The evolution of the countries belonging to spaces or regions in development offers situations and trends that highlight the existence of strong socio-economic contrasts and of governance between one and the other. In Latin America, countries with similar characteristics, located in the same geographical area and that share both historical processes that generate inequality (process colonization / decolonization) and sociocultural roots (Hispanic world) that act as an element of identity, show evident today contrasts in terms of socioeconomic model, level of development and opportunities to progress. Honduras and Costa Rica, the two empirical cases object of this analysis, illustrate situations of this disparity with results that allow get some lessons. As a premise, it is accepted that the success or failure of these countries depends on the type of institutions that support their political and economic structure, because depending on whether they are inclusive or extractive they can promote or block development, according to the Theory of the Elites Extractive. In this context, Official Development Assistance (ODA) can become a factor of influence, but its effectiveness will depend on how it is managed by the national institutions that receive it, as well as the criteria that motivate it, the sectors those that apply and the interests / involvement of donors. The results obtained illuminate a complex reality that does not contradict the proposals for or against ODA, which leaves the debate open and emphasizes that the explanation for the unequal development and growth of the countries is multifactorial. What does not invalidate the effort to seek answers that help understand each case and facilitate decision making. ; La evolución de los países pertenecientes a espacios o regiones en desarrollo ofrece un cuadro de situaciones y de tendencias que ponen de manifiesto la existencia de fuertes contrastes geopolíticos y de gobernanza entre unos y otros. En América Latina, países con características similares, localizados en una misma zona geográfica y que han compartido tanto procesos históricos generadores de desigualdad (proceso colonización/descolonización), como raíces de marcado sesgo sociocultural (mundo hispánico), que actúan como elemento de identidad, muestran hoy una dinámica con evidentes contrastes en cuanto a modelo socioeconómico, nivel de desarrollo y oportunidades para progresar. Honduras y Costa Rica, los dos casos empíricos objeto de este análisis, ilustran situaciones de esa disparidad y permiten extraer lecciones geopolíticas. Como premisa, se acepta que el éxito o fracaso de estos países depende del tipo de instituciones que dan soporte a su estructura política y económica, pues según sean inclusivas o extractivas pueden a impulsar o bloquear el desarrollo, de acuerdo con la Teoría de las Élites Extractivas. En este contexto, la Ayuda Oficial al Desarrollo (AOD) puede llegar a ser un factor de notable influencia, pero su eficacia dependerá de cómo se gestione por parte de las instituciones nacionales que la reciben, además de los criterios que la motivan, los sectores a los que se aplica y los intereses/implicación de los donantes. Los resultados obtenidos alumbran una realidad compleja que no contraviene los planteamientos ni favor ni en contra de la AOD, lo que deja abierto el debate, pero sí sugieren la necesidad de planificar y equilibrar los intereses de donantes y receptores. ; A evolução dos países pertencentes a espaços ou regiões em desenvolvimento oferece um quadro de situações e tendências que enfatizam a existência de fortes contrastes socioeconômicos e de governança entre eles. Na América Latina, países com características semelhantes, localizados em uma mesma zona geográfica e que compartilham tanto processos históricos geradores de desigualdade (colonização/descolonização) como raízes socioculturais e elementos identitarios (mundo hispânico), mostram hoje notórios contastes no tocante ao modelo socioeconômico, nível de desenvolvimento e oportunidades para o progresso. Honduras e Costa Rica, os dois casos empíricos escolhidos nesta análise, ilustram esta disparidade com resultados que permitem extrair algumas lições. Como premissa, sugere-se que o êxito ou o fracasso destes países depende do tipo de instituições que oferecem suporte a sua estrutura política e econômica, pois ao serem inclusivas ou extrativas, impulsionam o bloqueiam o desenvolvimento, tal como formulado pela teoria das elites extrativas. Neste contexto, a Ajuda Oficial ao Desenvolvimento (AOD) possui uma influência importante, mas sua eficácia dependerá de como seja gerida pelas instituições nacionais que a recebem, além dos critérios que a motivam, os setores aos que se aplica e os interesses/implicação dos doadores. Os resultados obtidos revelam uma realidade complexa que não opera nem a favor nem em contra da AOD, deixando o debate em aberto e destacando que a explicação ao desenvolvimento e ao crescimento desigual dos países é multifatorial. Isso, contudo, não invalida o empenho em buscar respostas que ajudem a compreender cada caso e a facilitar a tomada de decisões.
What makes environmental conflicts complex and difficult to solve? This question is increasingly important because, more and more, environmental problems are going to shape local, national, regional, and international politics. Not surprisingly, this question has generated a lot of scholarship. Most of the time, however, it has been approached through the lens of a global, macro normative theory. By normative, I intend a theory that explains how certain conflicts should be solved or certain social relations should be governed; by macro, I intend a theory that departs from certain normative principles and from there illuminates a number of practical consequences; finally, by global, I intend a theory that looks at environmental problems through the lens of what people and state across to the globe owe to each other. In this thesis, I argue that such standard approach is useful only in limited cases and seldom can explain environmental conflicts which are characterised by different understandings of what an environmental problem ultimately is, by competing views on market-based mechanisms to solve environmental problems, and where different actors hold opposing positions of what should be done to solve the problem. In Chapter I, I introduce a case-study to show how the standard approach can sometimes hide the complexity of a specific environmental conflict over the appropriate use of natural resources. In particular, I introduce the reader to the Yasunì-ITT Initiative of Ecuador. The Initiative proposed to relinquish oil profits from one of the country's largest oil reserves (20% of its proven reserves) in the Amazonian Yasuní National Park in exchange for donations, equal to half of the opportunity costs lost, from the international community, to be paid to Ecuadorians to keep the oil underground. I then argue that the international debate that this Initiative has generated in terms of whether it was, or not, a case of environmental blackmail has framed the environmental conflict around the proper ways in which developing states can make use of their natural resources in terms of an international struggle between Correa and the prospective international donors in a way that has hidden the complex demands of the Ecuadorean population which had brought the Initiative on the international stage in the first place. As a consequence, I argue that to do justice to the practical and theoretical difficulties that these types of policy raise, and the enduring conflicts they create, a 'macro' account of environmental policies must give way to a 'meso-level' analysis which is responsive to contextual considerations The meso-level approach developed in my dissertation identifies the analysis of narratives as a better instrument to explain the complexity of environmental conflicts and to understand which ideas animate the different actors on the opposing sides of a conflict. In my dissertation, I introduce three environmental narratives - ecological modernization, civic environmentalism, and radical environmentalism - and I analyze them through the organising work of two different sets of categories (matrices). Ecological modernization is a narrative which promotes market solutions to environmental problems on the ground that there are still many unexploited synergies between economic growth and environmental protection. Civic environmentalism is a narrative which sees the role of the public and the stakeholders in general as important for environmental protection on the ground that those who are personally affected by a problem should have a say in devising solutions which relate to them. Radical environmentalism is a narrative which remains deeply skeptical both about the promise that market mechanism could provide viable solutions to environmental degradation and about the promise that institutions through which stakeholder governance is channeled could redress the inequalities produced by the employment of market mechanisms. The first matrix seeks to understand the normative presuppositions underlying the three matrices in terms of arguments on the ground of efficiency and arguments on the ground of justice. The second matrix seeks to uncover the clashes, the hidden continuities, and the blind spots of the normative presuppositions identified through the first matrix. Clashes refer to the elements which uniquely characterise each narrative. Continuities refer to shared fundamental assumptions which are then interpreted in different ways; blind spots refer to normative concerns which are sidelined in one narrative but not in others. In my reconstruction of three narratives, I portray ecological modernization as the attempt to assimilate justice to efficiency in environmental policy; civic environmentalism as the attempt to subsume efficiency under a broader conception of political justice; and radical environmentalism as the attempt to reject both the paradigms of efficiency and political justice in favour of a largely non-anthropocentric conception of justice. In light of this analysis, in the conclusion, I go back to the Yasunì-ITT Initiative, I associate each narrative to a set of positions held by the various actors in Ecuadorean politics and I briefly review the policy implications of my analysis.
The Human Rights-Based Approach (HRBA) to development assistance has gained considerable prominence within the development community over the past decade. This rise of the HRBA is seen in the wide range of organisations that have adopted it, which includes multilateral agencies, bilateral donors and non-government organisations (NGOs). This list does not, however, include the Australian Government's Overseas Aid Program (AusAID). The HRBA is an attempt by aid organisations to place the norms and standards of the international human rights framework at the centre of development assistance. Apart from this very loose definition, there is little consensus as to what constitutes a HRBA. This is evident in the myriad of understandings and policies of various development organisations. Most organisations apply the relevant UN conventions and declarations on human rights to frame their HRBAs. In the past, the development establishment has enthusiastically adopted theoretically homogenous approaches; this however, has not ensured the success of development assistance. By lacking a uniform theory, the HRBA seems to be more flexible and adaptable than previous development plans and theories. In practice, the HRBA often embraces several key means to achieving its goal of sustainable development, and include: • Participation by beneficiaries • A challenge to the pre-existing power r elations • An aim to empower beneficiaries. Some have argued that the HRBA to development assistance is a complementary approach to achieving the Millennium Development Goals (MDGs ). On a conceptual level, the links between the MDGs and the HRBA are somewhat tenuous. This is seen through the argument that 'goals' and rights differ greatly in theory, with the former belonging to the international community and referring to individuals and the latter belonging to and focused on individuals. Despite this, it is argued, in this report, that linking the HRBA with the MDGs can serve to raise the profile of both these efforts, regardless of the extent of symbiosis between the two. Moreover, the HRBA can offer the MDGs a practical means of achieving their lofty targets in a sustainable and equitable manner. Most importantly, however, is the realisation that the MDGs represent that development assistance is not an issue of charity or welfare but one of rights, this is the essence of the HRBA to development. In practice, a HRBA alters the way in which organisations implement development assistance. Organisations that adopt a HRBA to children's development, for example, base their programs for assistance on the UN Convention on the Rights of the Child (CRC). This focus on child rights is seen in the programs of Plan Australia, UNICEF (United Nations Children's Fund) and SIDA (Swedish International Development Cooperation Agency) at a local, national and international level. Such projects include an increased advocacy role at dialogue ensuring children's rights to education, food and health are met; while involving children and their families in these efforts. Critics have argued that basing development assistance around international conventions, such as the CRC, has little meaning for poor people and merely acts to further legitimise pre-existing inequalities. These criticisms, serve to highlight the need for an analysis of the means of enacting a HRBA and the vital role that meaningful participation and empowerment play in ensuring that a HRBA leads to local communities owning their development rather than being bystanders to it. This report also examines the 'value-added' that organisations gain from adopting a HRBA, finding several common benefits, such as: • The HRBA, being based on the international human rights architecture, offers development organisations a clear framework in which to enact development assistance. • The HRBA ensures that development agencies as well as national governments are held accountable for the development needs of the world's poor. • The HRBA is a way in which development organisations can affect fundamental and sustainable development, rather than short-term focused development outcomes. This ability of the HRBA to affect meaningful change in the way development is done is premised on the meaningful implementation of a HRBA, rather than a 're-packaging' of existing, non-HRBAs. It has also been observed that, during implementation of the HRBA, organisations have faced several challenges. These include: gaining a common understanding of what a HRBA is across the organisation, attempting to institute meaningful participation in projects, and operationalising the HRBA. Many lessons can be learnt from these challenges of implementation. The HRBA to development assistance is not a cut-and-dry policy that can be instantly adopted by an organisation. Despite this, it is evident that the approach does offer substantial benefits if it is adopted in a meaningful manner. From the current research, therefore, it could be suggested that organisations such as AusAID, for example, could increase the effectiveness of their development assistance by moving to adopt a HRBA, drawing on the experiences of vanguard bilateral and multilateral development agencies. Furthermore, development NGOs could increase the effectiveness of their HRBA by strengthening efforts to share their experiences across the sector.
The creation of the United Nations Protocol to Prevent, Suppress and Punish Trafficking in Persons (2003) was a crucial step in raising awareness about the serious international crime of trafficking in persons, but despite being included in the protocol, trafficking in persons for the purpose of organ removal remains an overlooked and largely unaddressed problem. On the other hand, long transplant waiting lists combined with significant advances in transplantation technology and immunosuppressant drugs means that the transplantation of organs is becoming easier and more common, and consequently the crime of organ trafficking is only going to grow. Trafficking in persons for the purpose of organ removal (TPOR) is considerably different from other more well-known types of trafficking in persons, such as sex and labour trafficking. Firstly, it is not the labour of the trafficked person that is exploited; secondly, the period of exploitation is short, limited to the transplantation surgery; thirdly there is a limited overlap between TPOR and smuggling as generally the victim remains or quickly returns to their own community; and finally the organ removal requires highly qualified medical personal and must be performed in a facility with hospital equipment. For these reasons it does not fit well within standard trafficking frameworks that focus on the transportation of victims and specifically prohibit the acts of criminals engaged in the transfer and harbouring of the trafficked individuals. In sex and labour trafficking the worker and the 'user' often reside in the same country whereas with TPOR the organ recipient travels to either the victim's country or a third country for the operation. Determining which movement of persons is non-consensual is a highly fraught area of trafficking in persons. Often an individual consents to some part of the process, but then is later exploited. For this reason consent was left out of the international protocol on trafficking, and it explicitly states that State parties should not include consent when domestically implementing the offences. Despite this, many legislators and commentators still strongly distinguish between the traffic in persons for their organs and the trade by individuals of their organs. Temporarily alleviating their extreme poverty is the key incentive for individuals that take the drastic step of selling an organ. Areas such as rural India, sprawling Istanbul, depressed agricultural regions in Moldova and the slums of Manila are prominent centres for the trade in organs. The colour of a person's skin also determines the price they will receive for a kidney - US$6000 for a Brazilian kidney, $5000 for a Turkish one, $1000 in India and only $500 in Iraq. But drawing sharp distinctions between a sold and trafficked kidney is dangerous, as generally a level of coercion exists at some stage of the transplantation process. Further, the vulnerability of the 'donor' is nearly always exploited with the victim being left uncompensated for their kidney and with no post-operative medical care. The blurred lines between trade and traffic mean that lumping TPOR in with general trafficking legislation is often only marginally effective in deterring and punishing organ trafficking. Australia provides a case in point. The federal legislation implementing the United Nations protocol, the Criminal Code Amendment (Trafficking in Persons Offences) Act 2005, focuses on the facilitation of the exit and entry of individuals into Australia for exploitation. As most TPOR does not happen in western nations with highly regulated borders and medical systems few victims trafficked for their organs will end up on Australia's shores. Victims of organ trafficking thus generally will not qualify for domestic victim support services, which focuses on providing incentives for victims trafficked into Australia to contribute to criminal prosecutions. Further, the legislation fails to criminalise the acts of medical staff engaging in illegal and unethical behaviour. Recommendations The current criminal response is unlikely to significantly deter desperate wealthy individuals hoping to prolong their lives and equally desperate individuals seeking to temporarily alleviate their extreme poverty. The blurred lines between the trade in organs and the traffic in people means that legislative responses outside of the standard trafficking framework might be more effective in prosecuting individuals, including criminalising the traffic of organs and tissues themselves, specifically criminalising the acts of medical personal, recipients and insurance companies engaging in the trade and the exciusion of 'donors' from liability to encourage exploited individuals to seek prosecution. However, any criminal response is unlikely to be effective on its own. Recipient countries must increase their domestic donation levels through mechanisms such as 'presumed consent' laws, exchangeable 'matched pairs' live donation and through changing cultural attitudes towards cadaver harvesting. The onus is also on the international community to work to reduce the extreme poverty in many parts of the world that induce individuals to sell an organ for their own survival.
Tämän tutkimuksen tarkoituksena on tutkia itsenäisen ja vapaaehtoisen median itsesääntelyelimen Media Council of Tanzanian (MCT) tehokkuutta median itsesääntelyn valvojana nuoressa demokratiassa. Keskityn työssäni Tansaniaan, joka muiden Afrikan maiden lailla on käynyt läpi liberaaleja demokraattisia muutoksia 1980-luvun puolivälistä lähtien. Monet Afrikan maat kääntyvät Tansanian puoleen oppiakseen MCT:n kokemuksista median itsesääntelyn uranuurtajana, mutta tiedossa MCT:n tehokkuudesta taata median vastuullisuus on huomattavia aukkoja. Tämä väitöskirja yrittää vastata seuraaviin kysymyksiin: (i) Miten syvälle juurtuneet arvot ja historia, jotka erottavat afrikkalaiset yhteisöt länsimaisista, näkyvät viestinnän ja median sääntelyn kehyksissä Afrikassa? (ii) Millä tavoin ovat länsimaiset käsitykset median roolista ja sen sääntelyn kehyksistä liberaalissa demokratiassa relevantteja Afrikan demokratisoitumisessa? (iii) Mitkä ovat journalistien ja muiden osallisten näkemykset median roolista Tansanian nuoressa demokratiassa? Miten he näkevät median vastuullisuuden, ja erityisesti itsesääntelyn käsitteen? (iv) Mitkä ovat journalistien ja muiden osallisten näkemykset MCT:n tehokkuudesta itsesääntelyn valvojana. (v) Miten tehokkaat MCT:n sovintomenettelyt ovat? Onko ohjeiden noudattaminen useimmissa tai kaikissa sovintopäätöksissä tarpeeksi hyvä osoitus itsesääntelyelimen tehokkuudesta itsesääntelyn valvojana? Olen yrittänyt vastata yllä oleviin kysymyksiin ensinnäkin tekemällä kirjallisuuskatsauksen esikolonialistisista ja jälkikolonialistisista afrikkalaisista filosofioista, perinteistä ja arvoista, jotka ovat vaikuttaneet viestinnän ja median säädöksiin, erityisesti sääntelykehyksiin. Toiseksi, olen tutkinut journalistien ja alan asiantuntijoiden näkökulmia aiheeseen liittyen. Kolmanneksi, olen tarkastellut MCT:n sovintomenettelyjä kymmenen vuoden ajalta (1997 2006). Viisi tärkeintä tämän tutkimuksen johtopäätöstä: Ensinnäkin, suurin osa haastateltavista kokevat liberaalin demokratian, joka on sävyttänyt Tansanian uudistusta 1980-luvun puolivälistä ja 1990-luvulta lähtien, haitallisena tansanialaisten muutos- ja vapaustarpeille, koska se on pitkälti totellut kansainvälisten rahastojen ja lahjoittajien saneluja. Toiseksi, useimmat haastateltavat eivät erottele median roolia yhteiskunnassa ja demokratiassa, vaikka he selkeästi ymmärtävätkin median roolin haasteet uudessa demokratian tehtävässä. Kolmanneksi, suurin osa haastateltavista, kaikista kolmesta tämän tutkimuksen lähestymistavoista, kokevat, että medialait, omistajien väliintulo, ja poliitikkojen sekä yritysmaailman vaikutteet tekevät heidän työnsä demokratian edistäjinä ja ylläpitäjinä hankalaksi. Yleisesti ottaen haastateltavat ovat huolissaan vastuuttomasta journalismista, joka johtuu ammattitaidon puutteesta, huonoista palkoista, korruptiosta ja eturistiriidoista. Osa haastateltavista on sitä mieltä, että hallitus tai lakisääteinen julkisen sanan neuvosto voivat puuttua yllä mainittuihin ongelmiin. Neljänneksi, vaikka haastateltavat kokevat, että MCT on yleisesti ottaen tarpeellinen koneisto edistämään itsesääntelyä hallituksen kontrolloinnin sijaan heidän mielestään MCT on vielä tehoton, ja siltä puuttuu hampaat, jolla se voisi tehdä päätöksistään sitovia. Viidenneksi, vaikka MCT on tehnyt paljon valvoessaan median itsesääntelyä, kun sovittelutapauksia on tuotu sen eteen, MCT:n tehokkuus vaikuttaa olevan rajoitettua. ; In this research I set out to interrogate the effectiveness of an independent and voluntary media council, in spearheading self-regulation of media in a young democracy. My focus was on the Media Council of Tanzania (MCT), which was introduced in 1995 after the country had embarked on liberal democratic reforms. While many countries in Africa are turning to Tanzania to learn from the experience of the MCT in spearheading self-regulation of media, there appears to be a conspicuous lack of comprehensive knowledge about the effectiveness of the mechanism in ensuring media accountability. For example, in which ways do historical realities in Africa support notions such as liberal democracy and self-regulation that were re-introduced to Africa in the early 1990s? Or is there any evidence which suggests that self-regulation, spearheaded by a voluntary media council like MCT, can be effective in promoting media freedom and accountability in a young democracy like Tanzania? What do journalists and other media stakeholders think about the effectiveness of an independent, voluntary and non-statutory council like the MCT in spearheading self-regulation? Five key conclusions emerge from the findings of this research. Firstly, most respondents view liberal democracy which has characterized Tanzania s reform process since mid 1980s and 1990s as inimical to transformative and liberatory needs of Tanzanians in general because it has largely responded to the dictates of international financial institutions as well as donors. Secondly, most respondents do not differentiate the functions of media in general from the role of media in democracy although they demonstrate a clear understanding of the difficulties of their role in the new democratic dispensation. Thirdly, most respondents in all the three approaches of this study view media laws, ownership interference, politicians as well as corporate sector s influence on their work as major obstacles to their role in promoting and sustaining democracy. In general respondents further express concern about irresponsible journalism caused by lack of professionalism, poor pay, corruption and conflict of interests which, according to some of them, can be addressed by either government intervention or through a statutory media council. Fourthly, although respondents generally view MCT as a necessary mechanism to foster self-regulation as opposed to government control they still view it as ineffective and in need of teeth to make its decisions binding. Fifthly, although the MCT seems to have played a significant role in spearheading self-regulation of media as cases brought before it for arbitration demonstrate, its effectiveness seems to be limited.
The year 2008 witnessed a polio outbreak in Nigeria, with new international spread to bordering countries, persistent importations in south-central Africa and Sudan and the largest outbreak of polio in eight years in Pakistan. Elsewhere, western Uttar Pradesh in India - historically the world's most entrenched reservoir of polio but free of indigenous poliovirus type 1 for more than a year - was re-infected by a virus from a neighbouring state. By the end of the year, the number of children paralysed by polio in 2008 had returned to 1999 levels. And yet 2008 has proved to be a turning point in the fight against polio. To say 2008 was an arduous year in polio eradication is an understatement. To say it was a watershed for polio eradication is not. Against a sobering epidemiological backdrop, the progress made - in key political, technical, financial and operational areas - led the ACPE and SAGE1 to conclude in November 2008 that the intensified eradication effort had shown that the remaining challenges in the four polio-endemic countries could be overcome. First and foremost, all tiers of government in key polio- infected countries - from central to local levels - have realized the level of support and effort required to finish polio eradication and are engaging in the global effort as never before. In addition to financial and operational commitments, the remaining countries with indigenous polio - Nigeria, India, Pakistan and Afghanistan - now have special mechanisms to monitor the performance of eradication activities and hold local authorities accountable for their quality. Secondly, these efforts are being closely watched and frankly assessed. Following the re-infection of West Africa, for example, the international community has refocused its attention on key polio-affected countries, especially Nigeria, with a World Health Assembly Resolution (WHA) in May 2008 tasking each endemic country - by name - to act. Thirdly, the donor community has remained determined in the face of continued transmission of polio. Mindful that meeting established global health goals demands extraordinary perseverance, donors have redoubled efforts to finish the final lap. In January 2009, the Bill & Melinda Gates Foundation announced a further US$ 255 million grant for polio eradication to Rotary International, which the latter pledged to match with another US$ 100 million, bringing to US$ 200 million Rotary's matching funds in the past year alone. That same month, the United Kingdom announced a multi-year contribution of US$ 150 million, and Germany signalled its intention to provide US$ 130 million. By the end of the year, these global developments and country-specific strategies were showing an impact on wild poliovirus transmission. In India, monthly vaccination campaigns in the highest-risk areas, using monovalent vaccine, have reduced wild poliovirus type 1 - the more dangerous of the two remaining strains - to record lows. In Nigeria, stronger leadership at state level brought about new commitments to accountability for the quality of vaccination campaigns. By early 2009, the proportion of children with no polio vaccination in the highest-risk states of northern Nigeria fell to under 10% for the first time ever. In Afghanistan, teams exploited lulls in the conflict in the southern region to enter normally inaccessible areas and give children an additional dose of monovalent vaccine between large-scale campaigns. Pakistan started using finger-marking of vaccinated children to objectively measure coverage, thereby introducing real accountability of local authorities. With new multi-sectoral activities, the country laid the ground for the Prime Minister's Action Plan for Polio Eradication, launched in early 2009. Meanwhile, ongoing research in social attitudes, the development of new vaccines and behaviour of the poliovirus is expanding the current state of knowledge. In March 2008, Somalia became polio-free once again, demonstrating that full application of international outbreak response guidelines can stop the virus even in the most difficult conditions. This Annual Report of the Global Polio Eradication Initiative (GPEI) features progress made in 2008 towards the objectives defined in the GPEI Strategic Plan for 2004-08 and reports on intensified eradication activities. ; Eexecutive summary -- Key events 2008 -- 1. Strategic objective I: Interruption of wild poliovirus transmission -- 2. Strategic objective II: Surveillance and certification of global polio eradication -- 3. Strategic objective III: Management of long-term risks after wild poliovirus eradication -- 4. Strategic objective IV: Mainstreaming of the Global Polio Eradication Initiative -- 5. Financing: Financial commitments mark confidence in ending polio -- Appendix A. Performance against milestones in Strategic Plan 2004-2008 -- Appendix B. Performance against milestones in Intensified Eradication Effort 2007-2008 -- Acronyms and abbreviations ; "WHO/POLIO/09.03." ; On cover: logos for World Health Organization, Rotary International, CDC (U.S. Centers for Disease Control and Prevention), UNICEF. ; Available via the World Wide Web as an Acrobat .pdf file (7.3MB, 52 p.).
This Strategic Plan 2012–2020 explains how countries, working together with the MR Initiative and its partners, will achieve a world without measles, rubella and congenital rubella syndrome (CRS). The Plan builds on the experience and successes of a decade of accelerated measles control efforts that resulted in a 74% reduction in measles deaths globally between 2000 and 2010 (1). It integrates the newest 2011 World Health Organization (WHO) policy on rubella vaccination which recommends combining measles and rubella control strategies and planning efforts, given the shared surveillance and widespread use of combined measles-rubella vaccine formulations, i.e. measles-rubella (MR) and measles-mumps-rubella (MMR). The Plan presents clear strategies that country immunization managers, working with domestic and international partners, can use as a blueprint to achieve the 2015 and 2020 measles and rubella control and elimination goals. The strategy focuses on the implementation of five core components. 1. Achieve and maintain high levels of population immunity by providing high vaccination coverage with two doses of measles- and rubella-containing vaccines. 2. Monitor disease using effective surveillance, and evaluate programmatic efforts to ensure progress. 3. Develop and maintain outbreak preparedness, respond rapidly to outbreaks and manage cases. 4. Communicate and engage to build public confidence and demand for immunization. 5. Perform the research and development needed to support cost-effective operations and improve vaccination and diagnostic tools. The Plan provides the global context and an assessment of the current state of the world with respect to national, regional and global management of measles and rubella. It outlines guiding principles that provide a foundation for all measles and rubella control efforts, including country ownership, strengthening routine immunization and health systems, ensuring linkages with other health interventions and providing equity in immunization by reaching every child. Given the progress made to date, the plan includes a list of priority countries that require additional support to meet regional and global goals. It also examines key challenges to measles and rubella control and elimination, including: financial risks; high population density and highly mobile populations; weak immunization systems and inaccurate reporting of vaccination coverage; managing perceptions and misperceptions; and conflict and emergency settings. The Plan offers solutions to these challenges, discusses the roles and responsibilities of stakeholders, and provides indicators to monitor and evaluate national, regional and global progress towards the vision and goals. Countries bear the largest responsibility for measles and rubella control and elimination, and they must support sustainable national planning, funding and advocacy to protect their citizens from devastating preventable diseases. The MR Initiative and its five spearheading partners — the American Red Cross, United States Centers for Disease Control and Prevention, United Nations Children's Fund, United Nations Foundation and World Health Organization — endorse this Strategic Plan and will work with countries and international donors on its implementation. As countries work towards attaining national, regional and global measles, rubella and CRS control and elimination goals, they can rely on technical and financial support from the MR Initiative and its partners, including the GAVI Alliance (formerly the Global Alliance for Vaccines and Immunization). To support this Plan, the MR Initiative developed and maintains a Financial Resource Requirements document that it reviews and updates regularly. The MR Initiative recommends that all stakeholders use this Plan and the referenced technical guidance to secure the commitments and actions required for a world free of measles, rubella and CRS. ; Abbreviations and acronyms -- Foreword -- Executive summary -- Introduction -- Vision, goals and milestones -- Global context -- Measles vaccination -- Rubella vaccination -- Laboratory network -- Current WHO global and regional targets -- Potential future WHO global targets -- Recent setbacks and risk of resurgence -- Economic analyses of measles, rubella and CRS control and elimination -- Strategy to eliminate measles, rubella and CRS -- 1. Achieve and maintain high levels of population immunity by providing high vaccination coverage with two doses of measles- and rubella-containing vaccines -- 2. Monitor disease using effective surveillance and evaluate programmatic efforts to ensure progress -- 3. Develop and maintain outbreak preparedness and respond rapidly to outbreaks and manage cases -- 4. Communicate and engage to build public confidence and demand for immunization -- 5. Perform the research and development needed to support cost-effective operations and improve vaccination and diagnostic tools -- Guiding principles to eliminate measles, rubella and CRS -- 1. Country ownership and sustainability -- 2. Routine immunization and health systems strengthening -- 3. Equity -- 4. Linkages -- Challenges to implementing the Strategic Plan -- 1. Financial risks -- 2. High population density and highly mobile populations -- 3. Weak immunization systems and inaccurate reporting of vaccination coverage -- 4. Managing perceptions and misperceptions -- 5. Confiict and emergency settings -- Roles and responsibilities -- 1. National governments -- 2. Global and regional partners -- The Measles and Rubella Initiative -- The GAVI Alliance -- Tracking progress -- Conclusion -- References -- Annex 1. List of measles and rubella priority countries.
Dottorato di ricerca in Economia e territorio ; L'oggetto della tesi è la ricerca e la sperimentazione in campo di un modello interpretativo degli impatti prodotti dal cambiamento climatico sulla sicurezza alimentare e nutrizionale delle popolazioni residenti del Nicaragua. L'obiettivo specifico è lo sviluppo e la sperimentazione di una metodologia di analisi della vulnerabilità/stabilità all'insicurezza alimentare dei sistemi agroalimentari locali in Nicaragua in relazione agli effetti del cambiamento climatico, finalizzata alla identificazione di politiche di mitigazione. Il raggiungimento di questo obiettivo ha comportato un'amplia ricerca bibliografica e un'indagine di campo in Nicaragua di circa due mesi tra il Marzo e l'Aprile del 2010. Durante la permanenza in Nicaragua sono state realizzate numerose interviste e focus group con stakeholders sia istituzionali che del settore privato. L'analisi degli impatti generati dal cambiamento climatico sull'ambiente e sulle attività economiche è tanto più difficile e incerta quanto più si procede all'interno di un ambito territoriale ristretto. A livello locale, le dinamiche sociali e l'incidenza dell'azione antropica sull'ambiente possono risultare infatti determinanti nella creazione di condizioni favorevoli o avverse rispetto al benessere della popolazione insediata, ben più della variabilità climatica. La complessità dei fenomeni che legano il clima alle attività umane è ancor più manifesta quando si pretende di mettere in relazione i cambiamenti del clima indotti dal riscaldamento globale col tema della sicurezza alimentare di una determinata comunità. Quest'ultimo tema infatti riunisce aspetti sociali ed economici molto diversificati, come la produzione degli alimenti, la loro conservazione e l'accessibilità in base ai redditi familiari, le condizioni igienico-sanitarie e la proporzione con cui gli alimenti stessi vengono consumati. Investigare sulla relazione economica tra sistemi complessi, come il sistema climatico da una parte e la sicurezza alimentare dall'altra, comporta quindi l'attivazione di modelli interpretativi altrettanto complessi, così come di strumenti analitici di tipo sia quantitativo che qualitativo, tanto più preponderanti questi ultimi, quanto maggiore è la carenza di dati e serie storiche attendibili. Lo spunto iniziale della tesi consiste nella ricostruzione critica a posteriori del modello di interpretazione dell'impatto del cambiamento climatico sui sistemi ecologici e sociali sul quale si fonda l'attuale assetto delle politiche promosse dal governo nicaraguense in tema di sicurezza alimentare e di mitigazione dell'impatto del cambiamento climatico. In questo quadro si è analizzato in particolare l'Indice Aggregato di Insicurezza Alimentare e Nutrizionale elaborato da un'agenzia delle Nazioni Unite (il Programma Mondiale per l'Alimentazione), attualmente utilizzato in Nicaragua nella identificazione delle aree più esposte al rischio di sicurezza alimentare. A fronte delle critiche che si avanzano nei confronti di questo indice, si propone un modello di riferimento più completo per la misurazione della vulnerabilità delle realtà locali, ovvero l'Indice Aggregato Dinamico di Insicurezza Alimentare e Nutrizionale (IADIAN). Questo indice utilizza variabili dinamiche (tassi di variazione) riferite ai fattori socio-economici che determinano l'insicurezza alimentare e al tempo stesso cattura i fattori ambientali locali che maggiormente incidono sulle potenzialità produttive. Purtroppo una esemplificazione applicativa dell'IADIAN è impedita dalla mancanza dei necessari dati in serie storica, ma la sua formulazione fornisce comunque una direttrice operativa che si ritiene utile alla pianificazione della raccolta dei dati statistici (attualmente scarsi e mal organizzati) e all'ordinamento delle fonti statistiche. A fronte delle criticità metodologiche emerse nel corso delle analisi precedentemente illustrate, si passano in rassegna modelli interpretativi alternativi accreditati in letteratura, identificando nel modello concettuale classico, il "DPSIR" (Drivers, Pressures, State & Trends, Impacts and Responses) il più adatto allo sviluppo del tema in oggetto. Il DPSIR è finalizzato, oltreché all'interpretazione dei fenomeni, all'elaborazione di policies volte alla prevenzione e alla mitigazione degli effetti del cambiamento climatico. L'applicazione del modello DPSIR, una volta adattato al tema specifico della sicurezza alimentare e nutrizionale, si è rivelato particolarmente utile alla identificazione delle attuali carenze conoscitive, soprattutto per quanto riguarda gli impatti (impacts), e le risposte (responses). Nel quadro dell'analisi degli impatti si è sviluppato una Matrice Multicriteriale degli Impatti e della stabilità dei sistemi agro-alimentari rispetto al cambiamento climatico di due regioni agrarie del Nicaragua. Questa matrice disaggrega i sistemi agro-alimentari nelle loro componenti strutturali (produzione, distribuzione e consumo), mettendole in relazione con gli elementi ("pilastri") costitutivi della sicurezza alimentare e nutrizionale, ovvero: la disponibilità, l'accessibilità e l'uso biologico degli alimenti. La matrice è costruita sulla base di valutazioni di tipo prevalentemente qualitativo, ma offre anche un sistema si "scoring" che consente una priorizzazione dei problemi e, per via comparativa, anche una priorizzazione dei sistemi più vulnerabili. La regione dove si sono potuti apprezzare processi di adattamento e mitigazione degli effetti del cambiamento climatico non è tanto quella che dispone di maggior capitale naturale bensì quella che, contando su comunità di più antico e stabile insediamento, ha sviluppato nel tempo un maggior capitale sociale (come la Regione Agraria delle "Pianure agro-industriali della Costa Pacifica"). La regione agraria della "Nuova Frontiera Agricola e Costa Caraibica", pur contando su un elevato capitale naturale e su un alto potenziale produttivo, è caratterizzata invece da tipologie produttive altamente distruttive e sostenute da una popolazione pioniera che non ha sviluppato ancora modelli di aggregazione comunitaria stabili né un tessuto sociale collettivamente reattivo. L'analisi delle "risposte" si è concentrata su 6 modelli di intervento adottati attualmente dalle istituzioni nazionali (centrali e locali) con l'appoggio della comunità internazionale. Questa analisi ha evidenziato come nessun modello di intervento, considerato isolatamente, riunisca tutte le caratteristiche di efficienza ed efficacia necessari a innescare processi sostenibili di "resilienza" e sviluppo. Nessun intervento si può considerare dunque come una "buona pratica", soprattutto se non inserito in un quadro coordinato e coerente di interventi identificati in ragione di un contesto locale specifico. La durata di tutti gli interventi analizzati è inoltre insufficiente a garantire il successo delle azioni intraprese, tantomeno la loro sostenibilità. In molti casi infatti le iniziative analizzate sollevano aspettative di continuità che nella maggior parte dei casi restano frustrate. E' emersa dunque la necessità di promuovere azioni di sostegno alla sicurezza alimentare e alla mitigazione degli effetti del cambiamento climatico che assumano come criteri guida: - l'integralità, ovvero l'inserzione del tema della sicurezza alimentare nei processi di sviluppo del territorio, evitando che queste rimangano sganciate da una strategia di lotta contro la povertà, di rimozione delle sue cause strutturali e di tutela ambientale, - la coerenza istituzionale, in modo che le azioni di sicurezza alimentare e di mitigazione si coordino sempre con le istituzioni di riferimento, per armonizzare le metodologie di lavoro in vista di una possibile continuità delle azioni intraprese, - coerenza spaziale, ovvero una focalizzazione delle azioni in base a criteri che mettano in relazione le priorità di sicurezza alimentare con quelle ambientali. Dall'insieme delle analisi condotte sembra che si possa affermare dunque che l'insostenibilità ambientale delle pratiche agricole attuali (deforestazione, avanzamento incontrollato della frontiera agricola mediante l'uso del fuoco e dell'apertura di pascoli estensivi, agricoltura nomadica, ecc.) e la debolezza del capitale sociale siano le cause determinati del perpetuarsi di condizioni croniche di insicurezza alimentare. Anche se non suffragata da misurazioni quantitative, sembra credibile inoltre l'ipotesi che le variazioni micro-agro-climatiche a livello locale, originate dalla cattiva gestione delle risorse naturali, incidano attualmente molto più sulla insicurezza alimentare di quanto non facciano gli effetti del cambiamento climatico dovuto al riscaldamento globale. Le attuali politiche di intervento nel campo della sicurezza alimentare e le strategie di mitigazione degli effetti del cambiamento climatico non considerano sufficientemente gli aspetti sopra richiamati e la loro integrazione operativa è ancora insufficiente. Per evidenziare questa discrepanza si è elaborato una matrice degli interventi di mitigazione dell'impatto del cambiamento climatico sulla sicurezza alimentare e nutrizionale. La matrice proposta mette in relazione le carenze politiche e le priorità emerse dall'analisi DPSIR con una serie di proposte di azione politica, riferite in particolare alle due regioni agrarie selezionate. La comunità internazionale dei donanti (UE in primis), che sostiene le politiche ambientali e di sicurezza alimentare del governo nicaraguense, ha la responsabilità di promuovere interventi sinergici e coordinati, volti soprattutto a rimuovere gli ostacoli di carattere strutturale che impediscono l'equità d'accesso al capitale terra e all'alimentazione. Nell'ambito dell'aiuto internazionale dovranno essere inoltre maggiormente considerati gli studi volti al miglioramento delle conoscenze dei fenomeni che legano la variabilità climatica, la sicurezza alimentare e lo sviluppo economico. Il coinvolgimento della società civile nella gestione delle reti di solidarietà (ad esempio le reti di allerta precoce) e nella raccolta dei dati socio-economici e agro-climatici locali è inoltre di cruciale importanza. Solo uno sforzo congiunto delle comunità locali, delle istituzioni nazionali e della comunità internazionale, col supporto di adeguate conoscenze e di più efficaci strumenti di analisi, potrà invertire il processo di riproduzione delle condizioni ambientali e socio-economiche che determinano oggi l'esposizione al rischio di insicurezza alimentare per vasti strati della popolazione nicaraguense. ; The thesis deals with a research and an on-field testing of an impact interpretation model of climate change on food security in Nicaragua. The specific purpose is the development and testing of a vulnerability/stability analysis method of the effects of the climate change on two sample food systems in Nicaragua. The method is also aimed at the identification of prevention and mitigation policies. The achievement of this objective is based on a wide bibliographical research and a two months field survey in Nicaragua (March and April 2010). During the field survey a large number of interviews and focus groups with both private and institutional stakeholders was carried out. The more an impact analysis of climate change on environment and economic activities is focused on a restricted area, the less it results easy and reliable. Social dynamics and human action on environment at local level can be more crucial in creating adverse or favourable living conditions to people than climate variability. The complex relationship between climate and human activities is even more apparent when attempting to relate climate changes and food security of a specific community. Food security concept gets together different meanings, such as food production and conservation, income based food accessibility and biological use of food (diet patterns and hygienic conditions of food consumption). Therefore, dealing with economic relations between complex systems, as climate and food security, involves the use of articulated interpretation models as well as quantitative and qualitative analytical tools, being the latter prevalent in a condition of scarce or unreliable data and time series. The starting point of the thesis is a critical analysis of the current interpretation model of the impact of climate change on ecological and social systems on which the present food security and climate change impact mitigation policies of the Government of Nicaragua are based. In this framework the Aggregated Food and Nutritional Insecurity Index - elaborated by the World Food Programme and presently adopted in Nicaragua in the identification of the areas mostly exposed to food insecurity – is also analysed and discussed. As a consequence of this analysis a more complete model is proposed, named Dynamic Aggregated Food and Nutritional Insecurity Index. This index uses dynamic variables (rates of variation) referring to socio-economic factors which determine food security. At the same time this index captures the most production-related environmental factors at local level. Unfortunately a sample application of this index is impeded by the lack of the necessary time series. Nevertheless its formulation offers a useful operational direction to data collection planning and organization. As a consequence of the critical methodological issues emerged in the previous analysis, a review of alternative interpretation models is proposed and discussed. The "DPSIR" (Drivers, Pressures, State & Trends, Impacts and Responses) model is then identified as the most suitable for the achievement of the thesis objective. The DPSIR model is aimed at interpreting environmental and human contexts as well as at focusing policies makers on prevention and mitigation measures. Once specifically adjusted to food and nutritional security issues, the DPSIR model resulted particularly useful to identifying the existing knowledge deficiencies, about impacts and responses in particular. The "impact analysis" is complemented with a multi-criteria matrix of impacts of climate change on food systems of two different agricultural regions of Nicaragua (stability analysis). This matrix relates the food systems components (food production, distribution and consumption) to the corresponding pillars of the food security concept (availability, accessibility and biological use). The matrix converts quantitative and qualitative assessments into a scoring system allowing for identifying the most relevant problems and comparing stability / vulnerability levels of different food systems. The agricultural region where adjustment and mitigation processes are more visible is not the one counting with a more consistent natural capital (New Agricultural Frontier and Caribbean Cost) but the one relying on old and stable human settlements and more consistent social capital (Agro-industrial lowlands of the Pacific Cost). The first agricultural region, even if provided with a consistent natural capital and a high production potential, is characterised by the highly destructive production patterns of a pioneer population which has not yet developed either aggregative community models or collective resiliency experiences. The "response analysis" is focused on 6 different prevention/mitigation models presently adopted by the national authorities (both central and local) with the support of the international donors community. This analysis stresses that none of the models gets together all the necessary characteristics of efficiency and effectiveness for trigging resiliency and development processes. None of the models can be considered as a "good practice" per se, mainly if not included in a locally focused, coordinated and coherent framework of measures. Furthermore, the duration of the institutional actions applying these models is generally too reduced for ensuring their success and sustainability and fulfilling the expectations of the beneficiaries. From the "response analysis" clearly emerged the need to adopt the following general criteria in the effort to support food security and mitigate the effects of climate change: - Wholeness of the approach: the insertion of any food security action (programme, project, initiative) in the framework of land development process, including actions against poverty and environmental protection, - Institutional coherence: both food security and climate change impact mitigation actions should be always coordinated with the competent institutions, in order to harmonise working methods, - Spatial coherence: the identification of priority action areas should consider food security problems and environmental vulnerability simultaneously. The environmental unsustainability of the present agricultural practices (deforestation, advance of the agricultural frontier by slashing and burning the natural cover, nomadic agricultural patterns, etc.) and the weakness of the social capital perpetuate chronic food insecurity conditions. Even though not supported by quantitative evaluations, it seems apparent that micro-agro-climatic changes due to the mismanagement of local environmental resources affect food security much more than the effects of global climatic change. Present food security policies and climate change impact mitigation strategies do not consider the analysis above and their harmonisation is insufficient and not operational. In order to highlight this discrepancy a comparative policy matrix is presented ad discussed. This matrix shows a comparative analysis between the political deficiencies and priorities emerged thanks to the DPSIR approach and a number of action proposals referred to the two sample agricultural regions. The international donors community (UE first) supporting both food security and environmental policies of the Government of Nicaragua has the responsibility to cooperate in order to remove the structural constraints impeding an equitable access to fertile farming land and food. In the framework of the international aid, more investments in research should be considered in order to improve the knowledge of all factors relating climatic variability to food security and economic development. The involvement of civil society in the management of social solidarity networks (i.g.: food crisis early alarm networks) and the collection of basic socio-economic and climatic data at local level ore of crucial importance. Only a joint effort of the local communities, the national institutions and the international donors' community, supported by adequate knowledge and more effective analytical tools, will revert the process that determines the adverse environmental and socio-economic conditions which currently expose a large number of Nicaraguan people to food insecurity.
Background Sustainable United Nations (SUN) is an initiative of UNEP that coordinates operational activities and supports different UN organizations in their efforts to implement the UN climate neutral strategy and environmental management systems (EMSs). The Swedish Environmental Protection Agency (Swedish EPA), with its long experience of working with international standards for EMS and coordinating and guiding 190 government agencies in their environmental management systems work, is supporting the work of the United Nations Environment Programme (UNEP) by advising the SUN team and building the capacity of UN entities to establish and maintain EMSs. The Swedish EPA - UNEP partnership (2014-2018), funded by Sida, is laying the foundations for the future mainstreaming of environmental management in UN. These efforts are focusing on the environmental impacts of internal management offacilities and operations1. A broader process hosted by the UN Environment ManagementGroup (EMG) encompasses both environmental and social impacts and expands the scope beyond facilities and operations to include programmes and projects. Collaboration with the EMG Secretariat is therefore an integral part of the partnership. An important issue for the donor is the gender perceptive, which should also be taken into consideration whenever relevant, when implementing and maintaining an EMS. One of the main purposes of the United Nations (UN) is to help nations work together to improve the lives of poor people, to conquer hunger, disease and illiteracy,and to encourage respect for each other's rights and freedoms2. For the UN tosucceed in its purposes and to be a credible organization, it needs to account for its environmental impact, reducing risks and unintended negative impacts and maximizing benefits to people and their environment. The 17 Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs) were endorsed by the General Assembly in September 2015. These will function as a common basis for the work of all UN organizations. Implementing an EMS will provide UN agencies with a documented, systematic and transparent tool to motivate, track and report on progress over time, whilst working towards the internalisation of the environmental dimension of the SDGs in their management processes in a systematic manner. Purpose The purpose of the stocktaking exercise was to provide an overview of the current status of environmental management systems of different UN organizations, to make sure future activities in the Swedish EPA - UNEP partnership build on existing work, and to reach a better understanding of how to introduce EMSs to the UN system. Based on the findings made, the stocktaking exercise provides recommendations for improvements. Methodology The experts at the Swedish EPA, in collaboration with the SUN team and the sustainability focal points in the UN EMS Working Group, have conducted a stocktaking exercise on the stage of development and implementation of EMSs across the UN system. The stocktaking exercise report references EMS requirements under accepted international standards such as ISO 14001:2015, and is based on the Swedish EPA experts' experiences and findings in the field. Knowledge of the UN status quo on EMSs was obtained through reviews of documentation from a selection of UN organizations and UN bodies, and information from IMG focal points. Conclusions The stocktaking exercise shows that many UN organizations work actively on environmental issues both at corporate management level and in their programming. The results from a minor EMS survey conducted in April 2015 reflect that the majority of the responding organizations are in the initial stage of the EMS implementation. Given that the UN is governed by many Member States and driven by a political process, decision-making takes long time. There are a number of constraints under which the UN operates, particularly the many stakeholders with varied interests, which could make it difficult to secure a consensus around environmental measures. Implementing an EMS gives an opportunity for UN organizations to contribute to the One UN initiative for a more coherent and efficient delivery. The One UN reform is focused on more coherent programmes, strengthened accountability, monitoring and evaluation, and improved outcomes. An EMS directly supports this effort by providing a systematic and uniform approach to improved control, efficiency and reporting. EMS in UN organizations can bring many benefits. Implementing an EMS gives an opportunity for the UN organizations to demonstrate that they have relevant policiesand systems in place to satisfy the environmental requirements from stakeholders. The General Assembly has signalled expectations of the UN to walk the talk on sustainability measures, while environmental requirements are becoming a precondition for funding from donors such as the Global Environment Facility (GEF). EMS in UN organizations represents an opportunity to mainstream environmental considerations in policies, strategies, projects and programmes. Literature studies, experience from Swedish EPA's guidance to public agencies, and discussions with members if the EMS working group as part of the stocktaking exercise, confirms that it is very important for the implementation of any EMS to ensure that senior management and staff are all involved in its development and implementation. Experience from the work in guiding 190 public authorities in Sweden has shown that when organizations include both operations and facilitates, and programmes and projects in their EMS, it will engage the senior management and the staff to a greater extent, and the understanding of an EMS in the daily work will increase. A properly functioning environmental management system results in improved management of natural resources and identified cost efficiencies such as improved management of electricity, fuel and travel3, and could free up funding for applying the mandated objectives of the various missions of the United Nation organizations. Recommendations The main recommendations for creating proper institutional conditions to implement an EMS are described below. They are described according to best practice, with the purpose to limit the environmental impact, speed up the implementation of EMS and to reduce the costs for the implementing organizations. Each recommendation must be undertaken within a context of respect for the institutional obligations arising from other policies, such as policies on gender and indigenous peoples. These together may form the approach to internalising sustainable development principles in UN corporate management. The recommendations are not given in a specific order of priority since they are connected to each other. Literature, discussions with members of the EMS working group, and the earlier experience of the Swedish EPA experts, confirms that the leadership, the involvement of staff and the integration of the EMS in the existing management structure, is crucial for a successful EMS implementation within the UN. Certain core functions should be managed on a common UN-wide basis, to streamline and coordinate efforts, and to avoid duplication of efforts and costs. This brings advantages such as economies of scale and a coherent way of working with sustainability issues in the spirit of the One UN reform. According to best practice, the UN system is recommended to adopt the following activities, through a permanent central coordination: Develop the existing central EMS support, by increasing the number of training activities, and the exchange of experience between the organizations, for achieving more powerful synergies Identify how the Sustainable Development Goals, and also standards for best practice on social responsibility, can be tools and the next steps for the UN organizations for working in a systematic manner with both environmental and social issues. Make sure that competence in environmental law is available to support UN organizations. Provide and encourage the use of coherent and common EMS guidelines and voluntary templates customized for the UN, e.g. for initial environmental review and for developing internal environmental objectives. Develop EMS indicators that the UN organizations should report on centrally and to their governing body, and accelerate the work with the four endorsed sustainability indicators (GHG gases, water use, waste management and environmental training). Coordinate internal environmental audits between the UN organizations, by supporting the auditors with regards to training and sharing experience. The internal auditors could audit each other's organizations. Consider how the EMS support may be extended from environmental aspects in operation and facilities to environmental aspects in policymaking, programming and projects. Develop how the gender perspective could be integrated in a logical structurefor an EMS based on the PDCA-cycle (Plan, Do, Check and Act). Through the work of SUN and the IMG on Environmental Sustainability, many of the above mentioned steps are already well underway. At the end of the stocktaking exercise report, a mapping of existing networks and teams working with environmental sustainability within the UN can be found. Also actions taken concerning internal environmental sustainability, such as strategic plans and major projects, are described, together with a timeline over internal commitments on environmental sustainability within the UN system. According to best practice, each UN organization is recommended to adopt the following activities: Conduct a SWOT4 - or PESTLE5 - analysis, to reach a better understanding of the factors that impact the EMS and the environmental context in which the organization operates. Show how the demands from relevant stakeholders have been internalized into the organization's own policy, strategic documents and at the operational level. Include environmental objectives and environmental performance measures in the "Senior Manager's Compact". Make the support from senior management visible, by sponsoring an initialenvironmental review, adopting an environmental policy, ensuring organization- wide communication of the environmental work and endorsing internal environmental objectives. Integrate both environmental objectives and action plans in existing strategic documents and activity plans. Make sure that the allocation of resources, not least human resources, for the EMS is an integrated part of the ordinary budget process already in place. Improve the monitoring and management of significant environmental aspects. Complement possible emergency management systems already in place, with procedures for environmental consideration. Integrate environmental risks and opportunities considerations in existing risk management, and evaluate possible changes in the EMS, such as a revised list of significant environmental aspects. Ensure appropriate competencies to be able to conduct regular evaluations of adherence to environmental compliance obligations. Conduct regular environmental audits and environmental management reviews. Include sustainability considerations in purchasing and procurement, which can have an impact on the enabling of a green economy. Develop the work to continuously identify nonconformities and taking corrective action in the environmental work, and integrate it in the existing handling of nonconformities for other areas, such as quality, conformity with project procedures etc. Describe the results of the monitoring and evaluation of the environmental performance in an annual sustainability report, used for communication with donors, UN staff, and other stakeholders, to ensure the mechanism for accountability and transparency within the UN. Have a tolerant and encouraging culture, where identified nonconformities are found to represent opportunities for improvement, and have well- functioning communication channels for the exchange of experiences, all to accomplish continual improvement.
As Gaza's humanitarian crisis deepens, a small U.S.-based advisory group hopes to build a temporary port that could bring as many as 200 truckloads of aid into the besieged strip each day, more than doubling the average daily flow of aid, according to a person with detailed knowledge of the maritime corridor plan.The port effort, led by a firm called Fogbow, could start bringing aid into Gaza from Cyprus within 28 days of receiving the necessary funding from international donors. The project would require $30 million to get started, followed by an additional $30 million each month to continue operations, according to the source.The plan is separate from a U.S. military effort to create a floating pier off the shores of Gaza, but Fogbow is prepared to incorporate its operations with the American project if asked, the source said.These new details of Fogbow's plans come as aid groups are desperately searching for ways to increase the flow of humanitarian aid into Gaza, where disease and hunger are running roughshod over the Palestinian population. Experts say famine has already set in throughout parts of the strip. Nine in ten children under 5 years old caught an infectious disease in February alone, and seven in ten young children suffered from diarrhea, a key driver of deaths in famine. Palestinians have little capacity to treat such diseases after Israel's destruction of much of Gaza's health infrastructure, according to the International Crisis Group (ICG).Following an Israeli strike that killed seven Western humanitarian workers, international pressure has forced Israel to at least temporarily expand the entry of aid into Gaza. COGAT — the Israeli military's aid coordinator — said it allowed more than 400 trucks to enter Gaza on Monday, a large jump from the daily average of 114 trucks. (The U.N. disputed Israel's accounting, telling the BBC that only 223 trucks were allowed in.)U.N. officials and aid groups say they now need at least 500 trucks per day to soften the crisis gripping Gaza. Israeli officials claim that they now aim to clear as many as 600 trucks to enter the strip daily. Much of this could come through the Erez crossing along Gaza's northern border with Israel, which Tel Aviv recently reopened.But significant challenges remain, both for any maritime corridor plans and for aid delivery over land. Several NGOs have ceased their work in Gaza due to the dangers facing aid workers, more than 200 of whom have been killed since October.In a major new report, ICG found that "Israel in effect disabled 'deconfliction' – or coordinating military and humanitarian activities to ensure safe delivery of assistance in conflict zones." Israeli authorities have also systematically targeted Gaza's police force due to real or alleged ties to Hamas, making it all but impossible to provide security for aid convoys on the ground, according to ICG.Israel's attempts to destroy UNRWA — the backbone of relief efforts in Gaza — and its slow, meticulous inspection of trucks have further complicated aid delivery. And any effort that involves Americans, and U.S. soldiers in particular, risks drawing Washington directly into the war.Fogbow's "Blue Beach" plan addresses some of these concerns. Israeli and Cypriot authorities would inspect and seal the aid in Cyprus, according to the source, who noted that officials would try to pre-clear a warehouse full of aid to be delivered once the sea route starts running. A set of three barges would then run 24/7, dropping aid at a makeshift port facility in Gaza, where it would be distributed by international NGOs or local groups.The Israeli military would provide security at the beach from a distance, the source said. The firm, whose leadership includes a former U.S. general and a former top official at the Pentagon, has also offered to help with deconfliction of aid by bringing in best practices from other conflicts.But any maritime corridor plan falls short on one key metric: time. Jeremy Konyndyk — the head of Refugees International and a former senior USAID official — likened the current situation in Gaza to the outer bands of a hurricane "making landfall as a Cat V." "The priority now must be to stem the damage," Konyndyk argued. "The actions by the U.S. and Israeli governments in the coming weeks will determine whether the famine kills thousands, tens of thousands, or potentially more."Even if it received full funding today, Fogbow's Blue Beach plan couldn't get started until around mid-May. The U.S. military is hoping to set up its own floating pier effort by then as well, though satellite tracking data indicates that at least one of the U.S. ships tapped to help with the project has yet to leave its port in Jacksonville, Florida. The rest of the pier-building fleet, which includes several Army logistics ships, is spread out across the Atlantic and Mediterranean, with some vessels more than two weeks away from Cyprus, where the project will begin in earnest.
Campaign finance disclosures, or sometime lack of these, give some clues as to whether wholesale changes may come to the Bossier Parish Police Jury's composition staring next year.
While all but one incumbent chose to run for reelection, and a few didn't draw an opponent, according to reports that detail spending and activity three challengers stand a decent chance of displacing an incumbent starting this week, and at least a couple more have an outside chance of doing so. The reports ten days prior to the general election cover an important period in local campaigns that demonstrate the seriousness of a candidacy and tactics used. For this level of races, the most effective campaigning is door-to-door canvassing, followed by direct mailing, eye-level signage (yard signs better than billboards), canvassing before groups such as at high school football games, display print advertising, and lastly electronic means such as ads and texting.
The reports show some vulnerable incumbents. District 1, with three challengers to Republican Bob Brotherton, has the most candidates but not much active campaigning. Only two have filed reports, with the incumbent not being one of them. That doesn't mean campaigning isn't going on – reports are necessary only if there is a donation the exceeds $200 or more than $2,500 spent – but that it is occurring at most at a low level, it at all.
According to that reporting, only Republican small businessman Michael Farris – almost exclusively with his own funds – has made an extensive campaigning effort with signage and canvassing. Brotherton, who has been ailing physically for an extended period that caused him to miss most Jury meetings this year, does have some signs up, as does Democrat trucking executive Andre Wilson. This makes Farris the most likely to knock off an incumbent this cycle.
As well placing emphasis on canvassing is District 12 Republican challenger small businessman Keith Sutton. He has raised about $8,000, almost all his own funds, and spent most on signage, mailings, and canvassing. By contrast, Republican incumbent Mac Plummer, while reporting raising about half that much money from himself, has not spent any even as yard signs of his have appeared. Unless these are leftovers from his 2015 or earlier campaigns, that would indicate failure to properly file campaign expenditures. Sutton's activity suggests he also stands a good chance of toppling an incumbent.
Also very competitive is Republican former juror Barry Butler, challenging the incumbent with perhaps the most extensive campaign infrastructure, Republican Julianna Parks in District 5. Butler's largely self-financed campaign has been all-of-the-above, a mix of electronic contact, eye-level signage, and canvassing. Parks has raised and spent almost as much, with a higher proportion coming from donors with heavy representation from the Bossier political establishment and attorneys (she is one and her husband Santi is the elected Bossier City Court judge), with more emphasis placed on electronic contact. This looks to become the highest-spending contest, by far.
Another challenger making a concerted effort is Republican former executive director of the Cypress Black Bayou Recreation and Water Conservation District Robert Berry. In District 6, he has sunk over $7,000 of his own money into canvassing, signage, and mail. Incumbent Republican Chis Marsiglia didn't file the latest report due, but a previous report shows about $1,500 spent on small amounts of signage and mail (with all $4,000 in donations from firms connected to politically-active businessman Jerry Juneau).
And while demographics suggest an uphill battle for her, District 9 Republican challenger Pam Glorioso is making a go at it against Democrat incumbent Charles Gray. Until recently chief executive officer of Bossier City, she has drawn over $7,000 in donations mainly from the Bossier political establishment in a reversal of the trend in other contests spent mainly on electronic and mail contact and signage. Gary didn't turn in the most recent required report, but previously had raised almost as much but concentrated on advertising.
Perhaps banking on name recognition, former school board member Democrat Julius Darby has done much visible campaigning with no finance reporting – his older brother Jerome gave up the District 10 seat after 40 years. Retiree Democrat James Carley did file to show some signage and canvassing activity, while another retiree Democrat Mary Giles didn't but has put up signs (some apparently on public right-a-ways).
Other contests also appear lower key in nature. District 3, Republican challenger and constable Andy Modica has spent about $1,000 on electronic contact and canvassing, while Republican incumbent Philip Rodgers has tripled up on that amount, mainly on mail and signage. In District 4, incumbent Republican John Ed Jorden didn't file nor did his Democrat challenger Donald Stephens, while his Republican opponent appraiser Jack Harvill spent only on push cards.
All in all, if things break right for challengers they could send half of incumbents packing. More likely, at least a couple of new faces will show up on the Jury in 2024.
Problem setting. The flourishing of populism in recent years is caused, in our opinion, by an important factor – the current political bankruptcy of the Ukrainian left forces related, some way or another, to the Soviet past. Under the conditions of the authority concentration in the hands of the centrists and right centrists, the public request for social justice and more equal access of the citizens to the basic social benefits has lost common in the previous decades mechanisms of political representation. Thus, it was populists who touched on this topic and filled in the empty social and political niche. The positions of the majority of the political elite and the mood of the general public are apparently similar within the scope of this aspect. The citizens unsatisfied first of all with their economic position, which worsened sharply under the conditions of war and crisis, hope that the reforms will become the tool for the improvement of their lives. However, the reforms, in the direction of which the Ukrainian government has been mowing after the Euromaidan and which are supported by the international donors and strategic allies of Ukraine, focus on the value-based choice, which is quite different from the intrinsic to the majority of Ukrainians aspiration for "social justice". Recent research and publications analysis. This problem was studied by such scientists as V. Haiets, O. Maidanchyk, T. Podorozhna, B. Makhonchuk, O.Yushchyk, and other scientists. Highlighting previously unsettled parts of the general problem. Analysis of the parties' programs, which nominated their candidates for deputies, found out discrepancies in their area of focus with important for the citizens problems. Some issues are covered very generally, and promises are not backed up with the mechanism of realization. Particularly, the economic block of issues related to the filling of local budget and development of local economy very faintly touches all subjects of the election process. Promises for the provision of additional benefits to medical workers, educators, and socially disadvantaged categories do not explain from which resources these promises will be funded. Moreover, election campaigns paid little attention to the demographic problem. Paper main body. Most citizens ignored the local election as they considered their role insignificant. Complicated ballots and oppressive epidemiologic statistics also became a constraining factor for many people. There was plenty of political advertisement in social media, direct meetings with electors, but there was a lack of the element of involvement or discussions. Apparently, some of the mentioned attributes are intrinsic to the politicians and public in general in western countries as well. But the main difference lies in the level of application of such attributes and the attitude to them of electors and society in general. Since it is clear: politicians act the way their electors allow them to act. Conclusions of the research and prospects for further studies. Although the main subjects of the local election process were political parties, the party principle was of secondary meaning. During the election, the citizens of the hromads (communities) focused on the candidates of local or national level and were not interested in the election programs of the parties. But there is one detail: the current election legislation provides the imperative mandate. That is, if an elected deputy does not work well or does not follow party discipline, they can be dismissed by the decision of a party. Discussions not about which street shall be reconstructed next, but about the outlook on life and related things: how we are planning to live the next 5 years, how we can make our city more convenient for the citizens, etc. The absence of interesting innovative ways of solution of relevant local problems caused some kind of weariness and inactivity of electors. Unfortunately, none of the candidates and political parties did manage to mobilize their electors and heighten the interest of society in this election campaign. The first feature – this election was conducted under the conditions of quite unbalanced and non-perfect Electoral Code. It can be proved by the fact that during the election campaign – in September – the parliament tried to introduce amendments to the Code. Thus, the range of problems taking place during the election was caused by the imperfection of the legislation. Secondly, local parties, which do not have significant influence during parliamentary elections, most often do not participate in them at all. In sociological polls, quite big part of respondents chooses different parties for local and parliamentary elections. During nation-wide elections, significant role play popular political leaders and parties headed by them. Secondly, the next nationwide election in our country will be held in 2025. ; Акцентовано увагу на особливостях виборчої кампанії до місцевих рад у контексті сучасних викликів (електоральних вподобань, популістських слоганів, політичних інгредієнтів бренду). Звернено увагу на програми політичних партій та ідеологій і їх місце у соціально-політичному житті українського суспільства. Зауважено, що, на відміну від традиційних ідеологічних систем, популізм залежить від особливостей різних національних політичних культур, конкретної сукупності обставин соціально-економічного та політичного життя певної країни.
This article deals with the problems of protection of personal, including especially sensitive genetic data of the persons who transmits their biological materials and related information to the biobank on the basis of donation. The conceptual apparatus of the current legislation in this field is considered, in particu-lar the legislative definition of personal data, confidential information, as well as genetic data is analyzed. The practical risks and threats to donors' personal non-property rights, including the rights to protect their personal, genetic data, are outlined. It is also emphasized, that information transmitted to the bi-obank by the donor, together with biological material, also falls under the protection of the individual's personal non-property right to secrecy about his or her health status. The requirements set out in the EU Regulation for the protection of personal data, which are compared with the current national legislation, are analyzed. Some provisions of the law on protection of personal data have been fully complied with the rules and requirements of the European legislation. However, it has also been found that some provisions of the current legislation create favorable conditions for the abuse of genetic data and that the Ukrainian legislature is insufficient to identify ways of protecting personal data as anonymization and pseudonymi-sation. This is why they differentiate between these concepts and provide an improved definition of per-sonal data that will eliminate the existing gap. In addition, it was concluded that there is a need for special legal regulation of the protection of a person's personal data related to his or her health, including genetic data in the context of relationships regarding the creation and use of biobanks and the creation of common databases of such data in Ukraine. It was also stated the need to establish legal requirements for the trans-mission of such data, the form and content of the person's consent and the legal consequences of violating such requirements. ; Стаття присвячена висвітленню проблем захисту персональних, у тому числі особливо чутливих генетичних даних особи, яка передає свої біологічні матеріали та пов'язану із ними інформацію до складу біобанку на засадах донорства. Розглядається поняттєвий апарат чинного законодавства у цій сфері, зокрема проаналізовано законодавче визначення персональних даних, конфіденційної інфор-мації, а також генетичних даних. Показано наявні на практиці ризики та загрози для особистих не-майнових прав донорів, у тому числі права на захист їх персональних, генетичних даних. Зроблено наголос на тому, що інформація, яка передається до складу біобанку донором разом із біологічним матеріалом, також підпадає під охорону особистого немайнового права фізичної особи на таємницю про стан її здоров'я. Проаналізовано встановлені в Регламенті ЄС вимоги щодо забезпечення охорони персональних даних, які співставлені із чинним національним законодавством. Констатовано повну відповідність деяких положень закону про захист персональних даних нормам вимогам європейського законодавства. Проте також встановлено, що деякі норми чинного законодавства формують сприят-ливі умови для зловживань у сфері використання генетичних даних, констатовано недостатню увагу українського законодавця до визначення таких способів захисту персональних даних, як їх анонімі-зація та псевдонімізація. У зв'язку із цим проведено розмежування даних понять та запропоновано вдосконалене визначення персональних даних, що усуне існуючу прогалину. Крім того, зроблено висновок про необхідність спеціального правового регулювання охорони персональних даних особи, пов'язаних зі її здоров'ям, у тому числі генетичних даних у контексті відносин щодо створення та ви-користання біобанків та формування спільних баз таких даних в Україні. А також констатовано не-обхідність встановлення законодавчих вимог щодо передачі таких даних, щодо форми та змісту згоди особи та правових наслідків порушення таких вимог. ; Стаття присвячена висвітленню проблем захисту персональних, у тому числі особливо чутливих генетичних даних особи, яка передає свої біологічні матеріали та пов'язану із ними інформацію до складу біобанку на засадах донорства. Розглядається поняттєвий апарат чинного законодавства у цій сфері, зокрема проаналізовано законодавче визначення персональних даних, конфіденційної інфор-мації, а також генетичних даних. Показано наявні на практиці ризики та загрози для особистих не-майнових прав донорів, у тому числі права на захист їх персональних, генетичних даних. Зроблено наголос на тому, що інформація, яка передається до складу біобанку донором разом із біологічним матеріалом, також підпадає під охорону особистого немайнового права фізичної особи на таємницю про стан її здоров'я. Проаналізовано встановлені в Регламенті ЄС вимоги щодо забезпечення охорони персональних даних, які співставлені із чинним національним законодавством. Констатовано повну відповідність деяких положень закону про захист персональних даних нормам вимогам європейського законодавства. Проте також встановлено, що деякі норми чинного законодавства формують сприят-ливі умови для зловживань у сфері використання генетичних даних, констатовано недостатню увагу українського законодавця до визначення таких способів захисту персональних даних, як їх анонімі-зація та псевдонімізація. У зв'язку із цим проведено розмежування даних понять та запропоновано вдосконалене визначення персональних даних, що усуне існуючу прогалину. Крім того, зроблено висновок про необхідність спеціального правового регулювання охорони персональних даних особи, пов'язаних зі її здоров'ям, у тому числі генетичних даних у контексті відносин щодо створення та ви-користання біобанків та формування спільних баз таких даних в Україні. А також констатовано не-обхідність встановлення законодавчих вимог щодо передачі таких даних, щодо форми та змісту згоди особи та правових наслідків порушення таких вимог.
Birth defects contribute up to 21% of the mortality in those under 5 years of age in Latin America and the Caribbean (LAC), and that burden has been compounded by the Zika virus epidemic. In 2001, the March of Dimes launched a series of biennial assemblies called the International Conference on Birth Defects and Disabilities in the Developing World (ICBD). The latest ICBD, in 2017, convened in Bogotá, Colombia, and was attended by over 300 professionals, policymakers, and donors. The conference attendees, a majority of whom were from LAC, supported a call to action in the form of a consensus statement. The consensus statement lists key actions for maximizing birth defects surveillance, prevention, and care in LAC: 1) improving surveillance; 2) reducing risks for birth defects; 3) fortifying staple foods; 4) preventing and treating infections associated with birth defects; 5) implementing newborn screening; 6) providing care and services for people with birth defects and disabilities; 7) involving governments, civil society, and international agencies; and 8) advancing research for birth defects. Implementation and scale-up of evidence-based interventions using multisectoral and multidisciplinary collaborative approaches were endorsed. LAC countries can leverage technology and social media to advance and advocate for approaches identified in the consensus statement. The consensus statement can be used as a guide by both governments and nongovernmental agencies to take immediate steps for improving the quality of life of those living with birth defects and associated disabilities in the LAC countries. ; Los defectos congénitos contribuyen hasta con el 21% de la mortalidad de los menores de 5 años en América Latina y el Caribe (ALC); la epidemia de síndrome congénito por el virus del Zika aumentó esa carga. En el 2001, la organización March of Dimes instituyó una serie de asambleas bienales denominadas Conferencia internacional sobre defectos congénitos y discapacidades en el mundo en desarrollo (ICBD). La más reciente, en el 2017, se llevó a cabo en Bogotá (Colombia) y contó con la presencia de más de 300 profesionales, responsables de las políticas y donantes. Los asistentes a la conferencia, en su mayoría de América Latina y el Caribe, apoyaron un llamamiento a la acción en forma de una declaración de consenso. Dicha declaración enumera las acciones clave para potenciar al máximo la vigilancia, la prevención y la atención de los defectos congénitos en América Latina y el Caribe, a saber: 1) mejorar la vigilancia; 2) reducir los factores de riesgo asociados a defectos congénitos; 3) fortificar los alimentos de primera necesidad; 4) prevenir y tratar las infecciones asociadas con los defectos congénitos; 5) instituir programas de tamizaje a los recién nacidos; 6) prestar atención y servicios a las personas con defectos congénitos y discapacidades; 7) hacer participar a los gobiernos, la sociedad civil y los organismos internacionales; y 8) promover la investigación sobre los defectos congénitos. Se respaldaron la ejecución y la ampliación a mayor escala de las intervenciones basadas en evidencia, con enfoques colaborativos multisectoriales y multidisciplinarios. Los países de América Latina y el Caribe pueden aprovechar la tecnología y las redes sociales para impulsar y promover las estrategias mencionadas en la declaración de consenso. Por su parte, tanto los gobiernos como los organismos no gubernamentales pueden usar la declaración de consenso como una guía para ado ; As malformações congênitas constituem 21% das causas de morte em crianças menores de 5 anos na América Latina e no Caribe (ALC) e este ônus tem sido agravado pela epidemia do vírus zika. Em 2001, a March of Dimes lançou uma série de encontros bienais denominada International Conference on Birth Defects and Disabilities in the Developing World (conferência internacional sobre malformações congênitas e deficiências no mundo em desenvolvimento, ICBD). A última ICBD foi realizada em Bogotá, na Colômbia, em 2017 e contou com a participação de mais de 300 profissionais, formuladores de políticas e doadores. Os participantes da conferência, na sua maioria da ALC, demonstraram apoio a um chamado à ação na forma de uma declaração de consenso. Nela, enumeram-se as principais ações para aumentar ao máximo a vigilância, prevenção e atenção às malformações congênitas na ALC: 1) melhorar a vigilância; 2) reduzir os riscos de malformações congênitas; 3) fortificar os gêneros alimentícios de primeira necessidade; 4) prevenir e tratar as infecções associadas às malformações congênitas; 5) implementar testes de detecção em recém-nascidos; 6) prestar atendimento e serviços aos portadores de malformações congênitas e deficiências; 7) atrair a participação de governos, sociedade civil e organismos internacionais e 8) incentivar o progresso da pesquisa na área de malformações congênitas. Foram endossadas a implementação e a expansão das intervenções com fundamentação científica usando enfoques colaborativos multissetoriais e multidisciplinares. Os países da ALC devem se valer de tecnologia e das mídias sociais para promover e defender os enfoques identificados na declaração de consenso. A declaração pode servir como guia aos governos e organismos não governamentais ao tomarem medidas imediatas para melhorar a qualidade de vida de quem vive com malforma
