Suchergebnisse

chapter Introduction -- part Part I: Who or what is a parent? Underlying rationales -- chapter 1 Barbara Hall, 'The Origin of Parental Rights' (1999) 13(1) Public Affairs Quarterly 73-78 -- chapter 2 John Lawrence Hill, 'What Does It Mean to Be a -- chapter 3 Gillian Douglas, 'The Intention to be a Parent and the Making of Mothers' (1994) 57(4) The Modern Law Review 636-641 -- chapter 4 Tim Bayne and Avery Kolers, 'Toward a Pluralistic Account of Parenthood' (2003) 17(3) Bioethics 221-242 -- chapter 5 Jeffrey Blustein, 'Procreation and Parental Responsibility' (1997) 28(2) Journal of Social Philosophy 79-86 -- chapter 6 James G. Dwyer, 'The Moral Basis of Children's Relational Rights', ch 4.4 in John Eekelaar and Rob George (eds), Routledge Handbook of Family Law and Policy (Abingdon: Routledge, 2014), pp. 274-280 -- chapter 7 Nigel V. Lowe, 'The Changing Face of Adoption - the Gift/Donation Model versus the Contract/Services Model' (1997) 9(4) Child and Family Law Quarterly 371-386 -- part Part II: Legal concepts of 'parent' and their linkage -- chapter 8 Andrew Bainham, 'Parentage, Parenthood and Parental Responsibility: Subtle, Elusive, Yet Important Distinctions', ch 2 in A. Bainham, S. Day Sclater and M. Richards (eds). What is a Parent? A Socio-Legal Analysis (Oxford: Hart, 1999), pp. 25 -46 -- chapter 9 John Eekelaar, 'Rethinking Parental Responsibility' (2001) 31 Family Law 426-430 -- part Part III: The legal parent – accommodating complexity -- chapter 10 Craig Lind and Tom Hewitt, 'Law and the Complexities of Parenting: Parental Status and Parental Function' (2009) 31(4) Journal of Social Welfare and Family Law 391-406 -- chapter 11 Emily Jackson, 'What is a Parent?', ch 4 in A. Diduck and K. O'Donovan (eds), Feminist Perspectives on Family Law (London: Routledge-Cavendish, 2006), pp. 59-74 -- chapter 12 Andrew Bainham, 'Arguments about Parentage' (2008) 67(2) Cambridge Law Journal 322-351 -- chapter 13 Leanne Smith, 'Tangling the Web of Legal Parenthood: Legal Responses to the Use of Known Donors in Lesbian Parenting Arrangements' (2013) 33(3) Legal Studies 355-381 -- chapter 14 Kirsty Horsey, 'Challenging Presumptions: Legal Parenthood and Surrogacy Arrangements' (2010) 22(4) Child and Family Law Quarterly 449-474 -- part Part IV: The nature and scope of parental rights -- chapter 15 Phillip Montague, 'The Myth of Parental Rights' (2000) 26(1) Social Theory and Practice 47-68 -- chapter 16 Colin M. Macleod, 'Conceptions of Parental Autonomy' (1997) 25(1) Politics and Society 117-140 -- chapter 17 Andrew Bainham, 'Is Anything Now Left of Parental Rights?', ch 2 in R. Probert, S. Gilmore and J. Herring (eds), Responsible Parents and Parental Responsibility (Oxford: Hart, 2009), pp. 23-42 -- chapter 18 Jonathan Herring, The Welfare Principle and the Rights of Parents', ch 5 in A. Bainham, S. Day Sclater and M. Richards (eds), What is a Parent? A Socio-Legal Analysis (Oxford: Hart, 1999), pp. 89-105 -- chapter 19 Shazia Choudhry and Helen Fenwick, 'Taking the Rights of Parents and Children Seriously: Confronting the Welfare Principle under the Human Rights Act' (2005) 25(3) Oxford Journal of Legal Studies 453-492 -- part Part V: Shared parental responsibility -- chapter 20 Nigel V. Lowe, 'The Meaning and Allocation of Parental Responsibility – a Common Lawyer's Perspective' (1997) 11(2) International Journal of Law, Policy and the Family 192-215 -- chapter 21 Helen Reece, 'The Degradation of Parental Responsibility', ch 5 in R. Probert, S. Gilmore and J. Herring (eds), Responsible Parents and Parental Responsibility (Oxford: Hart, 2009), pp. 85-102 -- chapter 22 Belinda Fehlberg, Bruce Smyth, Mavis Maclean and Ceridwen Roberts, 'Legislating for Shared Time Parenting after Separation: A Research Review' (2011) 25(3) International Journal of Law, Policy and the Family 318-337 -- part Part VI: Parental rights and the state -- chapter 23 Hugh LaFollette, 'Licensing Parents Revisited' (2010) 27(4) Journal of Applied Philosophy 327-343 -- chapter 24 David Archard, 'Child Abuse: Parental Rights and the Interests of the Child' (1990) 7(2) Journal of Applied Philosophy 183-194 -- chapter 25 Sonia Harris-Short, 'Making and Breaking Family Life: Adoption, the State, and Human Rights' (2008) 35(1) Journal of Law and Society 28-51.

A group of faculty at Penn have written A Vision for a New Future of the University of Pennsylvania at https://pennforward.com/.  They encourage signatures, even if you're not associated with Penn. I signed. Big picture: Universities stand at a crossroads. Do universities choose pursuit of knowledge, the robust open and uncomfortable debate that requires; excellence and meritocracy, even if as in the past that has meant admitting socially disfavored groups? Or do universities exist to advance, advocate for, and inculcate a particular political agenda? Choose.  Returning to the former will require structural changes, and founding documents are an important part of that rebuilding effort.  For example, Penn and Stanford are searching for new presidents. A joint statement by board and president that this document will guide rebuilding efforts could be quite useful in guiding that search and the new Presidents' house-cleaning. There is some danger in excerpting such a document, but here are a few tasty morsels: Principles:Penn's sole aim going forward will be to foster excellence in research and education.Specifics:Intellectual diversity and openness of thought.  The University of Pennsylvania's core mission is the pursuit, enhancement, and dissemination of knowledge and of the free exchange of ideas that is necessary to that goal.....Civil discourse.  The University of Pennsylvania ... acknowledges that no party possesses the moral authority to monopolize the truth or censor opponents and that incorrect hypotheses are rejected only by argument and persuasion, logic and evidence, not suppression or ad-hominen attacks. Political neutrality at the level of administration.  ... In their capacity as university representatives, administrators will abstain from commenting on societal and political events...The University must remain neutral to scientific investigation, respect the scientific method, and strive to include many and varied approaches in its research orientation.Admissions, hiring, promotion ... No factor such as gender, ethnicity, nationality, political views, sexual orientation, or religious associations shall be considered over merit in any decision related to the appointment, advancement, or reappointment of academic, administrative, or support staff at any level. Excellence in research, teaching, and service shall drive every appointment, advancement, reappointment, or hiring decision.no factor such as gender, ethnicity, nationality, political views, sexual orientation, or religious associations shall be considered in any decision related to student admission and aid. Faculty committed to academic excellence must have a supervisory role in the admission process of undergraduate, graduate, and professional students. Admission policies should prioritize the fair treatment of each individual applicant, and criteria must be objective, transparent, and clearly communicated to all community members. Faculty have outsourced admissions to bureaucrats. While the cats are away, the mice play. Faculty complain the students are dumb snowflakes. Well, read some files. And no more "bad personality" scores for asians. Education:A central goal of education is to train students to be critical thinkers, virtuous citizens, and ethical participants in free and open but civilized and respectful debate that produces, refines, and transmits knowledge. Competition:as Penn's competitors struggle to define their mission and lose their focus on this manner of excellence, Penn has a unique opportunity to emerge as a globally leading academic institution in an ever more competitive international landscape....An unconditional commitment to academic excellence will become Penn's key comparative advantage in the decades to come. As many other universities in Europe and the U.S. compromise their hiring decisions by including other non-academic criteria, Penn will be able to hire outstanding talent that otherwise would have been hard to attract. I have been puzzled that the self-immolation of (formerly) elite universities has not led to a dash for quality in the second ranks. There is a lot of great talent for sale cheap. But many second rank schools seem to have bought in to The Agenda even more strongly than the elite. I guess they used to copy the elite desire for research, and now they copy the elite desire for fashionable politics. Or perhaps donors government, alumni or whatever it is that universities compete for  also are more interested in the size of the DEI bureaucracy than the research accomplishments and teaching quality of the faculty or the competence of the students. Clearly, the writers of this document think in the long run competition will return to the production and dissemination of knowledge, and that universities that reform first will win.  

Abstract
This research note unveils new archival evidence from Amnesty International's first twenty-five years (1961–1986) to shed light on the realization of international human rights as Amnesty balanced "nonpolitical politics" through multifaceted government relations. The research draws from minutes and reports of eighty meetings of Amnesty's executive leadership and interviews from the 1983 to 1985 Amnesty Oral History project, all collected from the International Institute of Social History. The records show that during this time Amnesty relied on government and foundation funding to exit a severe financial crisis. Amnesty also cultivated a private diplomatic network with governments for access and advocacy and conducted side bargains with closed countries for access and reforms. In one sense, the new evidence complicates the conventional wisdom that Amnesty was only financed from small, individual donors and stayed away from private government dealings. In another sense, the new data extend existing insights about INGO strategic action by revealing Amnesty's pragmatic trade-offs when maintaining arms–length relations with governments to better appreciate the organization's early challenges and accomplishments. The note ultimately contributes to scholarship on the strategic choices of INGOs and provides new data for future research on the agency of nonstate actors in global governance navigating complex government relations.
Esta nota de investigación presenta nueva evidencia documental de los primeros 25 años de Amnistía Internacional (Amnesty International), de 1961 a 1986, para arrojar luz sobre el cumplimiento de las normas internacionales de derechos humanos mientras Amnistía balanceaba la "política no política" mediante relaciones gubernamentales polifacéticas. La investigación incorpora actas e informes de 80 reuniones del liderazgo ejecutivo de Amnistía y entrevistas de 1983 a 1985 del proyecto Historia Oral de Amnistía (Amnesty Oral History), recopiladas del Instituto Internacional de Historia Social. Los documentos muestran que, en ese momento, Amnistía necesitó financiación gubernamental y de fundaciones para salir de una crisis financiera grave. Amnistía también cultivó una red diplomática privada con gobiernos a cambio de acceso y defensa, y tuvo negocios paralelos con países cerrados a cambio de acceso y reformas. En un sentido, la nueva evidencia complica la sabiduría convencional de que Amnistía solo tuvo financiamiento de donantes pequeños e individuos y se mantuvo lejos de los negocios privados con gobiernos. En contraste, los nuevos datos amplían las percepciones existentes sobre la acción estratégica de organizaciones no gubernamentales internacionales (ONGI), revelando las concesiones pragmáticas de Amnistía al mantener relaciones independientes con gobiernos, y permiten apreciar mejor los desafíos y logros iniciales de la organización. La nota, fundamentalmente, contribuye a la investigación sobre las decisiones estratégicas de las ONGI y brinda nuevos datos para futuras investigaciones sobre la autonomía de los actores no estatales que navegan relaciones gubernamentales complejas en la gobernanza global.
Cet exposé de recherche dévoile de nouvelles preuves issues des 25 premières années d'archives d'Amnesty International (1961–1986) pour apporter un éclairage sur l'application des droits de l'Homme tandis qu'Amnesty équilibrait la « politique apolitique » par le biais de relations gouvernementales à plusieurs facettes. Cette recherche s'appuie sur des minutes et rapports de 80 réunions de la haute direction d'Amnesty, ainsi que sur des entretiens qui ont eu lieu entre 1983 et 1985 dans le cadre du projet Oral History (Histoire orale) d'Amnesty. Ces données ont toutes été recueillies auprès de l'Institut International d'Histoire Sociale. Les archives montrent que durant cette période, Amnesty a dû compter sur le financement de gouvernements et de fondations pour sortir d'une grave crise financière. Amnesty a également cultivé un réseau diplomatique privé avec des gouvernements pour faciliter son accès et son plaidoyer dans le pays concerné tout en menant des négociations parallèles avec les pays fermés pour y favoriser son accès et les réformes. En un sens, les nouvelles preuves compliquent les idées reçues selon lesquelles Amnesty ne serait financée que par de petits donateurs individuels et resterait à l'écart des affaires gouvernementales privées. Mais en un autre sens, ces nouvelles données enrichissent les renseignements existants sur l'action stratégique des organisations non gouvernementales internationales en révélant qu'Amnesty s'était livrée à des compromis pragmatiques en entretenant des relations avec les gouvernements tout en restant à distance. Ces renseignements nous permettent donc de mieux apprécier les premiers défis et accomplissements de l'organisation. En définitive, cet exposé contribue aux études sur les choix stratégiques des organisations non gouvernementales internationales et fournit de nouvelles données pour les recherches futures sur l'intervention des acteurs non étatiques dans la gouvernance mondiale tandis qu'ils naviguent dans des relations gouvernementales complexes.

Regional and national governments face the challenge of enacting policies that rapidly decarbonize their economies so as to deliver on their climate targets. They need to find policy instruments that are both effective and feasible. Simultaneously reducing greenhouse gas emissions at multiple levels is a promising step forward. By analyzing the effectiveness and feasibility of multilevel climate policies in federal systems, this thesis translates Elinor Ostrom's polycentric governance approach to formal public economics. General equilibrium models of low to medium complexity are developed and solved analytically and numerically for this purpose. The European Union (EU) serves as the primary example. In a nutshell, the following three results are generated: First, socially optimal transfers imply rich states being donors and poor states being recipients of carbon price revenues. From the perspective of rich states, these transfers may be too large and thus become politically infeasible. Second, choosing a uniform federal carbon price that maximizes the utility of the richest state leads to a minimum federal carbon price to which all member states would agree. The existence of such a minimum federal price depends on the degree of wealth heterogeneity among member states; the federal transfer rules; and whether or not states anticipate federal transfers. While transfers based on states' historical emission levels (sovereignty) are always feasible and effective, excessive differences in wealth between states limit the feasibility of equal per capita (egalitarian) transfers. Transfers based on states' actual emission payments (juste retour) render federal policy ineffective if states are able to anticipate them. Third, the potential for progressive uniform federal carbon prices depends on the relationship of member states' differences in wealth (vertical inequality) and CO_2 emission intensity (horizontal inequality). If CO_2 emission intensity and wealth are inversely correlated, then a uniform federal carbon price has a regressive effect. This is the case for most countries in the EU. The EU, however, transfers a major part of its ETS revenues based on the sovereignty rule. Such transfers can counteract the initial regressive effect leading to a progressive federal carbon price. Overall, this thesis provides a systematic analysis of price-based multilevel climate policy and revenue transfers in federal systems without solving the general distributional conflicts in a federation. It identifies federal carbon prices that create a win-win situation for all member states and demonstrates that at appropriate minimum prices, the largest donor state voluntarily gives transfers to other member states. The results may be of interest to policymakers seeking feasible federal minimum carbon prices, appropriate transfer designs and fair burden-sharing in federal systems. ; Regionale und nationale Regierungen stehen vor der Herausforderung, politische Maßnahmen zur raschen Dekarbonisierung ihrer Volkswirtschaften zu ergreifen, um ihre Klimaziele zu erreichen. Sie müssen politische Instrumente finden, die sowohl wirksam als auch durchführbar sind. Die gleichzeitige Reduzierung der Treibhausgasemissionen auf mehreren Ebenen ist ein vielversprechender Schritt nach vorn. Durch die Analyse der Wirksamkeit und Durchführbarkeit von Klimapolitiken auf mehreren Ebenen in föderalen Systemen übersetzt diese Arbeit Elinor Ostroms polyzentrischen Governance-Ansatz in die formale, öffentliche Finanzwirtschaft. Zu diesem Zweck werden allgemeine Gleichgewichtsmodelle von geringer bis mittlerer Komplexität entwickelt und analytisch und numerisch gelöst. Als primäres Beispiel dient die Europäische Union (EU). Zusammengefasst werden die folgenden drei Ergebnisse generiert: Erstens kann eine Preisuntergrenze im Emissionshandelssystem (ETS) dessen Mängel beheben. Sozial optimale Transfers implizieren, dass reiche Länder zu Gebern und arme Länder zu Empfängern von CO_2-Preiseinnahmen werden. Aus der Perspektive reicher Länder können diese Transfers zu groß und damit politisch undurchführbar sein. Zweitens führt die Wahl eines einheitlichen föderalen CO_2-Preises, der den Nutzen des reichsten Landes maximiert, zu einem föderalen CO_2-Mindestpreis, dem alle Mitgliedsländer zustimmen würden. Die Existenz eines solchen föderalen Mindestpreises hängt ab vom Grad der Wohlstandsheterogenität zwischen den Ländern, von den föderalen Transferregeln und ob die Länder föderale Transfers antizipieren oder nicht. Während Transfers auf der Grundlage des historischen Emissionsniveaus der Länder (Souveränität) immer durchführbar und wirksam sind, schränken übermäßige Wohlstandsunterschiede zwischen den Ländern die Durchführbarkeit gleicher (egalitärer) Pro-Kopf-Transfers ein. Transfers, die auf den tatsächlichen Emissionszahlungen der Länder beruhen (juste retour), machen die föderale Politik unwirksam, wenn die Länder in der Lage sind, diese zu antizipieren. Drittens hängt das Potenzial für progressive einheitliche CO_2-Preises auf föderaler Ebene vom Verhältnis zwischen den Wohlstandsunterschieden der Ländern (vertikale Ungleichheit) und der CO_2-Emissionsintensität (horizontale Ungleichheit) ab. Wenn reiche Länder eine niedrigere CO_2-Emissionsintensität haben als arme Länder, dann hat ein föderaler CO_2-Preis einen regressiven Effekt. Dies ist für die meisten Länder in der EU der Fall. Die EU transferiert den grö{ß}ten Teil der Einnahmen aus ihrem ETS auf der Grundlage der Souveränitätsregel. Solche Transfers können dem anfänglich regressiven Effekt entgegenwirken und zu einem progressiven föderalen CO_2-Preis führen. Insgesamt bietet diese Dissertation eine systematische Analyse der preisbasierten Mehrebenen-Klimapolitik und Transfers in föderalen Systemen ohne die allgemeinen Verteilungskonflikte in einer Föderation zu lösen. Sie identifiziert föderale CO_2-Preise, die eine Win-Win-Situation für alle Mitgliedsländer schaffen und zeigt, dass bestimmte CO_2-Mindestpreise gewährleisten, dass das größte Geberland freiwillig Transfers an andere Mitgliedsländer zahlt. Die Ergebnisse können für politische Entscheidungsträger von Interesse sein, die nach machbaren föderalen CO_2- M Mindestpreisen, geeigneten Transferdesigns und fairen Lastenverteilungen in föderalen Systemen suchen.

PurposeThe anecdote of this paper is to bring the aid effectiveness debate to the sub-national level using the change in night lights as an alternative measure of economic activity. We observe non-robustness of results regarding the effects of aid types on development in antecedent literature to arise due to the effects of aid being treated as a unitary component. provoked by such insightful observation and literature deficiency we employed geocoded data to examine Causal links between the varying types of aid and local economic development in Malawi.Design/methodology/approachThe main objective of the empirical examination is to examine the distributional effects of distinct aid types in local towns in Malawi. For that purpose, the authors thus have a panel dataset for each aid type indicator. Allowing for fixed time and town effects, the baseline light density growth regression model to estimate the effectiveness of disentangled aid on night light intensity was accomplished by employing a spatial dynamic panel data (SDPD) approach with instrumentation. Thus, panel regressions were performed to investigate both conceptual and policy implications.FindingsCross-city evidence shows that category aid type brings both negative and positive results depending on location within a country. There are cities and locations where certain aid type(s) does not matter whereas it matters most in some. This speaks to different levels of growth between different regions and cities in Malawi. As a result, we observe the size of the effect of distinct aid type(s) on economic activities to vary (increase/decrease) with the size of the location.Research limitations/implicationsIt may be interesting to generalize results from this study to a panel case over long periods of time using dynamic modelling with both threshold analysis and interaction effects Institutional factors need also to be includes in similar analyses. The authors leave this for a follow-up study. Second, the most immediate opportunity is application of the methodology to the other countries with geo-coded AidData. The authors expect to expand the analysis by taking into account other determinants of aid effectiveness at the local level, including the characteristics of donors and varieties of targeted development programmes.Practical implicationsResults in some geographical locations and towns indicate that the authors do not have sufficient evidence to reject the null hypothesis of the research study at 5% level. However, other geographical locations like Zomba indicate that aid category has a significant bearing on local economic growth. Therefore, as opposed to unitary aid approaches, we recommend distribution of relevant disentangled growth-enhancing aid type to specific administrative regions but with a bias toward smaller socially and economically deprived regions and towns.Social implicationsThe unique insight from this study is that foreign aid-growth benefits are symmetric and skewed toward large towns. If such unbalance aid-growth benefits anomalies are not addressed in a transparent manner it has the possibilities of promoting interregional migration which from Nielsenet al.(2011) and Findleyet al(2011)'s evidence might trigger regional tensions and violent armed conflicts. Thus, there is need for equitable distribution of social and economic developmental aid free from political or ethnic inclination but based on transparent needs assessment model(s). Locations where social and developmental aid types seem to have negative or no effect serves as a salient indicator of aid leakages due to rent seeking tendencies of bureaucrats or weak institutions which ultimately pose welfare burden on citizens.Originality/valueApart from contributing to the extant literature on aid and economic growth, this paper relates to at least three other strands of research. First, the work partially answers a call by Minoiu and Reddy (2010), Schmid (2013) and Khomba and Trew (2019) for researchers to examine the growth effects of distinct aid types on local economic development. Second, the increase in aid volumes to Africa and the worsening of economic conditions has been the subject of considerable interest amongst development economists (e.g. Ravenhill, 1990; Lancaster, 1999; Easterly, 2003; Bräutigam and Knack, 2004 and Collier, 2006). This makes the use of a major aid recipient developing economy (Malawi) as a laboratory an anecdote. Third, use of disaggregated as opposed to unitary aid data with an African flavour.

The article is devoted to the problem of social audit as a social technology for regulating activities of civilsociety organizations. The aim of the article is to determine optimization directions for CSOs regulation inZaporizhzhia region. Hypothesis – the greater the incompetence of the decision-makers during registration, thegreater quantity of errors and violations in the official register of CSO.The main research method is document analysis (content analysis). Research objects is registration data onthe open CSO data register of the Ministry of Justice of Ukraine "CSO Register" (http://rgo.informjust.ua/).It was determined that the information in the register is structured partially. Most of CSOs do not providecomplete information during registration, which leads to situations "not to be found" in a huge number of recordsbased on the existing search parameters.The positive aspect of social audit is the search for inconsistencies or errors in the official documentation.Therefore, the more incompetence of decision makers during registration (both founders and representatives ofthe registration authorities), the greater volume of errors and violations in official documentations of CSO.In general, it was determined that the current state of the CSO register in Ukraine is extremely terrible andrequires full revision and control of both the submission procedures and the procedures for the disclosure of datato the web resource for open access. The necessity of these procedures is due not only to the need to standardizethe primary information about the subjects of the civil space of Ukraine, but also because information fromthis register is a visiting card of our CSOs. The less the opportunity to obtain the necessary information, theless likely it is to involve relevant organizations or unions in the processes of building democratic society inUkraine. Therefore, the whole set of recommendations was divided into three categories: 1) for CSOs; 2) for thegovernment and 3) for local authorities / donors. ; Статья посвящена проблеме социального аудита как социальной технологии регулированиядеятельности общественных объединений. В основе исследования - результаты мониторингарегистрационных данных открытого реестра общественных формирований и объединений Министерстваюстиции Украины «Реестр общественных объединений» (http://rgo.informjust.ua/). Было определено, чтосведения в реестре общественных объединений структурировано частично. Большая часть общественныхобъединений не предоставляет полной информации о себе, что позволяет их «не заметить» в большомколичестве организаций по имеющимся параметрам поиска.Положительным моментом социального аудита является поиск несоответствий или ошибок вофициальной документации. Поэтому, чем больше некомпетентность лиц, принимающих решение орегистрации общественного объединения (как учредителей, так и представителей органов регистрации),тем больше объем ошибок и нарушений в официальной документации общественного объединения.В целом было определено, что состояние ведения реестра общественных объединений в Украине крайнеужасный и требует полного пересмотра и контроля как процедур представления данных, так и процедурразмещения данных на веб-ресурсе в открытом доступе. Необходимость данных процедур обусловленоне только необходимостью стандартизации первичной информации о субъектах общественногопространства Украины, но и потому, что информация по данному реестра является визитной карточкойнаших общественных объединений, их рекламой. Чем меньше возможность получить необходимуюинформацию, тем меньше вероятность привлечения соответствующих организаций или союзов кпроцессам развития украинского общества. Поэтому всю совокупность разработанных рекомендацийбыли разделены на три категории: 1) для общественных объединений; 2) для государственной власти; 3)для местной власти / доноров. ; Стаття присвячена проблемі соціального аудиту як соціальної технології регулювання діяльностігромадських об'єднань. В основі дослідження – результати моніторингу реєстраційних даних відкритогореєстру громадських формувань та об'єднань Міністерства юстиції України «Реєстр громадськихоб'єднань» (http://rgo.informjust.ua/). Було визначено, що відомості в реєстрі громадських об'єднаньструктуровано частково. Більша частина громадських об'єднань не надає повної інформації про себе, щодає змогу їх «не помітити» у великій кількості організацій за наявними параметрами пошуку.Позитивним моментом соціального аудиту є пошук невідповідностей чи помилок в офіційнійдокументації. Тому, чим більше некомпетентність осіб, що ухвалюють рішення про реєстраціюгромадського об'єднання (як засновників, так і представників органів реєстрації), тим більше обсягпомилок та порушень в офіційній документації громадського об'єднання.У цілому було визначено, що стан ведення реєстру громадських об'єднань в Україні вкрай жахливийта потребує повного перегляду та контролю як процедур подання даних, так і процедур розміщенняданих на веб-ресурсі у відкритому доступі. Необхідність даних процедур обумовлено не лишенеобхідністю стандартизації первинної інформації про суб'єктів громадського простору України, а йтому, що інформація з даного реєстру є візитною карткою наших громадських об'єднань, їх рекламою.Чим менше можливість отримати необхідну інформацію, тим менша ймовірність залучення відповіднихорганізацій або спілок до процесів розбудови українського суспільства. Тому всю сукупність розробленихрекомендацій було розділено на три категорії: 1) для громадських об'єднань; 2) для державної влади; 3)для місцевої влади / донорів.

Tropical forests are global centres of biodiversity and carbon storage. Many tropical countries aspire to protect forest to fulfil biodiversity and climate mitigation policy targets, but the conservation strategies needed to achieve these two functions depend critically on the tropical forest tree diversity-carbon storage relationship. Assessing this relationship is challenging due to the scarcity of inventories where carbon stocks in aboveground biomass and species identifications have been simultaneously and robustly quantified. Here, we compile a unique pan-tropical dataset of 360 plots located in structurally intact old-growth closed-canopy forest, surveyed using standardised methods, allowing a multi-scale evaluation of diversity-carbon relationships in tropical forests. Diversity-carbon relationships among all plots at 1 ha scale across the tropics are absent, and within continents are either weak (Asia) or absent (Amazonia, Africa). A weak positive relationship is detectable within 1 ha plots, indicating that diversity effects in tropical forests may be scale dependent. The absence of clear diversity-carbon relationships at scales relevant to conservation planning means that carbon-centred conservation strategies will inevitably miss many high diversity ecosystems. As tropical forests can have any combination of tree diversity and carbon stocks both require explicit consideration when optimising policies to manage tropical carbon and biodiversity. ; This paper is a product of the RAINFOR, AfriTRON and T-FORCES networks, for which we are hugely indebted to hundreds of institutions, field assistants and local communities across many countries that have hosted fieldwork. The three networks have been supported by a European Research Council (ERC) grant ("T-FORCES" - Tropical Forests in the Changing Earth System), the Gordon and Betty Moore Foundation, the David and Lucile Packard Foundation, the European Union's Seventh Framework Programme (283080, 'GEOCARBON'; 282664, 'AMAZALERT'), and Natural Environment Research Council (NERC) Urgency Grants and NERC Consortium Grants 'AMAZONICA' (NE/F005806/1) and 'TROBIT' (NE/D005590/1), 'BIO-RED' (NE/N012542/1) and a NERC New Investigators Grant, the Royal Society, the Centre for International Forestry (CIFOR) and Gabon's National Parks Agency (ANPN). Additional data were included from the Tropical Ecology Assessment and Monitoring (TEAM) Network, a collaboration between Conservation International, the Missouri Botanical Garden, the Smithsonian Institution and the Wildlife Conservation Society, and partly funded by these institutions, the Gordon and Betty Moore Foundation, and other donors. J.T. was supported by a NERC PhD Studentship with CASE sponsorship from UNEP-WCMC. R.J.W.B. is funded by a NERC research fellowship (grant ref: NE/I021160/1). S.L.L. was supported by a Royal Society University Research Fellowship, ERC Advanced Grant (T-FORCES) and a Phillip Leverhulme Prize. O.L.P. is supported by an ERC Advanced Grant (T-FORCES) and a Royal Society Wolfson Research Merit Award. L.F.B. was supported by a NERC studentship and RGS-IBG Henrietta Hutton Grant. We thank the National Council for Science and Technology Development of Brazil (CNPq) for support to Project Cerrado/Amazonia Transition (PELD/403725/2012-7), Project Phytogeography of Amazonia/Cerrado Transition (CNPq/PPBio/457602/2012-0) and Productivity Grant to B.S.M and B.H.M-J. Funding for plots in the Udzungwa Mountains (Tanzania) was obtained from the Leverhulme Trust under the Valuing the Arc project. We thank the ANPN (Gabon), WCS-Congo and WCS-DR Congo, Marien Ngouabi University and the University of Kisangani for logistical support in Africa, and the Tropenbos Kalimantan project (ITCI plots) and WWF (KUB plots) for providing data from Asia. This study is contribution number 706 to the Technical Series (TS) of the BDFFP – (INPA-STRI). For assistance with access to datasets we thank Adriana Prieto, Agustín Rudas, Alejandro Araujo-Murakami, Alexander G. Parada Gutierrez, Anand Roopsind, Atila Alves de Oliveira, Claudinei Oliveira dos Santos, C. E. Timothy Paine, David Neill, Eliana Jimenez-Rojas, Freddy Ramirez Arevalo, Hannsjoerg Woell, Iêda Leão do Amaral, Irina Mendoza Polo, Isau Huamantupa-Chuquimaco, Julien Engel, Kathryn Jeffery, Luzmila Arroyo, Michael D. Swaine, Nallaret Davila Cardozo, Natalino Silva, Nigel C. A. Pitman, Niro Higuchi, Raquel Thomas, Renske van Ek, Richard Condit, Rodolfo Vasquez Martinez, Timothy J. Killeen, Walter A. Palacios, Wendeson Castro. We thank Georgina Mace and Jon Lloyd for comments on the manuscript. We thank our deceased colleagues, Samuel Almeida, Kwaku Duah, Alwyn Gentry, and Sandra Patiño, for their invaluable contributions to this work and our wider understanding of tropical forest ecology.

ABSTRAKABSTRAK Unit transfusi darah cabang PMI Kabupaten Banjar memberikan pelayanan bagi rumah sakit milik pemerintah dan swasta serta klinik-klinik kesehatan yang ada di daerah Kabupaten Banjar sendiri dan beberapa kabupaten/kota disekitar. Unit transfusi darah cabang PMI Kabupaten Banjar belum menggunakan sistem informasi yang berbasis komputer meliputi input data masih dilakukan dengan mengisi formulir, data yang ada ditulis dibuku register, proses pengolahan data masih dengan cara menghitung secara manual menggunakan kalkulator, penyimpanan data masih bercampur dengan data-data lain, pencarian data memerlukan waktu yang relatif lama ( > 5 menit), serta belum melakukan peramalan/prediksi dalam perencanaan kebutuhan darah. Penelitian ini bertujuan untuk mengembangkan sistem pendukung keputusan persediaan darah di unit transfusi darah cabang PMI Kabupaten Banjar untuk mendukung perencanaan persediaan darah. Pengembangan sistem berdasarkan langkah-langkah FAST (Framework for the Application of Systems Thinking). Jenis penelitian yang akan digunakan adalah penelitian kualitatif. Variabel penelitian adalah kemudahan akses, keakuratan, kelengkapan, dan kesesuaian. Objek penelitian adalah sistem pendukung keputusan persediaan darah di unit transfusi darah cabang PMI Kabupaten Banjar untuk mendukung perencanaan persediaan darah dan pengguna, . subjek penelitian adalah peneliti sendiri. Instrumen penelitian yang digunakan adalah pedoman wawancara dan lembar observasi. Analisis data pada penelitian ini dilakukan dengan cara analisis isi. Hasil penelitian yaitu ditemukannya permasalahan sistem dalam hal performance, information, economic, control, efficiency, dan service, diketahui kebutuhan pengguna akan input data, proses pengolahan data dan output, diperoleh rancangan basis data sistem, tersedia model prediksi kebutuhan darah, tersedia model SMS gateway untuk output informasi stok darah bagi pengguna eksternal, Terjadi peningkatan kualitas informasi yaitu peningkatan kemudahan dalam mendapatkan informasi, informasi yang dihasilkan lebih lengkap, lebih sesuai, dan lebih akurat. Saran untuk unit transfusi darah cabang PMI Kabupaten Banjar adalah sistem sebaiknya diaplikasikan dan melakukan sosialisasi kepada masyarakat untuk menggunakan SMS dalam mendapatkan informasi stok darah baik melalui leaflet maupun lewat media cetak dan elektronik,, serta perlu pengembangan aplikasi untuk mengelola pedonor dengan SMS Alert untuk mengingatkan jadual donor berikutnya, ucapan terimakasih dan penghargaan bagi pedonorKata kunci : Sistem Pendukung Keputusan, Persediaan Darah, Unit Transfusi Darah Cabang, Perencanaan Persediaan Darah.ABSTRACTBlood transfusion unit of Indonesian Red Cross (PMI) Banjar district branch provided service to government and private hospitals and also health clinics in the district of Banjar and several surrounding districts/cities. Transfusion unit of PMI Banjar district branch had not utilized computer base information system. Data input was still done by filling the forms, data was written in the registration books, data management process was done by counting manually using calculator, Data storage was still mixed with other data, data searching required longer time (> 5 minutes), prediction/estimation had not been done in the blood requirement planning. The objective of this study was to develop blood stock decision supporting system in the blood transfusion unit of PMI Banjar district branch, South Kalimantan, to support blood stock planning. Development of the system was based on FAST (Framework for the Application of System Thinking) steps. This study was a qualitative research. Study variables were the ease of access, validity, completeness and appropriateness. The study object was a blood stock decision supporting system in the transfusion unit of PMI Banjar district branch to support blood stock planning and users. The study subject was the researcher herself/himself. Study instrument used in this study was interview guideline and observation forms. Content analysis was used to analyze the data.The result of the study found a system problem on the performance, economic, control efficiency and service. The user needs for data input, data management process and output was known. Basic data system design was obtained, blood requirement prediction model was available, and text messaging (SMS) gateway model for output of blood stock information for external user was available. The quality of information was improving such as improvement in the ease of obtaining information; the produced information was more complete, more appropriate and more accurate. Suggestions for blood transfusion unit of PMI Banjar district branch are it is better to apply the system and conducting socialization to the community to use SMS in order to obtain information on the blood stock through both leaflet and printing or electronic media. It is important to develop an application to manage the donors via SMS alert to remind their next giving blood donation schedule, to give thank you and awards to the donors.Keywords : Decision supporting system, blood stock, blood transfusion unit, blood stock planning

Ghana has managed to become one of the fastest growing economies in the world with a vibrant agricultural market. The country could be a prime example of successful, pro-poor development following economic liberalisation. Though first change is visible even in traditionally impoverished areas of the north, namely the Upper East Region, hunger and chronic poverty are still prevalent. Yet, after decades of restricted public expenditure, 'pro-poor' agricultural policies could now be put in place, to actively improve smallholder lives in the area by various forms of government support. Similarly, foreign development agencies have recently become more engaged in supporting the local agricultural sector. All actors of current relevance have thereby pursued a value chain approach to developing the markets and livelihoods of northern Ghanaian agriculturalists. The contribution to pro-poor, 'sustainable' development, however, remains unclear as at now. This study is therefore concerned with how market dynamics and interventions have influenced 'sustainable development' of the vulnerable and poor in an emerging economy like Ghana. To do so, the study takes a look at smallholder livelihood systems in the Upper East Region of the country. Here, local peasant society is confronted with environmental changes, economic globalisation processes and interventions in agricultural value chains by the local Ministry of Food and Agriculture and foreign donors like USAID. To grasp the impact of market dynamics and interventions within this multidimensional context, this study argues for a combination of a holistic livelihood and a more specific value chain and production network approach as a useful conceptual background. Given this theoretic backdrop, data was collected for over 10 months in two villages of the Upper East, namely in Biu and Mirigu, with a focus on tomato, chili and rice, products of major significance to locals. The main methods applied in the field included qualitative as much as quantitative approaches. Farmer focus group discussions (n=37), in-depth farmer interviews and farm budgets (n=47) were the primary source of data gathered. Expert/key-informant interviews (n=70) and expert group discussions (n=2) were held. A household head survey (n=177) and an expert survey (n=25) were used to check hypotheses previously generated by qualitative methods. Primary and secondary data for tomato, chili, rice and partly also shea value chains was collected. Secondary data, such as confidential government and NGO documents, allow an insider view into farmers' access to subsidies and support. An archive survey of church diaries dating back to 1905, enable a view on local developments in a long-term, historic perspective. This study thereby yields a number of insights with concern for conceptual approaches to the issue of understanding the pro-poor impact of markets, their dynamics and interventions within these. Livelihood analysis proved to be an indispensable approach to understanding important aspects of people-centred, human development potentials and constraints in a local environmental and institutional context. Value chain and production network analysis provided further fruitful insights on market dynamics, their structural outlines, their basic rationales and market terms for the successful participation of locals. It can therefore be concluded that both of these basic notions, either people- or market-centred approaches, should be conceptually merged to advance future research on the pro-poor effect of markets and interventions within them, to specifically address questions of what is here understood as 'livelihood upgrading'. This study further contributes to an understanding of central aspects of local development and possible future avenues to achieving greater livelihood sustainability through government or donor development interventions. Most significantly, it became clear that 'positive', pro-poor market dynamics are also encountered at a local level, but cannot be made use of by spatially and socially marginalised, vulnerable and poor smallholders. That is mainly due to elite capture and corrupt practices, ultimately a question of mal-governance, a lack of grass-roots participation and a disregard for societal dimensions within which interventions are interwoven. Furthermore, neither environmental degradation nor present or future environmental changes, especially climatic ones and those with regard to soils, are accounted for. Interventions thereby remain far below their possible impact and even contribute to a loss of the natural resource base, aside the fact that they further increase an already high level socio-economic inequality. In the face of recent economic awakening, despite globalisation tendencies, future efforts in enabling sustainable development at local level must thus increasingly embrace environmental and, mostly, societal concerns in their concepts and daily practice.

Papua New Guinea (PNG) is the largest developing country in the Pacific. In 2008, PNG had a population of 6.5 million, with an estimated 5.3 million living in rural villages. Travelling to rural areas is difficult, slow and expensive as only 3 per cent of the country's roads are paved, and many villages can be accessed only on foot or by plane. This undermines the accessibility and use of health care services, including services related to reproductive health. The Millennium Development Goals (MDGs) are used as a measure of reproductive health in PNG. The MDGs are widely accepted by governments, donors and practitioner agencies throughout the world as a framework for improving the livelihood of the world's poorest population by 2015. MDG 5, which aims to improve maternal health by reducing maternal mortality by three-quarters between 1990 and 2015, is particularly relevant to reproductive health. While PNG's maternal mortality ratio has fallen over the past 15 years- from 370 deaths per 100,000 live births in 1990 to 330 in 2005, compared with other Pacific nations it has not improved dramatically. PNG's high maternal mortality can be largely attributed to insufficient antenatal care and the lack of skilled birth attendants, inadequate family planning, and a high rate of infant mortality and adolescent pregnancy. The PNG government is the largest provider of health services in PNG. The government's national health system provides health services through its 2,400 aid posts (half of which were closed down in 2003 due to lack of staff and supplies), 500 health centres, 18 provincial hospitals, a national hospital, and 45 urban clinics. However, government services related to reproductive health tend to have an emphasis on services for mothers and children, and emergency obstetric care, rather than on family planning and preventative measures. Further, the government has made abortion illegal, which has a negative effect on reproductive health and maternal mortality. The PNG government receives funding and assistance from international development partners, including the Australian Agency for International Development (AusAID), with 15 per cent of the total official development assistance going to the health sector. AusAID, PNG's biggest donor in the health sector, provides assistance in hospital management and operation, and training health professionals. However, AusAIDs' policy of not allowing aid money to be used for abortion may contribute to maternal mortality by increasing the risk of women using traditional or unsafe abortion methods. In PNG, church health services account for 50 per cent of rural health services, and employ 16 per cent ofhealth workers. The churches, provide a range of health services, and play an important part in providing services relating to HIV I AIDS, which indirectly influences reproductive health. However, the churches' stance against abortion and family planning for adolescents makes contraception hard to access, increasing the risk of abortion and maternal mortality. While the churches support the use of condoms, they see the role of condoms as being to prevent sexually transmitted disease, rather than pregnancy. Apart from the PNG government, intern~tional governments and the churches, there are also non-faith-based NGOs providing family planning services, the prevention and management of sexually transmitted infections and other reproductive health services independently of the PNG government, or in collaboration with the PNG government. Government policies and the attitudes of health providers are not the only factors undermining the improvement of reproductive health in PNG. Problems such as the country's economic decline, mismanagement of health funds, and high levels of corruption also help explain PNG's high maternal mortality. Conservative cultural and religious beliefs on the issues of sex and reproductive health in PNG, along with the disempowerment of women in making decisions about their reproductive health, hinder the use of reproductive health services such as family planning. Other cultural sensitivities and taboos also play part in discouraging women to attend health clinics. Such beliefs may help explain the low priority placed on family planning and preventative measures to improve reproductive health in PNG. All the above factors work against an improvement of reproductive health in PNG, and help to explain PNG's high maternal mortality. At present, PNG's reproductive health figures are not meeting the MDGs challenge and, unless the problems outlined in this report are tackled, PNG will not achieve the MDGs by 2015.

In September 2000, 189 United Nation member states agreed to the establishment of the Millennium Development Goals (MDGs). These goals are 8 targets chosen to address many areas that affect the lives of the world 's poorest people and are one step, in many, that seek to improve the lives of people living in underdeveloped countries. Apart from supporting these goals, most countries in the developed world have created and managed an overseas aid program targeting countries they believe need their financial and development assistance. As part of this program, countries choose to channel part of this financial support through NGOs. While those finances are by no means the largest section of their program, government donors have highlighted the unique skills of NGOs in contributing to their aid programs and therefore provide some level of funding to utilise these skills. Over many years of providing funding, governments have continually changed the way they fund NGOs in an effort to improve the effectiveness of the support that is given, make funding more appropriate to the NGO sector and strive to create best practices in the field of development assistance. Due to the differences in country demographics, politics, economic progression, public perceptions and the composition of the NGO sector, each country has created a unique set of funding mechanisms to provide financial support to NGO development programs. There are many lessons that can be learnt from analysing the different ways that governments have chosen to fund aid programs through the NGO sector. This report looks at five countries' government funding mechanisms provided to NGOs to support their development programs and considers the rationale of why these countries have chosen to fund this sector. In addition NGO views of these programs are also analysed. Through this analysis recommendations can be made regarding the possible further direction of the Australian funding mechanisms available to NGOs and through these mechanisms enhance the Government/NGO relationship. There are many aspects of the official funding mechanisms for NGOs that provide benefits for both the Australian Government and the NGO sector. Many of these aspects should remain part of the AusAID program because they not only contribute to aspiring for international best practice but also aid in enhancing the partnership that exists between these two sectors. The accreditation of NGOs, while relatively unique to many governments, has proven to be a beneficial component of the AusAID funding mechanism with both sectors highlighting advantages. Furthermore, providing two levels of funding through its core-funding program has also been considered mutually beneficial. However, there are several components of the AusAID funding program that have been highlighted for improvement when considered in the context of international best practice and enhancing collaboration. AusAid's grant funding characteristics have recently moved away from those internationally considered to be the most effective development assistance and therefore a reform of this mechanism should be considered in order to attain the standards of the other funding opportunities AusAID provides. There are many lessons that can be learned from the way in which other governments have chosen to fund their NGOs, especially those that are internationally considered to be leaders in the field of development assistance. The UK has much to offer regarding the way that they choose to engage and fund the NGO sector. There has been a change in government rationale that considers NGOs not only as service providers but also capacity builders. The UK has adopted grant funding programs that mirror this philosophy and therefore should be considered for adoption by other countries. The UK, Denmark and the Netherlands have been internationally recognised as countries that follow best practice regarding development assistance and are leaders in the field of aid funding. Their core funding programs have a lot to offer Australia in relation to how and whom it funds. Adopting these core funding characteristics could bring Australia in line with international best practice and also enhance the relationship that currently exists between the Australian Government and the NGO sector. Many changes are taking place within the Australian Government and Australian society and there are several opportunities arising with regards to the NGO sector. Australia is at present in a more amenable environment regarding development assistance and aid generally. There is no better time than now to advance Australia's official funding mechanisms for NGOs and strengthen the partnership between these two sectors.

The Millennium Development Goals, particularly the eradication of extreme poverty and hunger, cannot be achieved if questions of population and reproductive health are not squarely addressed. And that means stronger efforts to promote women's rights, and greater investment in education and health, including reproductive health and family planning. United Nations Secretary-General, Kofi Annan (United Nations Economic and Social Commission for Asia and the Pacific 2002) Poor sexual and reproductive health contributes significantly to poverty and the ability to participate in socio-economic development. It is the major cause of death, disability and suffering among women globally (World Health Organisation 2009). It is the poorest and least educated women who have the highest risk of death during pregnancy or childbirth (WHO 201 0). Targeted investments in reproductive health can have dramatic benefits for the economic and social health of communities. Recognition of the importance of maternal health has gained international momentum, particularly following the International Conference on Population and Development (ICPD) and the inclusion of Maternal Health and Sexual Reproductive Health (MH&SRH) in the Millennium Development Goals (MDGs), to which Australia is a signatory. There are eight goals, and MGD5 relates to reducing maternal mortality and achieving universal access to reproductive health. This target is central to achieving the other development goals. However, MGD5 is the goal that has shown the least improvement (WHO 2010). Funding for health initiatives mostly comes from government donors , and so monitoring funding levels of aid programs from donor governments verifies if governments are fulfilling their international obligations and treaties. It is within this context, as the 2015 MGD deadline draws closer, that this report has been written. The funding by the Australian Agency for International Development (AusAID) to MH&SRH is examined. This report was initiated with the premise that various donor agency health budgets would be comparable. However, the flow of international aid funds is complex. The recent implementation of the Paris Declaration on Aid Effectiveness has had an impact on the dispersion of aid, with the effect that it is now becoming more difficult to trace bilateral aid flows. Partly as a repercussion of this new form of aid dispersion, donor agencies have a regrettable lack of specific expenditure allocation because the recipient country now determines how the money is spent in line with their development priorities. There is the concern that core aspects of family planning such as contraceptive dispersion, counselling and comprehensive reproductive health information is not being provided. A comprehensive approach to MH&SRH maintains a degree of controversy within Australia and the United States (US). Access and provision for sexual education for young people, the availability of contraception, counselling, and safe and legal abortion services is met with some consistent opposition, despite the policy reforms by the US in 2008 and Australia in 2009. Therefore, the MDG and ICPD goal of 'universal access to reproductive health' is fronted with resistance. In terms of general aid, the gross level of Official Development Assistance (ODA) that Australia provides has been consistently below the average of other countries. Also, of the four national agencies examined, Australia contributes the least proportion of ODA to 'population activities', of which MH&SRH is a component. Australian contributions to family planning have declined significantly and consistently over the last ten years (Smith 2009). There is disproportionate funding support for Human Immunodeficiency Virus/Acquired Immunodeficiency Syndrome (HIV/AIDS) in relation to other reproductive health and family planning support. AusAID does not have a clear strategy or timetable for fulfilling their commitment to MH&SRH. The ICPD goals and MDGs cannot be achieved without the financial means to do so. Current funding levels are far below the targets needed to facilitate the achievement of these goals, especially for family planning and reproductive health. This report monitors Australia's contribution to achieving the financial resource targets agreed to at ICPD . It urges AusAID to consider their current spending priorities within the health budget, to ensure delivery of a comprehensive package of sexual and reproductive health information, supplies and services. We must place MH&SRH at the centre of health initiatives and harness the reinvigorated interest in MGD5 with more comprehensive funding.

What qualifies as good or bad representation has plagued scholars and officeholders for years. These studies often focus on outputs of two general types: the distribution of particularistic goods, allocative responsiveness, and the member's position on roll call votes, policy responsiveness. My dissertation unites these disparate literatures on representation, asking a simple but fundamental question: what are elites doing, and how do constituents respond?Early work on electoral incentives contends that a record of narrow distributive accomplishments is essential to winning reelection. Broader policy achievements, however, are believed to be either too difficult to take credit for, or of little import to the member's constituency. My dissertation challenges the notion that member strategies and voter responses continue to operate along these lines. Compared to the early 1970s, actors in the contemporary political environment are better sorted along policy lines at every level, from elites in the beltway to activists in the electorate. This means that an officeholder's core supporters are more interested in their record on policy. Moreover, by taking credit for centrist policy achievements, officeholders can avoid alienating moderates.For a first cut at constituent preferences, I examine what voters like about their representative, and how these trends have changed over time. Since the 1970s, the percent of respondents who identify distributive goods as a reason for liking their member of Congress has remained fairly flat, whereas justifications based on specific policies has risen steadily. Digging deeper, these data suggest that reliable voters, activists, and donors are most likely to provide policy justifications. Distributive answers are not correlated with these measures of electoral intensity. If distributive and policy strategies appeal to different electorates, then the latter may produce greater returns by motivating those groups most vital to reelection.To evaluate these claims further, I deployed a series of experiments to test the conditions under which voters are receptive to representatives who focus on broad policy achievements. I find that policy-based credit claims can be just as effective as pork. Building on these initial results, I fielded a second set of experiments using a simulated news story about two anonymous incumbents running for a redistricted seat. In the end, I find that constituents often prefer policy-based records, but this choice is driven by the issue area and ideological position of the policy.After examining representation from the voter's perspective, I then examine novel data on the advertising strategies of members of Congress. If campaign messaging reflects a member's perception of the respective benefits from distributive and policy work, then ad buys afford a unique way of studying electoral strategies under a budget constraint. Looking at the 2008 elections, I find that broader legislative appeals are actually more common than distributive credit claims, both in terms of the number of airings and in dollars spent.Finally, I synthesize many of the earlier findings by combining the advertising data set with survey data on voter behavior and legislative effectiveness. By merging the member-level campaign variables with individual-level data, I show that policy appeals are not only common in congressional campaigns, but also potentially more beneficial at the ballot box. Using a series of multi-level models, I find that spending on broader policy achievements is consistently correlated with vote choice, whereas the benefits of other forms of campaign advertising are less apparent. What is more, when the sample is restricted to incumbents, I find that those who prioritize policy ads are relatively more productive in office. This finding demonstrates the value of advertising data. These results suggest that the tradeoff between local distributive goods and broader policy is significantly misunderstood with respect to voters and representatives alike.The implications of these findings extend beyond the reelection prospects of a single incumbent. Indeed, the collective outputs of Congress depend upon whether individual members spend their time working on local goods or national policy. If officeholders overindulge on narrow particularistic goods, then the chamber fails to pass large policy accomplishments. Representation, I contend, is driven less by a motivation to allocate, and more from an incentive to run on policy. While the end goal may differ, individual incentives continue to undercut the outputs of Congress as a whole. If individual members are unwilling to compromise on policy issues, then Congress runs the risk of producing little more than gridlock and empty position-taking.

Este artículo examina el estudio de la política de las empresas latinoamericanas, centrándose en tres áreas principales: la estructura de las empresas, las preferencias de las empresas y su poder en el proceso político. La estructura de las empresas en Latinoamérica es singular, con una proporción mayor de firmas pequeñas e informales, la presencia, en términos comparativos, de firmas grandes de menor tamaño y un rol dominante de las corporaciones multinacionales (CMN) y los grupos económicos. Sostenemos que estas estructuras se reflejan en las preferencias de las empresas. Las preferencias de las CMN dependen de su orientación estratégica, ya sea que inviertan en Latinoamérica con el fin de lograr el acceso a recursos, a nuevos mercados o para aumentar su productividad global. Los grupos empresariales con frecuencia son particularmente fuertes en las industrias no-competitivas —recursos, no-transables oligopólicas, etc.— y son altamente flexibles debido a la gerencia jerárquica y las grandes reservas de liquidez. Como resultado, están bien equipados para afrontar un ambiente empresarial rápidamente cambiante y estuvieron, para sorpresa de muchos observadores, propensos a no oponerse a las políticas externas de liberalización de los años 1990. Las firmas pequeñas tienen poca masa política, pero puesto que muchas de ellas son informales, no juegan un papel importante como una voz para la flexibilización, especialmente de los mercados laborales, como sucede en muchos países industrializados avanzados. Las grandes firmas tienen varias vías para influir en los procesos políticos en Latinoamérica. Los líderes empresariales están bien representados en los gobiernos y con frecuencia son incluidos en comités asesores, los cuales pueden jugar roles cruciales en la definición de políticas. La estructura formal de los sistemas políticos —sistemas presidenciales con representaciones proporcionales en los parlamentos— incrementa aun más el poder empresarial, en la medida en que los legisladores individuales con frecuencia son puestos en la mira para negociar acuerdos legislativos. Las costosas campañas políticas de la región, financiadas por un pequeño grupo de grandes donantes, son una fuente adicional del poder empresarial en el proceso político. Mirando hacia adelante, sostenemos que muchas de estas características de las empresas latinoamericanas y de la política de las empresas es probable que sean bastante estables y, si hay algún cambio, será un incremento en intensidad. ; The article surveys the study of Latin American business politics, focusing on three main areas: The structure of business, the preferences of business, and its power in the political process. The structure of businesses in Latin America is distinct, with a larger share of small and informal firms, comparatively small large firms, and a dominant role of multinational corporations (MNCs) and economic groups. We argue that these structures are reflected in business preferences. MNCs' preferences depend on their strategic orientation, whether they invest in Latin America in order to gain access to resources, to new markets, or to enhance their global productivity. Business groups are often particularly strong in non-competitive industries – resources, oligopolistic non-tradables etc. - and are highly flexible due to hierarchical management and large cash reserves. As a result, they are well equipped to deal with a rapidly changing businesses environment and were, surprisingly to many observers, unlikely to oppose the external liberalization policies of the 1990s. Small firms have little political cloud, but since many of them are informal, they do not play an important part as a voice for flexibilization, especially of labor markets, the way they do in many advanced industrialized countries. Large firms have various avenues to influence political processes in Latin America. Business leaders are well represented in governments and are often included in advisory councils which can play crucial roles in affecting policy. The formal structure of political systems – Presidential systems with proportional representation in parliaments – further enhance the power of business, as individual legislators are often targeted for legislative deal-making. The region's expensive political campaigns, funded by a small number of large donors, are yet another source for business power of the political process. Looking ahead, we argue that many of these features of Latin American businesses and business politics are likely to be quite stable and if anything increase in intensity. Keywords: Latin America; business politics; business power; economic groups; multinational corporations; small firms; literature review.