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by James Steuart ; Volltext // Exemplar mit der Signatur: München, Bayerische Staatsbibliothek -- Bibl.Mont. 4642-4

Chapter 1. Introduction -- Part 1: Central Elements of Political Liberalism: Chapter 2. Rawlsian Education: Preliminary Observations -- Chapter 3. Political Virtues -- Chapter 4. Autonomy -- Chapter 5. Rights -- Part 2: Application Cases: Chapter 6. Religion -- Chapter 7. Same-Sex Relations in Education -- Chapter 8. Immigration and Integration -- Chapter 9. Conclusion.

This dataset provides individual data on conventional and unconventional political participation, including electoral turnout and voting preferences. The dataset also includes data on attitudes on a wide range of issues, evaluations of the economy, as well as attitudes towards social groups. Last, but not least, it includes data on emotions and personal values, as well as all measures of internal and external efficacy. Data have been collected by telephone interviews conducted in November 2015, that is a few weeks after the 20 September 2015 Parliamentary Elections.

The original publication is available at www.springerlink.com ; We consider a model of political competition among two ideological parties who are uncertain about the distribution of voters. The distinguishing feature of the model is that parties can delegate electoral decisions to candidates by nomination. It is shown that if the credible platform commitments of the candidates is feasible, then at least one of the parties nominates in equilibrium to a candidate who has an ideology that is more radical than the delegating party's ideology. In a variety of circumstances, this, in turn, yields a polarization of equilibrium policy choices of the candidates. It is thus argued formally here that strategic nomination of the candidates may well be one of the major reasons behind the well documented observation that the platforms associated with the political parties in two-party democracies are often surprisingly polarized. ; We gratefully acknowledge the financial support from the Spanish Ministry of Education through grant CICYT BEC2001-0535 (Faulí-Oller) and BEC2001-0980 (Ortuño-Ortín) ; Publicado

A collection assessing the implications of Derrida's thought for contemporary political theory and politics.

This book gathers international voices from the field of ethnomusicology discussing the socio-political relevance of the discipline. The articles draw from contemporary discourses that take into account the role of music and dance in shaping social and political realities. An important field connected to political relevance is heritage, either in connection with the UNESCO or with archives. Ontologies of indigenous groups and their relevance in knowledge production is discussed in ethnomusicology nowadays as well as the possibilities of decolonising the discipline. Two articles from ethno-choreology explore dance from the gender perspective and in the post-socialist political structures. Different approaches from applied ethnomusicology deal with social justice, participatory dialogical practice, and the socio-political relevance of performance. Forced migration is seen as comprehensive topic for future ethnomusicology. The contents of the book mirror influential discourses of ethnomusicology today that will definitely shape the future development of the discipline.

This article provides an account of rent-seeking in relation both to economic policies and political practices in South Africa. The article draws attention to continuities and similarities in this regard between the two distinct periods of nationalist rule from 1948 to 1994 and from 1994 to 2012. The economic dimensions that are specifically addressed are industrial policy, the labour market, state administration and tenders and service delivery and welfare. The more specifically political dimensions addressed include the electoral system, the relationship between constitutionalism and the judiciary, and the rule of law. The article highlights the dangers posed by excessive rent-seeking and especially its negative implications for redistribution, economic growth and the consolidation of democracy in a highly unequal society.

This paper aims to advance our understanding of Heidegger's politics as it is laid bare within the 'Schwarze Hefte'. Yet my interest is not in Heidegger's first order political views, but rather in his conception of the political sphere per se. Beginning from a close analysis of the earliest volume of the notebooks, Gesamtausgabe Bd.94, I suggest that the dominant characterisation of the political space within Heidegger's text is as a threat - to philosophy and to ontology. Underlying that characterisation, however, it is simultaneously possible to identify another pattern, one on which the political is itself gradually suppressed or occluded by the ontological. This tacit occlusion has, I suggest, a number of deeply problematic consequences. I close by indicating how the argument might be extended to the question of a Heideggerian ethics.

Judith Butler's new book shows how an ethic of nonviolence must be connected to a broader political struggle for social equality. Further, it argues that nonviolence is often misunderstood as a passive practice that emanates from a calm region of the soul, or as an individualist ethical relation to existing forms of power. But, in fact, nonviolence is an ethical position found in the midst of the political field. An aggressive form of nonviolence accepts that hostility is part of our psychic constitution, but values ambivalence as a way of checking the conversion of aggression into violence. One contemporary challenge to a politics of nonviolence points out that there is a difference of opinion on what counts as violence and nonviolence. The distinction between them can be mobilised in the service of ratifying the state's monopoly on violence. Considering nonviolence as an ethical problem within a political philosophy requires a critique of individualism as well as an understanding of the psychosocial dimensions of violence. Butler draws upon Foucault, Fanon, Freud, and Benjamin to consider how the interdiction against violence fails to include lives regarded as ungrievable. By considering how 'racial phantasms' inform justifications of state and administrative violence, Butler tracks how violence is often attributed to those who are most severely exposed to its lethal effects. The struggle for nonviolence is found in movements for social transformation that reframe the grievability of lives in light of social equality and whose ethical claims follow from an insight into the interdependency of life as the basis of social and political equality.

This study examines how quality of political institutions affects the distribution of government budget and how development of government spending in major sections shapes the political institutions in Iran. This question has become especially important due to recent international sanctions, aiming to change the political behavior of Iran. We use the impulse response functions (IRF) and variance decomposition analysis (VDC) on the basis of Vector Autoregressive (VAR) model with annual data from 1960 to 2006. Our results show the importance of political institutions in patronage and public goods provision spending in Iran. The results imply that a shock in positive changes of democratic quality of institutions leads to negative and statistically significant response of military spending and positive and statistically significant response of education expenditures in short term. If sanctions are successful to change the political behavior of Iran in short run (Dizaji and Bergeijk, 2013), then one can also expect to see a reduction in allocated budget for military in Iran.

This study examines how quality of political institutions affects the distribution of government budget and how development of government spending in major sections shapes the political institutions in Iran. This question has become especially important due to recent international sanctions, aiming to change the political behavior of Iran. We use the impulse response functions (IRF) and variance decomposition analysis (VDC) on the basis of Vector Autoregressive (VAR) model with annual data from 1960 to 2006. Our results show the importance of political institutions in patronage and public goods provision spending in Iran. The results imply that a shock in positive changes of democratic quality of institutions leads to negative and statistically significant response of military spending and positive and statistically significant response of education expenditures in short term. If sanctions are successful to change the political behavior of Iran in short run (Dizaji and Bergeijk, 2013), then one can also expect to see a reduction in allocated budget for military in Iran.

This article analyzes the image of modern Russia in the Arab world, identifies the main factors in the formation of the international image of the country, explores the question of the peculiarities of perception of the image of Russia by representatives of the Arab states. The article focuses on the difficulties of building a favorable image of Russia in the Arab world and ways to overcome them. The authors investigate the question of whether Russia, as the successor of the USSR, was able to maintain its image in the Arab states in connection with the events of the XXI century, including the Arab spring protests, the crisis in Ukraine and the conflict in Syria. There are also examples of the use of the soft power in connection with the formation of a positive image of Russia in the Arab world. Special emphasis is placed on the influence of the mass media as the main political and psychological mechanism of influence on the formation of the countrys image.

This chapter discusses the emergence of the "flatten the curve" metaphor in the context of COVID-19 science communication strategies and its role in public messaging efforts that sought to inform world populations and mitigate the effects of the pandemic. Faced with the unexpected arrival and spread of the new coronavirus, governments worldwide have responded with mitigation policies to contain the dissemination of the disease. Prevention behaviours, such as washing hands frequently and maintaining social distancing, were thoroughly communicated to the public. However, despite the quality of the communication campaigns implemented, it is always hard to change people's perceptions, attitudes, and behaviours, even more so in the short term, as is required in a global health crisis. In pandemics, the literature on risk and crisis communication suggests that messages sent by authorities should enable the understanding of complex information, avoid misinformation, and promote the adoption of adequate behaviours. This assertion presumes that, ideally, communication campaigns follow a set of strategic decisions on target audiences, communication objectives, key messages, adequate channels and message format. Although the emergence of the "flatten of the curve" metaphor did not follow a classical strategic approach, it seems to have incorporated a set of valuable communicational principles that explain why it has become the defining message of about COVID-19. This well-known chart grew into a science strategic communication device, conveying complex scientific information in an engaging but also clear way to the general public. It is, therefore, a good example to advogate for a strategic science communication approach. ; This work is supported by national funds through FCT – Fundação para a Ciência e a Tecnologia, I.P., under the project ...

What does it take to make a miracle' When their five-year-old daughter was diagnosed with leukemia, Tom and Kari Whitehead's world was shattered. They vowed to do whatever it took to help their daughter, and as they made decisions about how to best treat her, Tom found his faith coming to him in "whispers," guiding his decisions and keeping his hope alive, while Kari placed great faith in science and the doctors surrounding her little girl. But as Emily's condition continued to worsen, they both prayed for a miracle. Then, their miracle arrived, in the form of an experimental treatment called CAR T-cell therapy that, against all odds, saved Emily's life. Because of Emily's miraculous recovery, this treatment is now used widely to treat cancer and has gone on to save hundreds of lives and promises to help thousands more. For all the acclaim and attention this important new approach to treating cancer has received, few know the full story of all it took to make this miracle happen. In Praying for Emily, the Whiteheads share their story, recounting the belief, resilience, and support that got them through the most difficult time of their lives