Suchergebnisse

The current financial crisis has significantly highlighted the issue of leadership in the European Union. The topic is both timely and worthy of analysis. The author tries to outline the theoretical approach to political leadership with regard to the current political scene in the European Union. A politician has to meet four criteria to be deemed a leader: his decisions are strategic, they exert permanent influence, he has a sufficient political background, and he has the highest position in a given political composition. The author makes the following hypothesis: on the basis of factor analysis (as regards the four factors above) only two current politicians are the true leaders of the EU, namely the Chancellor of Germany, Angela Merkel, and the President of France, Francois Hollande. Both politicians meet the four attributes presented gabove to at least the minimum degree, thus becoming (international) EU leaders. The paper also discusses the issue of distinguishing between an (international) statesman and (international) leader. ; The current financial crisis has significantly highlighted the issue of leadership in the European Union. The topic is both timely and worthy of analysis. The author tries to outline the theoretical approach to political leadership with regard to the current political scene in the European Union. A politician has to meet four criteria to be deemed a leader: his decisions are strategic, they exert permanent influence, he has a sufficient political background, and he has the highest position in a given political composition. The author makes the following hypothesis: on the basis of factor analysis (as regards the four factors above) only two current politicians are the true leaders of the EU, namely the Chancellor of Germany, Angela Merkel, and the President of France, Francois Hollande. Both politicians meet the four attributes presented gabove to at least the minimum degree, thus becoming (international) EU leaders. The paper also discusses the issue of distinguishing between an (international) statesman and (international) leader.

The new leaders of the EU's institutions face immediate and major challenges—from conflict in the EU's surrounding region to rising xenophobia within its own borders—that have major implications for the future of Europe's open societies.The European Parliament elections in May 2014 led to a turnover of half of the body's members and the intake of many more xenophobic populist parties. The European Commission—the EU's executive body—has a new president and College of Commissioners who will need to find new approaches to employment, inclusion, and development. The new European Council president will also have a tough job finding consensus among EU heads of state and government on issues ranging from relations with Russia to economic governance.With this in mind, the Open Society European Policy Institute has prepared a set of briefings and recommendations for the new political actors in Brussels, entitled 2014 and Beyond: Priorities for the European Union, on the following key open society issues:Fundamental rights strategy for the EUStrengthening defense rights in the EUMedia pluralismEnsuring equality in the EUThe EU framework for Roma integrationRoma education, employment, and healthMisuse of EU funds on long-stay residential institutions for persons with disabilitiesA new approach to migration and asylumTransparency and accountabilityHuman rights and civil society in EU external relationsEnlargement policyEU–Africa relationsDemocracy in Sub-Saharan AfricaMiddle East and North AfricaCentral AsiaEastern PartnershipUkraineDrones and targeted killings

AbstractIf voters are asked to vote twice on the same issue in a single year, why might they initially reject the proposal but then vote to approve it the second time? This has happened three times in EU referendums (Denmark on the Maastricht Treaty in 1992–93 and Ireland on the Nice Treaty in 2001–02 and the Lisbon Treaty in 2008–09). No work has yet compared all six of these referendum campaigns. I focus on the campaign strategies of the Yes and No sides and investigate whether campaigners act differently in the second campaigns. Based on fieldwork in Denmark and Ireland, 38 in‐depth interviews with campaigners and public opinion data, I show that the Yes campaigners learned from their mistakes and changed their campaign strategies in the second rounds. Not only did they secure guarantees from the EU to neutralize the No side's arguments; they also used more emotional campaign arguments in the second campaigns.

The book examines the integration of European trade union movement and explores the prospects for European or transnational solidarity among workers.