Suchergebnisse

Border regions and the implications for their development have become a subject of considerable interest in the ongoing process of European integration. The removal of national barriers and the development of greater economic and political transborder co-operation has led to a reconsideration of spatial identity and the definition of regional economies or markets. Much of the interest has focussed on the implications for labour mobility, especially within the context of the perceived need for greater mobility to provide the necessary adjustment process within the Eurozone. However, not only has international labour migration remained quite low within the EU, so has the level of cross-border commuting. There has, however, been considerable interest in the growth of cross-border capital flows. In this paper we explore the nature of this cross-border movement of firms in the context of the Kent - Nord-Pas de Calais - Belgium Euroregion. This transnational region is a large region of over 15 million people, close to a number of national borders. The original focus was the Transmanche region between Kent and Nord-Pas de Calais, established in relation to the construction of the Channel Tunnel in1987 in order to identify common problems, minimise the competition for the same resources between the regions and emphasise complementarity in their economic structures. The region was later extended to include the three Belgian regions in 1991 when it was renamed the Euroregion, and there have been suggestions that it should extend even more widely to include most or all of the Central Capitals Region of the EU. This paper brings together some findings from a survey of French firms which have located in Kent and a parallel survey of Belgian firms which have located in the Dunkerque employment area of Nord-Pas de Calais (Boutillier et al, 2001). In this analysis we seek to discover whether the same general set of principles govern cross-border movements, or whether there are individual circumstances in each region to which specific types of firm respond. Despite similarities, it is difficult to conclude that there is a consistent pattern of cross-border investment activity. As with all investment activity, cross-border investment seeks to exploit differentials which exist and opportunities which arise; these are different in different cases. Belgian activity in the Dunkerque region is responding to clear advantages which are offered through location in an area where incentives are strong and where there are specific skills which can be used to advantage. French investment in Kent seems to be responding to wider national opportunities available in the UK, but using a location which has certain advantages of proximity. It would seem unwise to rely on either of these factors as being likely to persist indefinitely. By definition firms which have been willing to move in will also find it relatively easy to move on to other locations, possibly to other regions within the host country. In this sense border regions continue to act as staging posts for mobile factors and thus have to recognise the need for continuing activity to attract new firms and retain existing ones.

The aim of the studies described in this thesis was to explore factors affecting attendance at outreach mammography screening, and to assess possible associations between socioeconomic factors and breast cancer survival. The relation of non-attendance at mammography screening to sociodemographic factors, indicators of general health behavior, self-rated health, experience of cancer in others, and own cancer or breast problems was studied in a case-control study with 434 non-attenders and 515 attenders identified in a population-based mammography register in the county of Uppsala (Paper I). Exposure information was obtained through telephone interviews. Being single and being non- employed were the only important sociodemographic predictors of nonattendance. Non-attendance was more likely among women who smoked regularly, had not visited a doctor in 5 years, had never had cervical smear tests, had never used oral contraceptives or hormone replacement therapy, never drank alcohol, and who reported no breast cancer in the family or among friends or history of own breast problems. In the same case-control study the effects of attitudes, beliefs and knowledge were evaluated (Paper 11). Multivariate analysis showed that non-attendance was almost five times higher among women with the highest scores of perceived emotional barriers compared to women with the lowest scores. Both absence of worry about breast cancer and low scores of perceived benefits were associated with non-attendance. Other factors associated with nonattendance were less knowledge about mammography and breast cancer, lack of advice from a health professional to participate, and very poor trust in health care. To obtain descriptive insights into women's rationales for attending or not attending mammography screening, eight focus group discussions were conducted (Paper Ill). Through inductive analysis, six main issues were identified: negative experiences, perceived risk factors, knowledge of one's own body, perceived problems with mammography, political, ideological and moral reasoning, and involuntary non-attendance. The association between sociodemographic factors and non-attendance at mammography screening was further investigated in a record-linkage study with data from the mammography register in Uppsala, the Census of 1990 and the Fertility Register (Paper IV). Multivariate analyses among 4,198 non-attenders and 38,972 attenders confirmed that non-attendance was more common among women living without a partner, and among those who were not employed. Non- attendance was also more frequent among both childless and high-parity women, among those renting an apartment (rather than owning their apartment or house), and among immigrants from non-Nordic countries. The association between socioeconomic factors and survival among 4,645 women with a first diagnosis of breast cancer in 1993 was assessed in a register study (Paper V). Sociodemographic data were obtained from the Census of 1990 and the Fertility Register. Stage of disease at diagnosis was obtained from Regional Cancer Registers. Follow-up through 1998 in the Swedish Cause of Death Register revealed that 772 of the 4,645 women had died of breast cancer. Five-year survival was 59% higher among women of higher socioeconomic status, after adjustment for stage of disease and age.

The aim of the thesis is to describe and analyse socio-economic changes in northern Sweden. Focus is on the period 1985-2000. Population development, restructuring of economic activities, political and cultural changes are related to a theoretical discussion on the transformation of sparsely populated areas as an outcome of multi-dimensional and interrelated processes. Besides an introductory and concluding section, the thesis contains four papers. The first paper deals with forestry's changed role in the local economy of four municipalities located in the inland areas of upper Norrland. The changes within forestry have been driven by adaptation to global competition and rapid technical development. Even though timber production has increased in some of the municipalities, job losses have greatly reduced the importance of forestry in the local economies. Many employees have left forestry for work in other branches, unemployment or retirement However, relatively few have moved from the area. A multiplier model was employed in order to analyse the impact on the local economy. The second paper deals with population changes in the six northernmost counties. During the 1990s, most municipalities and rural areas in northern Sweden have experienced renewed depopulation. At the same time, some rural areas have shown significant population growth. Three types of rural areas with population growth have been identified. Firstly, there are rural areas within daily commuting distance from regional centres. Secondly, there is a group of rural areas, mainly a number of mountain villages close to the border with Norway, which has benefited from the tourist industry. Finally, there are a few rural areas characterised by attractive residential environments and leisure housing. The third paper is based on a classification of 500 residential areas and villages in the county of Västerbotten into seven types of housing environments. In this way, the county is broken down into a mosaic of housing environments characterised by very different prerequisites for consumption and economic development A complex and dispersed pattern of disadvantaged residential areas all over the county indicates the difficulty in treating counties and municipalities as homogeneous regions. In the fourth paper, focus is on young peoples' attitudes towards staying in or moving to small communities within a local labour market region in northern Sweden. The study is based on telephone interviews with 400 young men and women in the Umeå region. Half the interviewees lived in the university city of Umeå while the others were residents in five rural municipalities surrounding Umeå. In general, the males and females aged 19-25 had a much more positive attitude towards living in rural communities than did those aged 15-18. Nevertheless, only half of the young people already living in the rural municipalities wanted to stay there. Among the young people living in the city, slightly less than 50% showed an interest in moving to the surrounding rural areas, mainly the countryside within commuting distance from the city. The connection between higher education and out-migration of young people from rural areas is also highlighted. ; Diss. (sammanfattning) Umeå : Univ., 2002 ; digitalisering@umu

En esta ponencia se da una visión, muy sintetizada, de ambos grupos de integración -Comunidad Andina y MERCOSUR-, de su organización y de la evolución que han experimentado desde su creación hasta finalizar la década de los años noventa, haciendo hincapié en las semejanzas y diferencias existentes entre ellos. Tras una breve introducción vemos primeramente los antecedentes y creación del Pacto Andino, pasando, después a ver la evolución que ha sufrido desde su creación (26 de mayo de 1969) hasta finalizar los años noventa, en que es denominada Comunidad Andina (CAN) desde el 10 de marzo de 1996, en la reunión que celebraron los presidentes de los países andinos en la ciudad de Trujillo (Perú), donde redactaron el Protocolo Modificatorio de Integración Subregional Andino (Acuerdo de Cartagena), conocido como Protocolo de Trujillo, que en su artículo 5 crea la mencionada Comunidad Andina. Siguiendo la misma estructura se hace un estudio del MERCOSUR: sus antecedentes y creación el 26 de marzo de 1991, en la reunión que celebraron en Asunción (Paraguay) los presidentes Menem (Argentina), Collor de Mello (Brasil), Rodríguez (Paraguay) y Lacalle (Uruguay), que terminó con la firma del Tratado de Asunción, por el que se constituye el Mercado Común del Sur, MERCOSUR, integrado por cuatro países: República Argentina, República Federativa del Brasil, República del Paraguay, y República Oriental del Uruguay. En su evolución hay que destacar el Protocolo Adicional al Tratado de Asunción sobre la estructura institucional del MERCOSUR, conocido como Protocolo de Ouro Preto, suscrito el 17 de diciembre de 1994, que dota de personalidad jurídica internacional al MERCOSUR. En otro apartado se hace referencia al regionalismo abierto, propio de estos grupos de integración y de otros muchos a los que aludimos, para pasar posteriormente a ver las relaciones existentes entre los dos grupos objeto de estudio, y los países que los integran con otros países y grupos de integración. A continuación vemos las relaciones que existen entre la CAN y el MERCOSUR. Terminamos viendo las semejanzas y diferencias entre estos dos grupos de integración. This paper gives a general view of two main groups of economic and trade integration in Latin America: MERCOSUR and Comunidad Andina (Andean Community). The main points of interest of this paper are the organization of these integration groups and their evolution, since its creation to the nineties, stressing the differences between both groups. The first part of this essay studies the beginning and creation of the Andean Pact (Pacto Andino), and its evolution till the end of the nineties, moment in which the treaty changes its name and philosophy: In 1996, the Presidents of the Andean Countries signed the Cartagena Covenant, in which it is created the Andean Community. Following the same structure, the second part of the essay studies the History of MERCOSUR: its antecedents, its beginnings in the first nineties –Asunción Treaty-, and its recent evolution. This article finishes studying the economic and political relations of these two economic Latin American integration groups, their differences and similarities and their relations with other economic integration groups.

Las sierras septentrionales, o de Tandilia y las australes, o de Ventania, caracterizadas por su gran diversidad orgánica y su alto número de endemismos, están ubicadas en la planicie bonaerense de pastizales denominada "pampa". Con el objeto de establecer las relaciones entre Tandilia y Ventania con otras áreas, se analizaron las distribuciones de los taxones específicos e infraespecíficos de Asteraceae que habitan estas sierras. Se delimitaron trece áreas: sur de América del Norte y América Central, sur de Brasil, Uruguay, Pampa, Tandilia, Ventania, Chaco, Sierras Pampeanas, Sierras Subandinas, Mahuidas, Patagonia, Chile Central, y Andes del Norte. Las unidades de estudio fueron 112 taxones de Asteraceae presentes en Tandilia y Ventania (taxones endémicos, adventicios y naturalizados no fueron incluidos en el análisis). Las distribuciones de estos taxones fueron analizadas utilizando dos métodos: panbiogeografía compatibilidad de trazos) y análisis de simplicidad de endemismos. Ambos métodos conectan sur de Brasil, Uruguay, Pampa, Tandilia, Ventania y Sierras Pampeanas. Las Asteraceae de Tandilia y Ventania estarían más relacionadas con estas áreas que con la de las Sierras Subandinas, Andes del Norte, Chaco, Patagonia, Mahuidas y Chile Central. El área de América del Norte y América Central aparece menos relacionada a Tandilia y Ventania en relación a las otras áreas. La evolución de las Asteraceae de Tandilia y Ventania y las áreas relacionadas ha sido probablemente afectada por los eventos geológicos de los períodos Terciario y Cuaternario. La discontinuidad actual en el patrón de distribución de las Asteraceae, restringidas en general a las zonas elevadas, es explicada principalmente por eventos vicariantes debidos a condiciones áridas. ; Tandilia and Ventania are the only systems ofmountain ranges situated in a grassy steppe or "pampas" in the political province of Buenos Aires in Argentina. Tandilia and Ventania have a high taxa diversity and endemicity. A historical biogeographic analysis was carried out on the basis of distributional patterns of species and infraspecific taxa of Asteraceae inhabiting Tandilia and Ventania in orderto establish the relationships ofthese mountain ranges with other areas. Two methods were applied for the analysis: panbiogeography using the compatibility track method and parsimony analysis of endemicity (PAE). Thirteen areas were delimited for the study: Southern North America and Central América, Southern Brazil, Uruguay, Pampa, Tandilia, Ventania, Chaco, Sierras Pampeanas, Sierras Subandinas, Mahuidas, Patagonia, Central Chile, and Northern Andes. The units of the study were 112 taxa inhabiting Tandilia and Ventania (endernic, naturalized, and adventicious species were not included). Both methods connect southern Brazil, Uruguay, Pampa, Tandilia, Ventania, and Sierras Pampeanas, showing that the Asteraceae biota ofTandilia and Ventania have closer relationships with the biota ofthese are as rather than with that of Sierras Subandinas, North Andean, Chaco, Patagonia, Mahuidas, and Central Chile. The Asteraceae ofCentral and North America appear less related to Tandilia and Ventania in regard of the rest ofthe areas. The evolution of Asteraceae in Tandilia and Ventania and related areas is hypothetized to have been affected mainly by Tertiary and Quaternary geologic events. The discontinuous pattern found, occurring mostly in elevated areas, is explained principally by vicariance under dry conditions.

Nach Auswertung vorliegender Erklärungsangebote für suburbane Wohnstandortentscheidungen wird ein modifiziertes Modell der Wohnstandortwahl vorgeschlagen. Am Beispiel der Region Berlin und auf der Grundlage der aggregierten Wanderungsstatistik des statistischen Landesamtes erfolgt eine partielle Verifizierung des Modells. Es zeigt sich, daß bisherige Erklärungen zur Wohnsuburbanisierung, die nur auf Wohnungsmerkmale (Erwerb von Wohneigentum, bessere Wohnumwelt, günstigere Wohnkosten im Umland) zurückgreifen, erweitert werden müssen. Denn eine suburbane Wohnstandortentscheidung ist primär eine gewünschte und gewählte Wohn- und Lebensweise in Abhängigkeit von der Lebensphase. Bei Umlandbewohnern überwiegen traditionell-familienorientierte Elemente der Wohnund Lebensweise, bei Innenstadtbewohnern modern-individualisierte Elemente. In einem weiteren Schritt gelangen, die Entscheidung beeinflussend und begleitend, Ressourcenbedingungen ins Spiel. Als zentrale Ressourcenvariable auf der Haushaltsebene kommt die Erwerbsbeteiligung (berufliche Perspektive) in Betracht, auf der regionalen Ebene sind es die Wohnungsmarktangebote und die Wohnbedingungen im Stadtgebiet bzw. im Umland. Umfang und Dynamik von Suburbanisierungsprozessen sind sodann durch spezielle, historisch bedingte, regionale Kontextmerkmale charakterisiert. Der sehr unterschiedliche Umfang der Suburbanisierung bei West- und Ostberlinern resultiert aus Nuancierungen in der gewünschten Wohn- und Lebensweise, aus noch vorhandenen Unterschieden in den Wohnbedingungen in Berlin-West- und Berlin-Ost und den historisch begründeten unterschiedlichen Beziehungen zum Brandenburger Umland. Insgesamt wird davon ausgegangen, daß eine Wohnstandortentscheidung Stadtgebiet versus suburbaner Raum als ein Optimierungsprozeß, mit dem die Vorteile beider Standorte im Interesse des verfolgten Lebens- und Wohnkonzepts harmonisiert werden, beschreibbar ist. Das Umland soll als naturnaher, ruhiger und familienfreundlicher Wohnort dienen. Die nahegelegene Stadt wird weiterhin als Arbeits-, Dienstleistungs- und Kulturraum genutzt. Die Inanspruchnahme der städtischen Optionen wird zeitlich flexibel gewünscht und auch so vorgenommen. Mit diesem erweiterten Erklärungsrahmen lassen sich auch politische Steuerungsmaßnahmen wirksamer entwerfen und evaluieren. ; After evaluating explanations relating to decisions in favour of living in the suburb, a modified explanation model for choosing the place of residence is proposed. The model is partly verified using aggregated migration statistics for the region of Berlin provided by the State Statistical Office. It was observed that previous explanations for residential suburbanization, which were focused only on housing characteristics (buying a home, better residential environment, cheaper housing in suburban areas) need to be extended. Then the decision to live in the suburb is primarily a way of life that is desired and chosen in dependence on the phase of life. In the suburban population, traditional family-oriented elements of housing and living predominate, whereas in inner city population it is the modern individualised elements that play a dominant role. In a further step, resource conditions attending the decision come into play. At the household level, participation in the job market (job opportunities) is a central resource variable, at the regional level it is the housing situation on the market in the city or in outlying areas. Hence, the scope and dynamics of suburbanization processes are affected by special regional context characteristics which are in part conditioned by history. The marked difference in the measure of suburbanization between West and East Berliners is a result of subtle differences in the desired housing and way of life, of differences in housing conditions that still exist between Berlin-West and Berlin-East and of differences in the relationship to Brandenburg's environs. In general it is assumed that a decision in favour of living in an urban vs. suburban area can be defined in terms of an optimization process in which the advantages of the two locations are harmonized in the interest of the pursuit of certain aspirations with regard to living and housing conditions. The suburb functions as a family-friendly and quiet residential environment which is close to nature. The city nearby continues to be used as a place of work, service and culture. Taking advantage of the options in a manner flexible in time is desirable and is practised. Using this extended explanation framework it is also possible to design and evaluate political steering measures.

Summary
As a teenaged soldier in World War I, Wilhelm Röpke was a horrified witness to the barbarity of that fratricidal European conflict. The experience moved him to commit his life thenceforward to the discovery and proclamation of the economic, social, and moral truths that might serve to prevent a recurrence of the catastrophe.
The galloping inflation of the 1920s left an indelible impression on the young economist and provoked him to a battle against inflation which was to continue for the rest of his life. Still, exhibiting even then unusual realism and balance, Röpke opposed the deflationary policies of the Brüning government to which he attributed the rapidly rising unemployment in Germany. He was thus a Keynesian five years before Keynes published his General Theory in 1936. In the end, Röpke's advice was disregarded, a fateful decision which may have facilitated the seizure of power by Hitler.
Anti-totalitarian to the core, Röpke was bound to come into conflict with the tribunes of the Third Reich. Following a series of speeches and articles in which he attacked the Nazis he was forced to flee, first to Istanbul and subsequently to Geneva, where he remained until his death in 1966. In his years in Geneva, Röpke continued his crusade against totalitarianism, whether of the right or the left. In numerous articles and books, he set forth his recipes for a free society and economy based on the market mechanism. The market economy for which Röpke pleaded, however, differed fundamentally from the "capitalism" of the 19th and early 20th centuries which he believed had perished of its own inadequacies and degeneracies. As early as the 1930s, he advocated a "third way" between the extremes of a paleo-capitalism based on laissez-faire on the one hand, and a socialist planned economy on the other. While Röpke was an unbending opponent of the omnipotent state, and of the bloated modern welfare state in particular, he was equally opposed to reducing the role of government in the economy to that of a mere nightwatchman. He contended that, on the contrary, a viable market economy requires an effective and energetic government committed to providing essential infrastructures and to establishing and maintaining a stable monetary and fiscal system as well as securing competition and restraining monopoly, whether of capital or labor. The "social market economy" that was installed in West Germany after the war under the aegis of Röpke's friend, Ludwig Erhard, and to which Röpke had made decisive contributions, represented a deliberate attempt to divorce the market idea from historical capitalism. Germany's so-called "economic miracle" of the postwar years provided dramatic proof that the market can yield a quite different result within a different institutional framework.
In his seminal works Röpke carried this concept further, pointing out that the wellbeing of any society rests upon much more than its purely economic arrangements.Indeed, it extends far beyond the merely economic, the merely sociological, the merely political, to the very bedrock of the human condition, to the moral and spiritual, and, indeed, to the religious foundations of human existence.

In this article, the market for high-price housing (Russian: "elitnye kvartiry") in St. Petersburg and Moscow is analysed as an important indicator for the creation of new regional patterns in post-socialist cities. In both cities, segregation processes have been observed in the new Russian upper class. The identified zones of high status housing have not been formed new, but rather essentially represent an historical continuity from the pre-Revolutionary and also Soviet roots. One reason for this obvious continuity of historical structures is in the preservation of the basic city patterns and architectural substance, thus meaning that the segregation of the rich is to e viewed as a result of the available buildings nd their quality. The expansive homogeneity f mass housing construction outside f the historical centres means that the new segregation tendencies can only be observed in the centre and in the suburban regions. The typical sectoral patterns of socioeconomic segregation were, however, already designed in the axis development during the Soviet Union, and will remain in place. It can be explained from an historical point of view why the demand in the high price segment is concentrated on the centre: neither city has an upper class district outside of the city centre, as can often be found in western cities. Only a very few cottage settlements and elitist housing estates can be found at a medium distance to the centre . There were favoured districts during the Soviet era in the outskirts of the cities, but these areas rarely satisfy the increased demands of the new rich people. The spatial concentration of the elitist housing in the city centre reminds of the preindustrial city structure model according to Sjoberg (1965, p. 95), in which the highest housing area is closest to the focus of political power, but also of the "reverse" Burgess type South American model or in a more general sense of the city structure models in many emerging countries. At the same time, however, it is possible to draw parallels to the gentrification of many central European and North American cities. This confirms the segregation and polarisation tendencies, which are connected with the economic and social transformation to the characteristic city structures of post-industrial global cities (e.g. Sassen 1991). An example of this can be found in the capital Moscow, unlike in St. Petersburg, where the spatially defined and enclosed areas of higher prices are more developed to meet the requirements of the new functions of a global economy (Gritsal 1997). In this context, the city centre is given a more homogenous character in terms of socio-economics, as it is not only a question of the upper class settling there, but rather that less wealthy inhabitants are moved or move to other areas, generally in the suburban districts. If we take the economic specialisation of the city centres and the increasing segregation tendencies of the population as an indicator of future developments, then we must fear that the centres of these two cities will increasingly become places for a few rich people, instead of the centre of a citizens city.

Sustainable development is both a global and local challenge to managing change. It requires integrating social, ecological and economic objectives and system requirements that are generally expressed in terms of maintaining some suitably defined aggregates of social, ecological and economic capital. Apart from global environmental constraints, these aggregates are mainly determined at the local scale. This is of particular importance for the development of rural areas that more directly depend on environmental resources than urban economies, and that are characterised by a semi-natural to natural landscape which provides amenity and recreational values to the urban and rural population. Yet, the threat to rural areas is that they are under pressure of urbanisation. This goes along with land use change and socio-cultural change, and thus with alterations of the regional ecological and social capital. This results in trade-offs between short-term goals of development and long-term goals of sustainability. On the one hand, the development of rural areas depends on available resources, current institutions and technologies, and the competitiveness of local goods and services. On the other hand, sustainability calls for maintaining the regional capital stock (local economic, social and ecological assets) over time. An integrated approach is required to address these trade-offs. To this end, we provide a transdisciplinary synthesis of research on rural development, and present a concept for improving rural development strategies toward achieving long-term goals of sustainability. Apparently, sustainable development is the key concept for integrating the above issues. It does not need each asset to be conserved. Rather, sustainable development requires that conservation and change are balanced through an adaptive process of optimisation across the various system goals. This implies a development path which is constrained by the boundaries of the regional opportunity space for sustainable development. These boundaries are characterised by general system requirements, such as compliance with critical levels of natural and social capital, economic stability, satisfaction of basic needs, equity within and between generations, and efficient use of scarce resources. They are not constant, but vary in space and time. As an adequate method of research on sustainable development in rural areas, and to provide assistance to local actors and the political process, we propose a combination of formal analyses and participatory approaches. First, to assess the boundaries of the above opportunity space, within which sustainable development is feasible, a formal analysis is required. It must integrate scientific and local knowledge, cultural values, along with local and national goals of economic and social development. Second, to create new development potentials, the opportunity space must be expanded. This can be achieved through innovation and institutional change, which requires local initiative and capacity building amongst all actors involved. Finally, the local actors are the key players in implementing measures at their respective level of activity in order to manage change within the boundaries of the opportunity space of sustainable development.

Rostow?s approach to economic development, summarized in The Stages of Economic Growth, involved an economy passing through a sequence of well-defined stages. The stages were as follows: traditional society; preconditions for take-off; take-off; drive to maturity; and the age of high mass consumption. This stages theory of growth was primarily concerned with the national economy. There were, however, more than a few references to regions, although these were not elaborated upon or explored in any detail. The concern here is with examining the possibility that the Rostow analysis might have a relevance at the sub-national or regional scale. This possibility is explored in terms of three distinct perspectives. In the first perspective, the concern is with whether the growth of an individual region can be viewed in terms of a passage through Rostow?s suggested sequence of stages. It is argued that this might be the case for some regions, but that the framework has to be modified or rendered more general in order to reflect the experience of other regions, particularly with respect to the take-off stage. The more open and less self-sufficient nature of the regional economy, relative to the national, sometimes causes the Rostow stages to appear inappropriate, even clumsy, at the regional scale. And for certain regions the passage through the sequence of stages is less dramatic, less well defined, than that described by Rostow. The second perspective, the multiregional, is somewhat more satisfactory. It draws attention to the fact that the developmental experience is not the same for all regions, and focuses attention on the tendency for different regions to attain particular stages at different times. This essentially descriptive perspective raises the difficult issue of multi-regional aggregation, and does not deal with the manner in which the various regions are related to one another. It is only with the third perspective, the interregional, that we gain some feel for the national economy as a space economy. This perspective, which provides us with a spatial articulation of the process of national economic development, considers the fact that regions co-exist in a competitive as well as a complementary manner. It also pays attention to the intricate and changing patterns of interregional interaction with respect to trade, factor movements, transfer payments, and the transmission of growth. Viewed from this third perspective, Rostow?s stages theory of economic growth does not appear to be at odds with observed patterns of regional and interregional development nor with the various conceptual frameworks which attempt to generalize these. The perspective is not without problems, however. The attempt at examining each stage cross-sectionally is rendered difficult by the fact that a given stage for the nation invariably involves a pattern of the various regions being at different stages and moving through the sequence at different rates. What is lacking in this third perspective (and also in the previous two) is the successful translation of Rostow?s skilful account of political, social and institutional changes to the regional scale.

Artículo de la sección: Estudios ; La pregunta interrogativa del título de este artículo es ya tanto un resumen como una disyuntiva fundamental. El autor no niega que el reinado de Felipe II tuviera oposiciones teóricas. Éstas se plasmaban en la línea del neoescolasticismo castellano o en las propias Cortes de Castilla. Pero en este trabajo se insiste en que estas oposiciones fueron menores. A la espera de investigaciones sobre posibles conflictos señoriales en el XVI, la realidad es que Castilla no planteó problemas de envergadura. Éstos, por el contrario, surgieron en Granada, Valencia, Aragón y, finalmente, en Cataluña. Un nexo de unión —el de los moriscos— permite al estudioso pasar de un territorio a otro sin mayores dificultades. Además los moriscos —se pensaba— se relacionaban con la presión norteafricana y turca del Mediterráneo. No obstante, había diferencias entre Granada, de un lado, y Valencia y Aragón, de otro. Son éstas las referentes al desarrollo de unas instituciones parlamentarias y de un conjunto político-institucional de reinos, diferentes a la Corona de Castilla. Esta diferencia, aunque sin la existencia prácticamente de moriscos, se observa también en Cataluña. En ella la problemática de una sociedad, más violenta por el fenómeno del bandolerismo, no puede olvidarse. Más aún, en el principado catalán, sus constituciones forales y sus Cortes propias fueron oponentes de gran vuelo. En una palabra: la conflictividad en líneas generales sólo fue teórica en Castilla. Esta conflictividad sería más cotidiana, más social, con mayores enfrentamientos institucionales, y con alteraciones y revueltas violentas, en toda la orla mediterránea peninsular. ; The question mark in the title of this article is both an abstract and a basic alternative. The author doesn't deny that the reign of Philip II would have some theoretical oppositions. These ones turned into the way of the Castilian neo-scholasticism and the attitude of the Castilian parliament. But this work insist that these oppostions were limited. Waiting for a new reserch, into possible manorial tensions in the XYIth Century, the fact is that Castile doesn't create any important problems. On the contrary, such problems appeared in Granada, Valencia, Aragon and, finally, Catalonia. The researcher can to go from one territory to another one, thanks to a common nexus: the moorish inhabitants. It's easy to think that the moorish people were able to connect with the north-african and ottoman pressure at the Mediterranean sea. However, there were several differences between Granada, on the one side, and Valencia and Aragon, on the other. Such differences are relatives to their parlamentary development and the political and institutional facts in Valencia and Aragon, very different from Castilian Crown. This difference is also observed in Catalonia, but without the moorish presence. There, in Catalonia, the society turned more problematic and violent, because the brigandage. Even more, in Catalonia, the fueros and the parliament were very important opponents. In short, the tensions and disputes generally were only theoretical ones in Castile, but more social, institutional and daily —with changes and violent disturbances— in the mediterranean border of Spain. ; Departamento de Historia Moderna y de América, Universidad de Granada.

It has become a common practice for developing countries with serious economic problems, including huge international indebtedness and other internal economic dislocations, to blame international financial institutions, notably the International Monetary Fund (IMF) and the World Bank for their problems. Yet these countries seek financial assistance from the same institutions they condemn. Specifically, the Fund is condemned in a rhetorical fashion for stipulating harsh conditions that must be met by the debtor country before new loans can be granted. The Fund is also often condemned for encouraging other commercial banks to refuse to grant loans to countries that fail to implement the Fund's stabilization programmes. Despite this posture, the leaders in these countries do recognise the importance of foreign aid to their countries' economy in the form of grants, loans or investments, but sometimes refuse to accept that none of these forms of foreign aid is without its positive and negative implications in their domestic economy. For a variety of reasons including pleasing their internal audiences, the leaders play down the negative implications of foreign aid and extol its positive side. When it suits the occassion, they deny that the aid has any positive value or as it often happens, craftily allow the positive and the negative aspects to neutralise each other in order to keep political discourse alive and interesting. The relationship between the IMF and Nigeria very much typifies what has been described above. To the averagely articulate Nigerian, the Fund is responsible for aggravating an already bad economic situation (at least sufficient sentiments have been aroused to achieve that purpose). On the other hand, government officials, businessmen and the "experts" who know about the intricacies of the international economy, privately and publicly believe strongly that in the final analysis, the Nigerian military leaders still have to seek an accommodation with the Fund and perhaps other foriegn financial institutions if the country is to get out of its present economic predicament. In essence, there is a sort of waiting game between the Fund and Nigeria, with each side waiting for the other to make the appropriate move. The IMF believes that all things considered, Nigeria qualifies for the Fund's assistance if only there is a little more focus in the right direction to satisfy the Fund's performance criteria. The Nigerian Government on its part believes that the country has, through its present "stringent economic management," satisfied the Fund's requirements and consequently has qualified for a more generous assistance from the Fund. This article examines the relationship between the IMF and Nigeria from the civilian administration of President Shehu Shagari to the present military government of General Ibrahim Babangida. It discusses the inevitable pervasive influence the Fund exercises in the Nigerian economy and the expected responses of the government to pressures from the Fund. But first, let us consider what the IMF stands for, how it carries out its functions and its relations generally with the developing countries.

In the majority of cases involving the protection of human rights, the general approach is to give human rights a legal status by incorporating them into some international charter or national constitution, thereby making them justiciable. This establishes two things simultaneously. It imposes certain obligations upon those wielding political power to protect and to promote human rights among their subjects; it also confers a legitimate claim upon those ruled to have their rights respected. There is more to a human rights claim however than the fact of its legal status. It is fundamentally a moral claim imposing a moral obligation. This additional consideration is not just a mere emphasis on the legal argument. It has a specific dimension of its own that most often involves a distinct category—the moral as opposed to the merely legal. The legal aspect as we have seen is established by the fact of these rights being incorporated into some international charter or national constitution. But legality does not always imply morality. For the legal to be at the same time moral, it has to satisfy some conditions that give it a moral status making it more binding a least in conscience. The other, more fundamental, aspect of the human rights issue which gives both the legal and the moral their grounding is the human element. A legitimate claim to certain rights is based on the concept of the human being as a "person". Only persons have rights, right meaning a certain quality or property of relationship between persons, such that one demands certain things andinsists that he or shemust have them as a matter of legitimacy. From this point of view one cannot strictly speaking, talk about the rights of animals, except in so far as these animals belong to persons. In the same way, moral claims and obligations make sense only in the context of persons. The fundamental assumptions of our human rights arguments therefore rest ultimately on the fact that human beings are persons who by virtue of their very nature have legal and moral claims that are intrinsic to them. A great deal of effort is being made to assign legal grounds to sanctions in case of their infringement. The necessity for these sanctions derives from the fact that people can recognize the moral as well as the ontological basis for human rights and yet refuse to acknowledge, respect, protect or promote them. In this particular case, the sanction imposed by law takes effect. The ideal situation however should have been the recognition as well as the promotion of the legitimate claims of the human person not because of the fear of any sanctions, but because as a human person, he or she ought to be accorded those rights. This paper will therefore try to investigate the philosophical basis for the concept of the human person upon which are founded human rights claims.

AbstractIn Africa, relations between the bureaucracy and the peasants are often marked by a striking ambiguity. The authoritarian conduct of many state officials and their claims to an almost totalitarian control over the peasant societies seem to be contrary to the fact that in many respects African peasants still appear to be "uncaptured" by modern political‐economic relations. This ambiguity is of direct consequence to problems in implementing rural development. This article presents an example of such problems during a development project initiated by the ZAPI, a cooperative inspired by the animation ideology, in a Maka village (Southeast Cameroon). In order to understand the difficulties in the conduct of the project by the Maka peasants themselves, several more general viewpoints are discussed: Rey's model of an articulation of capitalist and pre‐capitalist relations, stressing the strongly variable patterns in this articulation and, concomitantly, in present relations between peasants, the state and the market; Spittler's interpretations of "autistic tendencies" of the bureaucracy in a Bauemstaat; and finally Hyden's idea of the "uncaptured" African peasantry which is relevant but neglects the more hidden forms of dependence of peasants like the Maka on external agencies.RésuméUne grande ambiguityé caracté rise les relations entre ľ administration et la paysannerie africaine. Le style autoritairc de beaucoup dc cadres officiels, lcur prétention a cxercer un contrôle quasi totalitaire sur les paysans entrent en contradiction avec le fait que ces paysanneries ne sont pas encore intégrées dans les systèmes économiques et politiques modernes. Cette ambiguité découle évidemment des problèmes dc mise en ocuvre du développement rural: cet article étudie ceci a travcrs ľ exemple ? un projet développé par le ZAPI (coopérative inspirée par ľ idéologie de ľ animation) dans un village Maka du sud‐est camerounais. S'agissant de comprendre les difficultés dc la ZAPI à faire prendre en charge le projet par les paysans Maka eux‐mêmes, ľ auteur examine plusicurs interpretations: le modele de Rey centre sur ľ articulation des systemes capitalistes et précapitalistes, qui insistc sur les variations possibles dc cette articulation, et sur les relations entre état, paysans et marche; ľ interprctation de Spittler qui voit des tendances "autistes" dans la bureaucratie des états en construction; enfin celle de Hyden à propos de la non intègration des paysanneries africaines, interprétation pertinente mais qui sous‐estime les formes cachées de domination ? institutions extérieures sur des paysans comme les Maka.KurzfassungIn Afrika sind die Beziehungen zwischen Bürokratie und den Bauern oft durch eine auffallcnde Doppeldeutigkeit gekennzeichnet. Das autoritäre Verhalten von vielen Staatsbeamten und ihre Forderungen nach einer fast totalitären Kontrolle über Bauerngesellschaften schcinea im Widerspruch zu der Tatsache zu stehen, diss afrikanische Bauern in vielfacher Hinsicht noch ldquo;unberührt" sind von den modernen politisch‐öko‐nomischen Beziehungen. Natürlich hat diese Zweideutigkcit unmittelbare Auswirkungen auf Probleme bei der Ingangsetzung ländlicher Entwicklung. Dieser Artikel untersucht ein Beispiel für solche Probleme bei eincm von ZAPI initiierten Entwicklungsprojekt, eine Genossenschaft, die auf der Antmationsideologic aufbaut, in eincm Maka‐Dorf (Südwest‐Kamerun). Um die Schwierigkcitcn zu vcrstehen, die von ZAPI festgestellt wurden bei dem Versuch, das Projekt von den Maka‐Bauern selbst durchführen zu lassen, werden einige allgemeinere Gesichtspunkte diskutiert: Reys Modell der Verbindung von kapitaliscischen und vorkapitalistischen Beziehungen, wobei die stark variablen Muster dieser Verbindung und gleichzeitig der gegenwärtigen Beziehungen von Bauern, Staat und Markt betont werden; Spittlers Interpretation der ldquo;autistischcn Tendenzenldquo; der Bürokratie in einem Bauernstaat; und Hydens Vorstellung von der ldquo;unbcrührtenldquo; afrikanischen Bauernschaft, die Bedeutung hat, aber die versteckteren Formen der Abhängigkeit von Bauern, wie die der Maka, von externen Einflüssen vernachlässigt.

La pregunta interrogativa del título de este artículo es ya tanto un resumen como una disyuntiva fundamental. El autor no niega que el reinado de Felipe II tuviera oposiciones teóricas. Éstas se plasmaban en la línea del neoescolasticismo castellano o en las propias Cortes de Castilla. Pero en este trabajo se insiste en que estas oposiciones fueron menores. A la espera de investigaciones sobre posibles conflictos señoriales en el XVI, la realidad es que Castilla no planteó problemas de envergadura. Éstos, por el contrario, surgieron en Granada, Valencia, Aragón y, finalmente, en Cataluña. Un nexo de unión —el de los moriscos— permite al estudioso pasar de un territorio a otro sin mayores dificultades. Además los moriscos —se pensaba— se relacionaban con la presión norteafricana y turca del Mediterráneo. No obstante, había diferencias entre Granada, de un lado, y Valencia y Aragón, de otro. Son éstas las referentes al desarrollo de unas instituciones parlamentarias y de un conjunto político-institucional de reinos, diferentes a la Corona de Castilla. Esta diferencia, aunque sin la existencia prácticamente de moriscos, se observa también en Cataluña. En ella la problemática de una sociedad, más violenta por el fenómeno del bandolerismo, no puede olvidarse. Más aún, en el principado catalán, sus constituciones forales y sus Cortes propias fueron oponentes de gran vuelo. En una palabra: la conflictividad en líneas generales sólo fue teórica en Castilla. Esta conflictividad sería más cotidiana, más social, con mayores enfrentamientos institucionales, y con alteraciones y revueltas violentas, en toda la orla mediterránea peninsular. ; The question mark in the title of this article is both an abstract and a basic alternative. The author doesn't deny that the reign of Philip II would have some theoretical oppositions. These ones turned into the way of the Castilian neo-scholasticism and the attitude of the Castilian parliament. But this work insist that these oppostions were limited. Waiting for a new reserch, into possible manorial tensions in the XYIth Century, the fact is that Castile doesn't create any important problems. On the contrary, such problems appeared in Granada, Valencia, Aragon and, finally, Catalonia. The researcher can to go from one territory to another one, thanks to a common nexus: the moorish inhabitants. It's easy to think that the moorish people were able to connect with the north-african and ottoman pressure at the Mediterranean sea. However, there were several differences between Granada, on the one side, and Valencia and Aragon, on the other. Such differences are relatives to their parlamentary development and the political and institutional facts in Valencia and Aragon, very different from Castilian Crown. This difference is also observed in Catalonia, but without the moorish presence. There, in Catalonia, the society turned more problematic and violent, because the brigandage. Even more, in Catalonia, the fueros and the parliament were very important opponents. In short, the tensions and disputes generally were only theoretical ones in Castile, but more social, institutional and daily —with changes and violent disturbances— in the mediterranean border of Spain.