Suchergebnisse

Frontmatter --Inhalt --Dank --1. Einleitung: Zur Produktion des Phänomens der Fernbeziehungen --Einleitung --1.1 Gliederung und Kapitelvorschau --1.2 Zum Einstieg: Einige Figuren der (Fernbeziehungs-)Liebe --2. Normalisierungen: Fernbeziehungen als ›Spezialform‹ von Paarbeziehungen --Einleitung --2.1 Erste Begriffsbestimmungen: Soziale Beziehungen und Paarbeziehungen --2.2 (Selbstenthüllungs-)Intimität im Fokus --2.3 (Selbstenthüllungs-)Intimität im Kontext der Giddens'schen ›reinen Beziehung‹ --2.4 Fernbeziehungen unter dem Blickwinkel von Intimitätsdiskursen --2.5 Resümee --3. Methodologie und Methode I: Narrative Interviews und Narrationsanalyse --Einleitung --3.1 Zur Besonderheit der Interviewsituation aus erzähltheoretischer Perspektive --3.2 Forschungspraktisches Vorgehen: Feldzugang, Fallauswahl und Durchführung der Interviews --3.3 Transkription --3.4 Auswertungsverfahren: Narrationsanalyse nach Schütze und eigene Adaptionen --3.5 Poststrukturalistische Analyseansätze und Darstellung der Ergebnisse --4. Fernbeziehungserzählungen in Spuren -- Spuren in Fernbeziehungserzählungen --Einleitung --4.1 Zeitliche Strukturierung: Zehn erste Spuren --4.2 Räumliche Dimensionierung: Weitere rhizomatische Spuren mit der Erzählerin F. --5. Intermezzo: Ausblick auf die theoretischen Schnitte --6. Theoretischer Schnitt I: Raum --6.1 Vorbemerkungen --6.2 Zur kritisch-materialistischen Raumtheorie im Anschluss an Henri Lefebvre --6.3 Zwischenresümee --6.4 Zur feministischen Rekonzeptualisierung der Raumtheorie im Anschluss an Doreen Massey --6.5 Vorüberlegungen zur Analyse des Phänomens der Fernbeziehungen im Kontext der sozialen Produktion des Raums (Lefebvre) und der RaumZeit-Theorie (Massey) --7. Theoretischer Schnitt II: Medialität --7.1 Vorbemerkungen --7.2 Zum Zusammenhang von Medialität und Raum: Die Produktion von Kommunikationsräumen --7.3 Das Narrativ der Raum-Zeit-Kompression --7.4 MediaSpaces und Leiblichkeit/Körperlichkeit --7.5 Zwischenräume --8. Methodologie und Methode II: Diffraktion --9. Das Phänomen der Fernbeziehungen in Diffraktionsmustern --Diffraktionsmuster I. --Diffraktionsmuster II. --Diffraktionsmuster III. --10. Zum Schluss: Relationalität im Dazwischen -- Rekapitulation und Implikationen --Literatur

Previous studies have found that left-wing and libertarian individuals are more likely to engage in extra-institutional political activism. However, due to a lack of suitable data, studies to date have not analysed the relative influence of economic redistributive and social libertarian values for the intensity of protest participation. By analysing data from a unique cross-national dataset on participants in mass demonstrations in seven countries, this article addresses this gap in the literature and provides evidence of the relative impact of economic redistributive and social libertarian values in explaining different degrees of protest participation. We show that there are divergent logics underpinning the effect of the two value sets on extra-institutional participation. While both economically redistributive and libertarian social values support extra-institutional participation, economically redistributive protesters are mobilized to political action mainly through organizations, whereas the extra-institutional participation of social libertarian protesters is underpinned by their dissatisfaction with the workings of democracy.

The aim of this study is to clarify the influence of the pattern of political attitudes of the public campaign of Purworejo District Negeri Katon District Pesawaran. Theoretically, this research is useful to develop the concept of science education. Particularly, the study of Citizenship Education as a political education and democracy.The method of the research used descriptive method which taken 38 respondents as a sample. The basic techniques of data collection used questionnaire and analysis of data used descriptive analysis. Thus it is known that: (1) the influence of the pattern of the campaign against political attitudes in rural communities Purworejo Pesawaran District into the category effect, this suggests that the influence of the pattern of a campaign to increase public political stance. (2) Based on the results of testing the effect of closeness, it is known there was a significant effect of the pattern of the campaign against political attitudes in rural communities Pesawaran Purworejo district.Key words: influence, campaign pattern, politics society attitudes

In this paper Engel-Granger time series methodology is used to combine trending economic variables with stationary political factors to search for well-defined political influences on central government budgets in Canada over the entire post-Confederation time period from 1870 to 2000. To motivate such an inquiry we first investigate and find evidence of partisan political influence on Canada's macro aggregates. However, because politics can influence economic outcomes only if there is a transmission mechanism through actual public policy choices, our finding of cycles in real output growth begs the question of whether such cycles arise through fiscal policy. Our analysis of three main fiscal policy instruments - public non-interest expenditure, taxation and the deficit net of interest - gives little support to any current political theory of public budgets, but does support the hypothesis that the degree of political competition matters for policy choices in both the long and short run. This new channel for the influence of politics on economic policy has not previously been isolated empirically in Canada and poses new questions in trying to reconcile the previous mixed results with respect to the influence of politics on economic aggregates.

Cities are key in urban climate mitigation. Since the early 2000s, a trend of urban climate governance experimentation has been observed in which cities, and especially city governments, are trialing novel governance interventions, processes, and instruments to learn from their development and implementation. This article explores the role of the government of the city of Seoul, South Korea, in a range of local experiments. It particularly focuses on the factors that contribute to the success (or lack thereof) of urban climate governance experimentation. It finds that the city's government has been successful in developing and trialing some but not all experiments and that the overall results of these are promising in certain areas of city development and use. The article also highlights some less promising results, indicating the fragile nature of urban climate governance experimentation—in both the scientific and political senses of the term.

In its location at the intersection of political science and psychology, political psychology draws on many of the research techniques of both disciplines in its exploration of power, voting behavior, leadership, attitudes, and values. One hitherto relatively underutilized approach for understanding public policy debate is discursive psychology (DP). Applying this perspective to a contentious policy issue in Australia, we seek to demonstrate that this approach can add richness and depth to our understanding of how ordinary citizens engage in public policy debates. We suggest that this type of analysis can augment insights obtained from more traditional methods—such as focus groups, experimental approaches, and opinion polling—by analyzing how debates are constructed and presented at the grassroots level. This research is innovative in two ways. First, it applies a rigorous, empirical research approach to an area in which it has not previously been used: the study of public policy issues. Second, rather than analyzing the communicative practices of political leaders, we consider the rhetorical arguments made by ordinary citizens in their engagement with political issues and how they negotiate what counts as evidence. This can provide insights into how public debate can be conducted more productively and respectfully.

Relationship between professionalization and military coups d'état. Examines reasons for civilian political control and absence of coup behavior; concentrates on internal characteristics of the armed forces.

To benefit from information provided by others, people must be somewhat credulous. However, credulity entails risks. The optimal level of credulity depends on the relative costs of believing misinformation versus failing to attend to accurate information. When information concerns hazards, erroneous incredulity is often more costly than erroneous credulity, as disregarding accurate warnings is more harmful than adopting unnecessary precautions. Because no equivalent asymmetry characterizes information concerning benefits, people should generally be more credulous of hazard information than of benefit information. This adaptive negatively-biased credulity is linked to negativity bias in general, and is more prominent among those who believe the world to be dangerous. Because both threat sensitivity and dangerous-world beliefs differ between conservatives and liberals, we predicted that conservatism would positively correlate with negatively-biased credulity. Two online studies of Americans support this prediction, potentially illuminating the impact of politicians' alarmist claims on different portions of the electorate.