"This book examines the online memory wars in post-Soviet states - where political conflicts take the shape of heated debates about the recent past, and especially World War II and Soviet socialism. To this day, former socialist states face the challenge of constructing national identities, producing national memories, and relating to the Soviet legacy. Their pasts are principally intertwined: changing readings of history in one country generate fierce reactions in others. In this transnational memory war, digital media form a pivotal discursive space - one that provides speakers with radically new commemorative tools. Uniting contributions by leading scholars in the field, Memory, Conflict and New Media is the first book-length publication to analyse how new media serve as a site of political and national identity building in post-socialist states. The book also examines how the construction of online identity is irreversibly affected by thinking about the past in this geopolitical domain. By highlighting post-socialist memory's digital mediations and digital memory's transcultural scope, the volume succeeds in a twofold aim: to deepen and refine both (post-socialist) memory theory and digital-memory studies. This book will be of much interest to students of media studies, post-Soviet studies, Eastern European Politics, memory studies and International Relations in general."--Publisher's website
"This multidisciplinary edited volume explores how the spread of the 'War on Terror' has entwined matters of state sovereignty and states of war into mutually-affecting relations. Pre-emptive attacks on terrorist groups in 'rogue' states; 'outsourcing' of state militancy; and the mutable state of armed conflict required to wage a 'hybrid war' have increasingly been issues for the 'War on Terrorism' (WoT). Taken together, they also provide just one example of how any detailed exploration of the states involved needs to address not only matters of nation-state sovereignty, but also the modes (states) of militancy that the War on Terror has assumed in spreading internationally. Moreover, such measures have seen the spread of the War on Terror to countries such as Israel, Russia, Ethiopia, and Uganda, all of whom have justified their own attacks in other nation-states as a war of 'self defence' against terrorism. And as the War on Terror has spread with the willingness of other countries to adopt it, those countries have in turn adapted emergency modes of war-- including targeted assassinations, indefinite detention, rendition, and torture. This work relates legal and political aspects of the War on Terror and also incorporates a 'war and society approach' in order to examine how society has effected changes in war, and how war and militarization have assumed various states in society. Doing so allows for consideration of how different 'states' have become interconnected in the War on Terror-- including states of warfare and national governance, and those of social affect. Part I offers a series of framing chapters that take a broad view of particular issues; After the framing chapters of Part One, the chapters in Part II examine how modes (states) of the War on Terror have spread as a result of being taken up in various nation-states. In relating various states of war and wars against states, this volume will be a significant and novel contribution to critical study of the War on Terror. While most other studies of it have limited their purview to a principal cast of nation-states (USA, UK, Iraq, Afghanistan), this volume focuses on ways in which the War on Terror has proliferated beyond those states. And whereas most other studies have limited their analysis of the modes of war to a particular perspective (e.g., international law, security, or development), this volume addresses how those modes have ramified and thus assumed various states in the process of being spread. This book will be of much interest to students of critical terrorism studies, "--
All over the world families migrate, and with them so do their children. Probing the question of what 'being an immigrant' means, this publication brings together theory and empirical findings to highlight the impact of immigration on child development in a global context. Discussed is the impact of these processes on children and adolescents in a variety of different countries and social contexts to determine both universal and culturally specific aspects of the experience of immigration as it becomes a pervasive reality of the modern world. This publication is appropriate for anyone who is interested in the process of migration/immigration and how it affects human development. Both students and scholars as well as real-world practitioners and policy makers in education, psychology, sociology, anthropology, ethnic and cultural studies, immigration studies, government and public policy will find this book a valuable source of information about the present and the way in which the next generation develops in response to the immigrant experience.
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Examines the controversial issue of female genital operations performed in various immigrant groups in Canada, drawing on 1995/96 in-depth interview data from 40 community workers, 15 immigrants from countries where the operations are common, 7 physicians, & 4 nurses. The three types of operations (excision, infibulation, & refibulation) are examined in their social contexts. The practice is based on the dominant belief that all aspects of a woman's body should be controlled by men or other family members. Various legal & educational strategies designed to eradicate the practice are discussed, along with the connection between Canadian foreign policy & female genital operations in African nations. Attention is called to the inconsistency of Western attitudes toward these operations in light of widespread acceptance of other surgical procedures related to female sexuality. Growing global awareness of the consequences of female genital operations is discussed, along with the emergence of campaigns against them led by women who underwent operations. 3 Figures, 43 References. J. Lindroth
Reflects on the teaching of race relations since the late 1970s in the Masters of Social Science by Advanced Study in Race Relations program at the U of Bristol (England) in the context of Peter Rose's The Subject Is Race (1968), a study of the teaching of race relations in the US. Race relations teaching in the US in the 1960s is described by Rose as parochial, ethnocentric, problem-oriented, meliorist, atheoretical, & driven by civil rights concerns. Drawing on a review of 94 dissertations completed in the U of Bristol program, it is shown here that the program is less meliorist & ethnocentric, & much more theory driven. Further, with the notion of race becoming difficult to define, students have begun to stress ethnic relations, creating a kind of subdiscipline in the sociology of race relations. It is concluded, however, that the Bristol program would do well to stress the fact that ethnic relations, like race relations, are one aspect of sociological relations & should be studied from this wider perspective. 12 References. D. M. Smith
This doctoral thesis aims to analyse one of the less known aspects of Baltic transition: the evolution of their foreign policy between receptors and donors of foreign assistance through transnational patronage (1985-2013). In line with the constructivist school of thought, we observe how the concept of political identity and solidarity changes, redefines itself towards the Other and the perception that the latter has on the Self. Notwithstanding the changes in this identity, some continuities seem to persist: The rapprochment with Eastern Europe over the past ten years could viewed as one of the priorities of the Baltic States but it also stems from the desire of these States to become and to be considered as "fully" European. This thesis sheds some light over the two dimensions of this solidarity: the political solidarity and support on the one hand, and its implementation through technical assistance to reforms and trainings of Georgian, Ukrainian and Moldovan elites, on the other hand. In order to better observe how the solidarity is expressed, this study attempts to understand the different logics of the Baltics solidarity, to identify different actors and networks involved. In an interdisciplinary approach intersecting the mechanisms of PTS and the historical and comparative approach, this study takes then focuses on the processes and methods of the implementation, the role of the actors "donors" and their interaction with their partners. It concludes that Baltic States diffuse and share with the Eastern neighbours of EU mostly their own experience inspired from the Nordic States' patronage action towards the Baltics during the 1990. ; Cette thèse a pour ambition d'analyser un aspect encore mal connu de la transition postsoviétique des États baltes : l'évolution d'une politique étrangère placée entre récepteurs et donneurs d'assistance étrangère au prisme de l'action de parrainage transnational. Nous observons, dans une approche constructiviste, la transformation et la redéfinition des concepts d'identité ...
Статья посвящена правовым аспектам регулирования в области социально-трудовых отношений: проблеме разграничения полномочий между Российской Федерацией и ее субъектами. Отмечается значение основного закона (конституции) субъекта РФ в качестве источника трудового права, проанализирована компетенция субъектов РФ, проблемы развития регионального законодательства в указанной области. ; Purpose: The social and economic stability and development of any region in many respects depend on the effective realization of social policy in the field of social and labor relations. In this regard, the special importance is gained by legal aspects of regulation in the field of social and labor relations at the level of the territorial subject of the Russian Federation. The legislation of the Republic of Kalmykia is given as an example. Methods: The research is based on the following scientific methods: historical, system analysis, comparative and legal. Results: The issue of the division of powers between the Federation and its subjects in the field of social and labor relations has been analyzed, the importance of the basic law (Constitution) of a territorial subject of the Russian Federation as a source of labor law has been underlined, the competence of the subjects of the Russian Federation has been identified, issues of regional legislation in this area have been examined. Discussion: Legal regulation of social and labor relations in subjects of the Russian Federation applies only to a number of certain issues within the framework of federal legislation. These are, first of all, those issues which are not under the jurisdiction of federal authorities and haven't been regulated by them. It appears that the powers of the subjects of the Russian Federation are more focused on the regulation of the so-called other issues directly connected with the labor relations, but again only on certain issues mentioned above. In this regard, the division of powers in the field of social and labour relations between levels of public authorities (federal, regional and local government) requires further improvement.
Las redes sociales y los teléfonos inteligentes se han convertido en un aliado para muchas disciplinas, el periodismo, por supuesto, no es la excepción. Las agencias de noticias han encontrado en los medios digitales una fuente de información en constante actualización y en los dispositivos móviles una herramienta que les permite reducir los gastos de producción. Sin embargo, para las personas que trabajan en estos medios de comunicación, específicamente los fotógrafos, la situación no ha sido tan favorable. La tesis principal recogida en este artículo es cómo la democratización de la imagen y la introducción de la web 2.0 han creado un nuevo paradigma en el fotoperiodismo, nutriendo la profesión en algunos aspectos y socavándola en otros. A lo largo de este texto se abordarán temas de debate como: el periodista multitask, el periodismo ciudadano, y el fotoperiodismo freelance. También se buscará dar respuesta a preguntas como ¿qué ventajas y qué problemas conlleva para el periodismo gráfico la digitalización de la información y su difusión en Internet?, ¿qué rol juega el ciudadano en la producción de contenido periodístico actualmente y qué beneficios tiene de esto? y ¿qué tan fiables son las imágenes de carácter periodístico que circulan en la red? ; Social networks and smartphones have become on ally for many disciplines, journalism, of course, is not the exception. News agency have found in digital media a source of information in constant updating and in mobile devices a tool that allows them to reduce production costs. However, for people working in these media, specifically for photographers, the situation has not been so favourable. The main thesis presented in this article is to show the democratization of the image and how the introduction of the web 2.0 has created a new paradigm in the photojournalism, nurturing the profession in some aspects and undermining it in others. Throughout this text will be present issues of debate like the multitask journalism, citizen journalism, and freelance photojournalism. It will be also sought answers to questions such as: what advantages and what problems does the digitalization of the information and its diffusion in the internet imply for the graphic journalism? what role does the citizen play in the production of the journalistic content at present and what benefits does it have? and how reliable are the journalistic images circulating on the network?
A pesquisa foi norteada pelo objetivo de identificar de que forma, no município do Rio de Janeiro, a deficiência das políticas públicas de segurança influencia o setor privado de segurança. O quadro teórico referencial abrangeu as temáticas da contextualização social e econômica da segurança privada, da institucionalização da segurança privada e do problema da segurança pública na cidade do Rio de Janeiro. A etapa empírica do estudo comportou entrevistas semiestruturadas realizadas junto a informantes-chaves, sendo três dirigentes de diferentes empresas de médio porte do ramo de segurança privada localizadas no município, um oficial de alto escalão da Polícia Militar do Rio de Janeiro, e o presidente de uma organização privada prestadora de serviços de treinamento para civis, militares e forças policiais. Os resultados evidenciam aspectos contraditórios de integração e desarmonia entre o setor privado de segurança e o poder público, bem como levantam questões singulares, tais como a relação de causalidade entre a midiatização da violência e o crescimento do setor, e a antinomia entre amplificação da presença ostensiva do efetivo policial nas ruas e o aumento da sensação de insegurança, que provoca o crescimento da demanda por segurança privada. ; The research was guided by the purpose of identifying how, in the city of Rio de Janeiro, the lack of public security policies affect the private security sector. The referential theoretical framework embraced the themes of social and economic contextualization of private security, the institutionalization of private security and the problem of public security in the city of Rio de Janeiro. The empirical stage of the study included semi-structured interviews with key informants, three of whom were directors of different medium-sized companies in the private security sector located in the municipality, a high-ranking officer of the Military Police of Rio de Janeiro, and the president of a private organization which provides training services to civilians, military and police forces. The results confirms contradictory aspects of integration and imbalance between the private security sector and the public power, as well as raises unique issues, such as the causal relation between the media role in violence and the growth of the sector, and the antinomy between the amplification of the ostensible presence of the police force on the streets and the increase of the sense of insecurity that causes the growth of the demand for private security.
Este artículo revisa los distintos proyectos de ley presentados, pero nunca debatidos, entre 1984 y 2012, y destinados a ampliar el derecho de voto de la población extranjera en las elecciones nacionales argentinas. El análisis se enfoca en dos aspectos de las propuestas: por un lado, en los requisitos establecidos para el acceso de la población inmigrante al voto en las elecciones presidenciales, y por el otro, en los argumentos que justifican esta ampliación de derechos políticos. Hasta el año 2009, la línea argumental que había organizado las fundamentaciones de los proyectos de ley hacían referencias a particularidades del contexto nacional: la historia migratoria del país, la importancia de las migraciones y de la población migrante en la configuración de la identidad nacional, las regulaciones sobre el voto de extranjeros en el ámbito municipal y provincial, entre otros. Por el contrario, la fundamentación del proyecto de ley presentado en 2009 por el Diputado Hugo Nelson Prieto se organiza en torno a conceptos de carácter filosófico-políticos relativos a las bases y contenidos de la ciudadanía, que no buscan su legitimación en las peculiaridades de la historia argentina, sino que evidencian el carácter arbitrario de la lógica discriminadora y excluyente del Estado-nación. ; This article reviews law proposals presented, but not even discussed, between 1984-2012, aiming to allow foreign population to vote in Argentinian national elections. The analysis focusses on two aspects of such proposals: on the one hand, the requirements established for foreign population access to vote at presidential elections; on the other hand, the arguments justifying the extension of political rights. Up to 2009, the main arguments supporting such bills were based on national pecualiarities: country's migration backgroud and the importance of migration and immigrants on national identity configuration and the regulations on foreigns' voting at municipal and regional elections, among others. Conversely, DIP Hugo Nelson Prieto law proposal presented in 2009, sustained its fundamentals on philosopical-political concepts related to the bases of citizenship, which are not legitimized by the particularities of Argentinian history and show the arbitrary character of the discriminatory and exclusionary Nationl-State's logic. ; Fil: Gil, Sandra Viviana. Universidad de Buenos Aires. Facultad de Ciencias Sociales. Instituto de Investigaciones "Gino Germani"; Argentina. Consejo Nacional de Investigaciones Científicas y Técnicas; Argentina
In: Yedeyurappa and Krishna, M. D. (2013) The higher judiciary and the prime minister under the ambit of the lokpal: A comparative and constitutional perspective. International Journal of Social and Economic Research, 3 (2). pp. 212-219. ISSN 2249-6270
Corruption today is the all pervasive evil that is reflecting upon the social, political and economical aspects and has been eating the vitals of the society. To prevent and eradicate the corruption in the society, the Lokpal Bill was envisaged and introduced in the 4th Lok Sabha for the first time in the year 1969 and it was an abortive attempt. Ever since, many a successive governments have only paid lip service towards eradicating the scourge of corruption and the Lokpal has remained merely as a bill even to this day. The surfacing of scams involving the Central Government, which have caused huge loss to the Governmental exchequer, has come as bolt in the blue to the civilised masses. Perhaps, the recent scams that have surfaced are the biggest ever in the history of corruption, according to the Central Vigilance Commission's estimate. All these seems to have prompted the prominent personalities, such as Anna Hazare, Baba Ram Dev and others, to lead the disillusioned masses in the fight against the corruption and this is how the issue of Lokpal has came to the fore in the recent times. However, the bone of contention between the civil society that is calling for a passing of a strong Lokpal bill and the Government is relating to whether the Prime Minister and the higher judiciary could be brought under the ambit of the proposed Lokpal? This article sheds light on this vital aspect.
En la actualidad se desarrolla en el país un debate sobre los alcances de la política de atención a población en situación de desplazamiento, en cuanto a la existencia de brechas entre la formulación, intenciones, enfoque de la política y su impacto en la población en términos de restitución de derechos vulnerados, compromiso del Estado aceptado por la normatividad nacional e internacional. Desde una postura con perspectiva de derechos y como examen parcial, formulo la pregunta ¿cuáles son algunos avances y restricciones de la respuesta institucional, de la política pública para la atención a esta población? Finalmente propongo algunas consideraciones y pautas para la intervención de Trabajo Social. El desplazamiento forzado por la violencia, es hoy en Colombia una situación compleja, que tiene múltiples causalidades, expresiones o manifestaciones, grados de afectación y daño para la población civil, actores víctimas fundamentales del conflicto armado. De esta población los más afectados son las y los niños, mujeres, población indígena y afrodescendientes. Es importante reconocer la amplitud del marco legal y normativo para la atención a la población en situación de desplazamiento en el país, desde el plan nacional para la atención integral a la población desplazada por la violencia. Una Sentencia de la Corte Constitucional constituye una respuesta a la lucha de la población desplazada, por sus derechos; su exigencia de protección, atención y restablecimiento de las condiciones de vida; señala una orientación para la política de atención a esta población, desde el enfoque de derechos, diferenciación positiva, no discriminación, atención integral transectorial, oportuna y eficaz. Algunos aspectos positivos de la política son: avances del marco normativo que tipifica el desplazamiento como un delito de lesa humanidad y crimen de guerra. Dignidad en correspondencia con los derechos humanos a la vida, salud, educación, participación, al bienestar. ; At the present time it is developed in the country a debate on the reaches from the politics of attention to population in displacement situation, as for the existence of breaches among the formulation, intentions, focus of the politics and their impact in the population in terms of restitution of harmed rights, commitment of the State accepted by the national and international normatively. From a posture with perspective of rights, a partial exam, I formulate the question which some advances and restrictions of the institutional answer are, of the public politics for the attention to this population. Finally I propose some considerations and rules for the intervention of Social Work. The displacement forced by the violence, is today in Colombia a complex situation that has multiple causations, expressions or manifestations, grades of affectation and damage for the civil population, actors fundamental victims of the armed conflict. Of this population those most affected ones, are those and the children, women, indigenous population and afrodescendientes. It is important to recognize the width of the legal and normative mark for the attention to the population in displacement situation in the country, from the national plan for the integral attention to the population displaced by the violence. A Sentence of the Constitutional Court constitutes an answer to the displaced population's fight, for its rights; their protection demand, attention and reestablishment of the conditions of life; it points out an orientation for the politics of attention to this population, from the focus of rights, positive differentiation, non discrimination, attention integral transectorial, opportune and effective. The politics' positive aspects are: advance of the normative mark that typifies the displacement like hurt humanity's crime and crime of war. Dignity in correspondence with the human rights to the life, health, education, participation, to the well-being.
The author believes that the recent literary scene in Taiwan has been so dazzlingly varied that any attempt to sum it up succeeds only in seizing certain aspects at the expense of others. The article examines the significant changes in the island's literary scene in the 1980s. Its purpose is to show how the cultural/literary scope widened in Taiwan during the 1980s, especially in the post-martial law era, and how this has provoked arguments on the politics of representation, and the treatment of literary products as consumer goods. (DÜI-Sen)
"Corporations have found a new resource to be mined for profit: our children. In this shocking and indelible behind-the-scenes journey, Joel Bakan, acclaimed author and award-winning maker of the renowned film and international bestselling book The Corporation, uncovers the astonishing degree to which companies exploit the special vulnerabilities of children, manipulate parents' fears, and operate with callous disregard for children's health and well-being. The number of children taking dangerous psychotropic drugs has skyrocketed as pharmaceutical companies employ insidious, often illegal tactics to inflate diagnoses of disorders and convince parents their children require medication. A highly sophisticated marketing industry deploys increasingly subtle and powerful tactics to play on children's intense emotions and desires and to lure them into obsessive consumerism. Computer game designers craft techniques to titillate children with sex and violence, while social media developers infiltrate and shape children's social and emotional worlds to compel them to spend more and more monetizable time online. America's schools are being transformed into profit centers while children are subjected to increasingly regimented teaching that thwarts curiosity and creativity, numbing the joy of learning. And children's chronic health problems, from asthma to cancer, autism, and birth defects, steadily escalate as thousands of new industrial chemicals are dumped into their environments. Nelson Mandela once sagely remarked that "there can be no keener revelation of a society's soul than the way it treats its children." The problem today, as Joel Bakan reveals, is that business interests have made protecting children extremely difficult. Corporations pump billions into rendering parents and governments powerless to shield children from an unrelenting commercial assault, with the result that after a century of progress, during which protective laws and regulations were widely promulgated, children are once again exposed to substantial harms at the hands of economic actors. Childhood Under Siege leaves no room for doubt that this assault on childhood is a major crisis of our time. A powerful manifesto for urgent change, it empowers us to shield our own children while offering concrete and realistic proposals for legal reforms that would protect all children from these predatory practices. "--Publisher's description
"The Capitol Riots maps out the events of the January 6, 2021 insurrectionary riots at the United States Capitol building, providing context for understanding the contributing factors and ongoing implications of the uprising. This definitive text explores the rise of populism, disinformation, conspiracy theories, the alt-right, and white supremacy during the lead-up to and planning of the Stop the Steal campaign, as well as the complex interplay during the riots of political performances, costumes, objectives, communications, digital media, datafication, race, gender, and-ultimately-power. Assembling raw data from social media, selfie photos and videos, and mainstream journalism, the authors develop a timeline and data visualizations representing the events. They delve into the complex, openly shared narratives, motivations, and actions of people on the ground that day who violated the symbolic center of U.S. democracy. An analysis of visual data reveals an affective outpouring of mutually amplifying expressions of frustration, fear, hate, anger, and anomie that correspond to similar logics and counter-logics in the polarized and chaotic contemporary media environment that has only been intensified by COVID-19 lockdowns, conspiracy theories, and a call to action at the Capitol from the outgoing POTUS and his inner circle. The book will appeal to both a general audience of those curious about how and why the Capitol riots unfolded and to students and scholars of communications, political science, media studies, sociology, education, surveillance studies, digital humanities, gender studies, critical whiteness studies, and datafication studies. It will also find an audience within computer science and technology studies through its approach to big data, data visualization, AI, algorithms, data tracking, and other data sciences"--