of votes.There are three findings from the study. First, in general, the elected women candidateshave employed the strategy of political marketing and the strategy of social capital. Thestrategy of political marketing employed by the elected candidates include: segmentationand mapping, campaign and positioning, and evaluation and monitoring. Second, thesocialization is held privately by door-to-door visiting the people. The candidates carry outperiodic evaluation and monitoring with involving their successful team. Third, the entirecandidate has a good social capital, i.e. the ability to relate and cooperate with others.The social capital includes: the ability to build network and to gain thrust, and to bindthemselves to the religious beliefs of the candidates and the public in their electoral district

The authors examine the dynamics of public opinion formation and change around a sitting president and their implications for reelection contests. Because of the biases inherent in information processing and the information environment, two distinct, but simultaneous, effects of citizen learning during a presidential term are expected. For those with prior opinions of the president, learning contributes to more polarized evaluations of the president. For those initially uncertain about the president, learning contributes to opinion formation about the president. Because the gap in uncertainty generally favors the incumbent over a lesser‐known challenger, races with an incumbent presidential candidate are typically marked, perhaps paradoxically, by both a polarization of public opinion and an incumbency advantage.

This paper discusses the eastward enlargement process of the EU in the framework of a simple 'war of attrition' bargaining game. Both players -- the existing EU members & the applicants -- benefit from enlargement, yet for the applicants, reform to the acquis is costly, while the EU prefers substantially reformed candidates. A waiting game unfolds. Within this framework the present enlargement round is analyzed & policy results are deduced. For example, it is shown that delegating the evaluation of applicants to a third party, compensating applicants for their reform efforts, or increasing the benefits for new members are all effective negotiation strategies for the EU that have been applied in the process. 1 Table, 1 Appendix, 39 References. Adapted from the source document.