Suchergebnisse

A presentation of the results of polls conducted during the 1950's & 1960's on the following subjects: the Cuban situation, disarmament & nuclear control, the German occupation, military strength & defense, questions of sci'ific & space advance, & public assessment of the possibility of war. L Taviss.

"14, April 1994" ; A panel discussion presented by General James P. McCarty, Brigadier General Ian C. Douglas, Colonel Harry G. Summers, Jr. ; moderated by Ambassador Roger G. Harrison. ; Mode of access: Internet.

Peace processes and international order are interdependent: while the latter provides the normative framework for the former, peacemaking tools and their underlying ideology also maintain international order. They indicate its viability and legitimacy partly by meeting local claims as well as though the maintenance of geopolitical balances. In the emerging multipolar order, the international peace architecture (IPA), dominated by the liberal international order (LIO), is contested through counter-peace processes. These processes contest the nature of the state, state-society relations and increasingly international order itself. This paper investigates the tactics and strategies of regional actors and great powers, where they engage in peace and order related activities or interventions. Given the weakness and inconsistency of the IPA and the LIO, such contestation leads to challenges to international order itself, often at the expense of the claims of social movements and civil society networks.

Peace processes and international order are interdependent: while the latter provides the normative framework for the former, peacemaking tools and their underlying ideology also maintain international order. They indicate its viability and legitimacy partly by meeting local claims as well as though the maintenance of geopolitical balances. In the emerging multipolar order, the international peace architecture (IPA), dominated by the liberal international order (LIO), is contested through counter-peace processes. These processes contest the nature of the state, state-society relations and increasingly international order itself. This paper investigates the tactics and strategies of regional actors and great powers, where they engage in peace and order related activities or interventions. Given the weakness and inconsistency of the IPA and the LIO, such contestation leads to challenges to international order itself, often at the expense of the claims of social movements and civil society networks.

This thesis investigates the role of regional organizations in peacemaking and peacekeeping, particularly on the effects of peace agreement duration. This is important because the United Nations has been traditionally seen as the default international peacekeeping force but recently, more responsibility is being given to regional organizations.This study hypothesizes that regional organizations' ability to clear commitment problems, create specific agreements, and willingness to enforce agreements make them the most effective third parties to deal with many conflicts. However, the study also hypothesizes that regional organizations are less fit to mediate conflicts based around ethnicity, identity, or religious disparities.By utilizing a mixture of logistic regression and case studies, the results illustrate that regional organizations are an essential asset to creating agreements that elongate the duration of peace. In testing for the partiality of regional organizations, the specifics of agreements made, the willingness and capabilities of enforcement, the reason for the conflict and the institutionalization of the organization, quantitative and qualitative results illustrate that regional organizations are a valid tool for conflict management. ; 2013-08-01 ; M.A. ; Sciences, Political Science ; Masters ; This record was generated from author submitted information.

The acceptance of the United Nations Charter by the overwhelming majority of the members of the family of nations brings to mind the first great European or world charter, the Peace of Westphalia. To it is traditionally attributed the importance and dignity of being the first of several attempts to establish something resembling world unity on the basis of states exercising untrammeled sovereignty over certain territories and subordinated to no earthly authority.

This article examines why the decades-old Moro insurgency in Mindanao, southern Philippines, has remained difficult to resolve, and how recent international developments, such as the jihadization of once secular ethno-nationalist movements and the rise of the Islamic State of Iraq and Syria (ISIS), have influenced it. The author argues that jihadism made significant inroads in the Moro nationalist struggle already in the 1990s, way before 9/11, and that since 2007, a more moderate Islamism has gained ascendancy. He argues further that the Moro insurgency has remained intractable because of grave errors committed by the Arroyo and Aquino administrations; recurrent outbursts of anti-Moro hysteria incited by demagogic politicians; and a continuing weak third-party role in the Mindanao peace process. He warns that the apparent collapse of the most recent peace pact between the government and the Moro Islamic Liberation Front (MILF) poses the danger of the possible rise of new ISIS-linked jihadist groups.

Unlike its European counterparts, the peace movement in France is not very strong. The reasons for this are many: The Munich Syndrome, a contempt for pacifism confused with cowardice, a desire for na tional independence in defence, a belief in the global role of France, an absence of genuine defence al ternatives acceptable to the majority of French, the role played by the Communist party, the in capability of groups favouring disarmament to agree among themselves on a minimal platform, poor re lations between trade unions, the relative weakness of religious influence, and the compromises necessary in the race for power. It is difficult to unravel clearly causes from consequences, but it seems that dominant factors are national independence, a wish to avoid conflicts with an army traumatized by decolonization and lost wars, internal dissension among those who favour disarmament, and the ab sence of a real alternative despite the scepticism surrounding the question of effective deterrence stra tegy. The French look to the chief of state for their defence. However, there are discordant voices, al though these do not express themselves in pacifist terms. The last years of the 20th century will be marked by technological, strategic asnd social changes which will redistribute some cards, among them defence. The peace movement could profit by these uncertain developments for its reinforcement.