Suchergebnisse

Industrial heritage supposedly offers workers a right to a past and has therefore been cele­b­rated as democratic. Authorities continue to applaud democratization, supporting and encouraging heritage for all, in an open and non-excluding sense. Examining the concept of democratic industrial heritage, this article explores connections between heritage and identification in a major industrial heritage site in Southern Norway. It investigates how implicit and seemingly under-communicated boundaries between self and Other are negotiated on the ground when local people's history and environment become world heritage.In the early 20th century, a major industrial complex was established in the upper regions of Telemark. After securing rights and access to local natural resources, the company Norsk Hydro was soon developed into a major producer of artificial fertilizer, driven by hydroelectric power. A century later, and some two and a half decades after the enterprise had shut down and relocated all chemical production, the early history and physical remains of the local indus­try was awarded UNESCO World Heritage status in 2015. Ethnographic data collected within the Rjukan-Notodden industrial heritage site between May 2017 and December 2018 demonstrates that so-called heritage communities are far from stable. Heritagization processes not only produce heritage and heirs. World heritage, especially, also produces a series of stages, arenas, situations and debates. Here, identities are mobilized in different constellations according to changing political circumstances. Heritage communities thus constantly shift as members and heirs populate the democratic world heritage's less visible, yet constituent, Other with new social groups - often opponents in the politicized situations that heritagization processes provoke. Heritage, then, becomes resource and raw-material for strategic identity construction on the wide variety of arenas that heritagization generates.

This article contends that parental undocumented status can and should be recognized as an analogous ground of discrimination under section 15 of the Canadian Charter of Rights and Freedoms. The argument proceeds in two parts. Part I provides a glimpse of the legislative and administrative framework underlying the prejudicial treatment of Canadian children with undocumented filiation, analyzing the health insurance plans of Quebec and Ontario (A), and the federal Canada Child Benefit program (B) as case studies. The picture that emerges is a recurring pattern of administrative reasoning that ties children's eligibility for vital benefits to their parents' legal residency in the country, precluding or limiting the access of those with undocumented filiation. Against this backdrop, Part II considers the constitutional analysis that should be used under section 15 when considering parental undocumented status as a ground of discrimination. It first sets out the major decisions of the Supreme Court of Canada recognizing analogous grounds, and explains how such cases have contributed to a contextual, multi-factorial approach that accounts for variables beyond narrow immutability (A). Lack of control and chronicity, political powerlessness against the majoritarian process, economic and developmental vulnerability, and intersections with race and age emerge as distinct indicia of parental undocumented status as an analogous ground (B). The analysis draws, in part, on child development theories to emphasize the extraordinary circumstances of children in mixed-status families, and the distinct influence of parental 'undocumentedness' on their developmental needs. Part II lastly looks into international human rights standards for persuasive guidance, where the differential treatment of children on the basis of their parent's immigration status is both expressly prohibited and recognized as a recurring target of discrimination (C).

Environmental governance scholars argue that optimal environmental performance can be achieved by matching the scale of governance to the scale of the resource being managed. In the case of water, this means managing at the scale of the watershed. However, many watersheds lack a single watershed-scale organization with authority over all water resources and instead rely on cross-jurisdiction coordination or collaboration among diverse organizations. To understand what "watershed governance" looks like fully, this paper maps organizations with rights to use, regulate, or manage water in four subwatersheds in California (the American, Cosumnes, and Kings Rivers in the Sacramento-San Joaquin watershed and the Shasta River in the Klamath watershed). We assemble datasets of water organizations, water rights holders, and water management plans and use content analysis and social network analysis to explore what water management looks like in the absence of a single basin authority. We describe the institutional complexity that exists in each watershed, compare the physical and institutional interconnections between actors in the watersheds, and then ask to what extent these connections map onto watershed boundaries. We find that the ways in which water management is complex takes very different forms across the four watersheds, despite their being located in a similar political, social, and geographic context. Each watershed has drastically different numbers of actors and uses a very different mix of water sources. We also see very different levels of coordination between actors in each watershed. Given these differences, we then discuss how the institutional reforms needed to create watershed-scale management are unique for each watershed. By building a stronger comparative understanding of what watershed governance actually entails, this work aims to build more thoughtful recommendations for building institutional fit.

Environmental governance scholars argue that optimal environmental performance can be achieved by matching the scale of governance to the scale of the resource being managed. In the case of water, this means managing at the scale of the watershed. However, many watersheds lack a single watershed-scale organization with authority over all water resources and instead rely on cross-jurisdiction coordination or collaboration among diverse organizations. To understand what "watershed governance" looks like fully, this paper maps organizations with rights to use, regulate, or manage water in four subwatersheds in California (the American, Cosumnes, and Kings Rivers in the Sacramento-San Joaquin watershed and the Shasta River in the Klamath watershed). We assemble datasets of water organizations, water rights holders, and water management plans and use content analysis and social network analysis to explore what water management looks like in the absence of a single basin authority. We describe the institutional complexity that exists in each watershed, compare the physical and institutional interconnections between actors in the watersheds, and then ask to what extent these connections map onto watershed boundaries. We find that the ways in which water management is complex takes very different forms across the four watersheds, despite their being located in a similar political, social, and geographic context. Each watershed has drastically different numbers of actors and uses a very different mix of water sources. We also see very different levels of coordination between actors in each watershed. Given these differences, we then discuss how the institutional reforms needed to create watershed-scale management are unique for each watershed. By building a stronger comparative understanding of what watershed governance actually entails, this work aims to build more thoughtful recommendations for building institutional fit.

Социально-экономическая проблема нехватки пресной воды серьезно вошла в международную и политическую повестку дня в последнее десятилетие ХХ-го века. 28 июля 2010 года Генеральная ассамблея ООН включила право на воду в перечень базовых прав человека, а мировое сообщество признало расширение доступа к питьевой воде одной из четырех ключевых составляющих целей тысячелетия ООН по обеспечению устойчивости окружающей среды. Комплексные проблемы отдельных регионов мира в распределении водных ресурсов и рост требований человечества к стандартам жизни отражает как постепенное объективное обострение ситуации, так и повышение моральных норм глобального гражданского общества в отношении проблем неравенства и образа жизни. Цель настоящего исследования – провести обзор существующих и перспективных способов получения пресной воды для решения социально-экономических задач обеспечения отдельных регионов мира. Задачами исследования были определены: осуществление на основании проведенного обзора технико-экономического анализа существующих и перспективных способов получения пресной воды. Научная новизна работы заключается в анализе технико-экономической эффективности отобранных способов получения питьевой воды, включая использование сопла Лаваля и формулировке рекомендаций по их применению. Дата отправки статьи в редакцию: 2020-04-12. ; The socio-economic problem of freshwater scarcity has seriously entered the international and political agenda in the last decade of the twentieth century. On July 28, 2010, the UN General Assembly included the right to water in the list of basic human rights, and the world community recognized the expansion of access to drinking water as one of the four key components of the UN Millennium goals to ensure environmental sustainability. The complex problems of individual regions of the world in the distribution of water resources and the growing demands of humanity for living standards reflect both a gradual objective aggravation of the situation and an increase in the moral standards of global civil ...

Environmental governance scholars argue that optimal environmental performance can be achieved by matching the scale of governance to the scale of the resource being managed. In the case of water, this means managing at the scale of the watershed. However, many watersheds lack a single watershed-scale organization with authority over all water resources and instead rely on cross-jurisdiction coordination or collaboration among diverse organizations. To understand what &ldquo ; watershed governance&rdquo ; looks like fully, this paper maps organizations with rights to use, regulate, or manage water in four subwatersheds in California (the American, Cosumnes, and Kings Rivers in the Sacramento-San Joaquin watershed and the Shasta River in the Klamath watershed). We assemble datasets of water organizations, water rights holders, and water management plans and use content analysis and social network analysis to explore what water management looks like in the absence of a single basin authority. We describe the institutional complexity that exists in each watershed, compare the physical and institutional interconnections between actors in the watersheds, and then ask to what extent these connections map onto watershed boundaries. We find that the ways in which water management is complex takes very different forms across the four watersheds, despite their being located in a similar political, social, and geographic context. Each watershed has drastically different numbers of actors and uses a very different mix of water sources. We also see very different levels of coordination between actors in each watershed. Given these differences, we then discuss how the institutional reforms needed to create watershed-scale management are unique for each watershed. By building a stronger comparative understanding of what watershed governance actually entails, this work aims to build more thoughtful recommendations for building institutional fit.

Social and environmental safeguards are now commonplace in policies and procedures that apply to certain kinds of foreign investment in developing countries. Prominent amongst these is the principle of free, prior and informed consent (FPIC), which is commonly tied to policies and procedures relating to investments that have an impact on &lsquo ; indigenous peoples&rsquo ; . This paper treats international safeguards as a possible manifestation of what Karl Polanyi called the &lsquo ; double movement&rsquo ; in the operation of a capitalist market economy. Our concern here is with the way that the FPIC principle has been applied in struggles over the alienation of land and associated natural resources claimed by indigenous peoples or customary landowners in three developing countries&mdash ; Cambodia, Indonesia and Papua New Guinea. Case studies of recent land struggles in these countries are used to illustrate the existence of a spectrum in which the application of the FPIC principle may contribute more or less to the defence of customary rights. On one hand, it may be little more than a kind of &lsquo ; performance&rsquo ; that simply adds some extra value to a newly created commodity. On the other hand, it may sometimes enable local or indigenous communities and their allies in &lsquo ; civil society&rsquo ; to mount an effective defence of their rights in opposition to the processes of alienation or commodification. The paper finds that all three countries have political regimes and national policy frameworks that are themselves resistant to the imposition of social and environmental safeguards by foreign investors or international financial institutions. However, they differ widely in the extent to which they make institutional space for the FPIC principle to become the site of a genuine double movement of the kind that Polanyi envisaged.

Die erste Pandemie, die die Bundesrepublik Deutschland erlebte, stellte die Demokratie vor eine Bewährungsprobe. Es standen keine Erfahrungen, Routinen und nicht einmal klare Normen bereit, die die politischen Eliten und Institutionen leiten konnten. Wie gut kam die Demokratie durch die Krise? Die Bilanz ist gemischt. Die Exekutiven funktionierten gut. Beherzt nahmen sie die Herausforderung an. Allerdings wurden unter dem impliziten Ausnahmezustand Grundrechte außer Kraft gesetzt. Dafür wurden die Infektions- und Mortalitätsraten vergleichsweise niedrig gehalten. Dies alles unter Bezug auf das einfache Gesetz zum Infektionsschutz. Normentheoretisch ist das eine papierdünne Legitimation. Das Parlament stritt nicht um die besten Lösungen, eine kontroverse Debatte blieb aus. Es fügte sich den Wünschen der Exekutive. Souverän ist, wer über den Ausnahmezustand verfügt. Faktisch war das die Exekutive. Der Souverän dritter Ordnung übertrumpfte das Parlament. Opposition fand nicht statt. Der Demos folgte. Ob aus rationaler Einsicht in das Vernünftige oder einem unkritischen Untertanengeist, der sich in der großen Krise unter die Obhut einer starken Führung begibt? In der Covid-Krise könnte an einem Skript für zukünftige Krisenpolitik geschrieben worden sein. Ist dies der Fall, würden grundlegende Prinzipien der Demokratie geschleift. ; The first pandemic that the Federal Republic of Germany experienced put democracy to a tough test. There was no experience, routines or even clear legal norms to guide the political elite and institutions. How well has democracy coped with the crisis? The balance is mixed. The executive branch has functioned well and acted courageously. Under the implicit, but constitutionally undeclared state of emergency, basic rights were suspended. In return, infection and mortality rates were kept comparatively low. The legal action of the executive was based on a basic law on infection control. In normative theory, this is a paper-thin legitimation for suspending fundamental rights. A controversial parliamentary debate did not take place. Parliament complied with the wants of the executive. Sovereign is he who decides on the exception. In fact, that was the executive branch. The third-order sovereign, the executive, surpassed the parliament, the second-order sovereign. The first order sovereign, the people, overwhelmingly complied and there were no protests or demonstrations. If such compliance becomes the recurring mode of governing democracy in crises, democracy is at risk.

This article will investigate how Coetzee's white male characters confront their pasts that revolve around abuse of power in both familial relations and the community. For a long time, Coetzee has been in a difficult position regarding his literary identity. He is both criticized and praised by many people about his writings. In this article, I will be investigating how he draws both praise and criticism in the way he constructs white male identity. It is possible that many of these critics do not agree with the writer's construction of both African and white identities. Coetzee was required to betray his ancestors and oppose the white male dominance. I will determine whether he chose either of them. It is a known fact that none of Coetzee novels were banned by the Apartheid regime. The most probable reason that is often cited by many of his critics is that he was politically correct. An investigation of his representation of white hegemony might put to rest this criticism. Furthermore, it is important to understand his stand against white supremacy at a time many of his colleagues from the civil rights movement were writing about equality and human rights. I will investigate how the characters of his novels feel influenced by those who exercise power in the society. Most importantly, I will examine how masculine identities in the novels fit in the wider society and how they respond to changing power structures because they influence their behavior. My objective is to investigate whether Coetzee ascribed to the patriarchal Boer societal values that marginalized both women and servants into silence. Since masculine discourse is recurring in his other works, it is both an ideological and political discourse representing oppression and colonialism.

Desde la perspectiva de los eruditos chiítas, ¿quién es responsable del liderazgo y el gobierno de los musulmanes durante la Ocultación? ¿Cuál es el alcance de sus deberes y poderes? Estas fueron las principales preguntas del estudio. Los hallazgos determinan tres puntos de vista dominantes: primero, el gobierno es solo el derecho del imán infalible, y nadie más tiene el derecho de estar en esta posición; segundo, la monarquía del rey es reconocida y el papel de los juristas se limita únicamente a ocupar los cargos religiosos y judiciales; tercero, la gobernanza y la administración de los asuntos sociales y políticos de los musulmanes se consideran deberes de los juristas justos y deben formar un gobierno. Este estudio descriptivo-analítico indicó que el establecimiento de un gobierno en la sociedad islámica es necesario para la institucionalización y la realización de la jurisprudencia científica en la práctica. ; From Shiite scholars' perspective, who is responsible for leadership and rule of Muslims during the Occultation? What is the scope of his duties and powers? They were main questions addressed in the study. Findings determine three dominant views: first, the governance is only the right of the infallible Imam, and no one else has the right to be in this position; second, the king's monarchy is recognized and the role of the jurists is only limited to holing the religious and judicial positions; third, governance and the administration of social and political affairs of Muslims are considered to be the duties of the just jurists and they should form a government. This descriptive-analytical study indicated that the establishment of a government in the Islamic society is necessary for the institutionalization and realization of scientific jurisprudence in practice.

Subject discussed in this paper focuses mainly on the importance of using spatial data for analysis and monitoring of social and economic development in the municipal land surface area, with the purpose of getting results, which will help in making important decisions in regards to the direction of spatial development in the future.Use of land surface must be in full compliance with spatial plans, both at national and local levels. This is the reason why the municipality of Gllogoc has also approved the Municipal Development Plan for the time period 2010 - 2020.In the case of Gllogoc execution of numerous projects in infrastructure, education, culture, sports and other economic and housing buildings have contributed to the rapid transformation of the land surface area. However, lack of political power and will to implement the rules set by development plans still continue to be destructive elements for land surface areas.Over the past decade, namely the period after 1999, there has been considerable increase in construction activities. Although the local plan gives property owners the right to develop and use the property in accordance with their interests, these regulations do not give them the right to work outside the legal provisions of the local plan.As a result of the deficiency of astringent administrative and legal regulations, as well as disregard of urban regulations, settlements of the municipality of Gllogoc continue to further expand land surface areas where construction is performed in a wild manner, without plans and with disturbing effects on the environment and the land surface area.The results obtained in this paper will help in making important decisions to constrain the construction zone, as well as to provide the necessary recommendations for steps to be taken in function of the land use for common interest.

This research focuses on marginal communities in the countryside. Marginal communities who are poor, among others, are caused by the impacts of development, lack of local government attention to the survival of rural communities, shifting jobs and failure to get jobs and creating a businesses then make the community poorer. This study aims to describe the condition of poverty in marginalized communities by taking the case in Cipacing Village, Jatinangor District, Sumedang Regency. Cipacing village has the most disadvantaged families compared to other villages in Jatinangor Sub-district. Understanding of marginal communities in this study uses the marginal dimension according to Perlman, namely marginal social, marginal culture, marginal economy, and marginal politics. This study uses qualitative methods with descriptive analysis, data collection in research using interviews and secondary data such as the results of other studies, books, and other documentation. The number of informants involved in this study were 6 people who were poor families in Cipacing Village. The result of this study is that marginalized communities have indeed lost their rights since the development. In addition, development also has an impact on people's lives, especially in the field of environment and community welfare. The conclusions raised from this study include that the poor in Desa Cipacing are seen from the marginal dimension of society. From the social dimension, there are not many people in Cipacing Village involved in the development within their area. From the cultural dimension, the community is not ready when there is a shift in employment from the agricultural sector to the industrial sector. Then from the economic dimension, limitations in resources result in people being unable to fight capital ownership. Furthermore, from the political dimension the community also still cannot access their rights in development planning.

Purpose: This paper examines the recordkeeping governance requirements of the childhood out-of-home Care sector, with critical interlaced identity, memory, cultural and accountability needs. They argue that as we enter a new era of participation, new models for governance are required to recognise and dynamically negotiate a range of rights in and to records, across space and through time. Instead of recordkeeping configured to support closed organisations and closely bounded information silos, there is a need for recordkeeping to reflect, facilitate and be part of governance frameworks for organisations as nodes in complex information networks. Design/methodology/approach: The paper reports on a key outcome of the Setting the Record Straight for the Rights of the Child National Summit held in Melbourne Australia in May 2017, the National Framework for Recordkeeping in Out-of-Home Care, and the research and advocacy agenda that will support its development. Findings: The authors argue that as we enter an algorithmic age, designing for shared ownership, stewardship, interoperability and participation is an increasing imperative to address the information asymmetries that foster social disadvantage and discrimination. The authors introduce the concept of participatory information governance in response to social, political and cultural mandates for recordkeeping. Given the challenges associated with progressing new participatory models of recordkeeping governance in the inhospitable environment of existing recordkeeping law, standards and governance frameworks, the authors outline how these frameworks will need to be re-figured for participatory recordkeeping. Practical implications: The National Framework for Recordkeeping for Childhood Out-of-Home Care seeks to address the systemic recordkeeping problems that have been most recently highlighted in the 2013-2017 Royal Commission into Institutional Responses to Child Sexual Abuse. Social implications: The National Framework for Recordkeeping for Childhood ...

Leaders and activists of social movements at times have a background of world-class achievements in sport. How does this high-profile sport background affect their activism? This article argues that in both democracies and dictatorships, a personal past of elite sport accomplishments frequently influences activist athletes' consciousness and subsequently the selection of goals to be reached through collective action, and also the very definition of those goals. Such a background often provides their holders with publicity, public stature and social and political connections, which are factors conducive to movement success. To investigate the above propositions, this article presents a case study based on published documents, archival records, interviews and secondary sources: that of Lilí Álvarez (1905&-1998) in Spain during the right-wing dictatorship of General Francisco Franco. Álvarez was a self-proclaimed feminist who individually and together with other women tirelessly advocated for women's rights. However, she was better known for her national and international multi-sport achievement, most notably reaching the Wimbledon singles finals in three consecutive years in the late 1920s. Her sporting background inspired Álvarez to demand that girls and women practise sport. Her athletic experience influenced her social consciousness in unexpected ways and on issues other than sport, such as religion and feminism. She defended a type of Catholicism comprising a positive conception of the body (derived from her sporting past) at a time when negative conceptions of the body (especially of women's bodies) prevailed. This type of thinking led her to ask for respect and autonomy for women within the Church and in society. Álvarez's sport record gave her &- and the causes she fought for &- visibility and respectability.

Subject discussed in this paper focuses mainly on the importance of using spatial data for analysis and monitoring of social and economic development in the municipal land surface area, with the purpose of getting results, which will help in making important decisions in regards to the direction of spatial development in the future.Use of land surface must be in full compliance with spatial plans, both at national and local levels. This is the reason why the municipality of Gllogoc has also approved the Municipal Development Plan for the time period 2010 - 2020.In the case of Gllogoc execution of numerous projects in infrastructure, education, culture, sports and other economic and housing buildings have contributed to the rapid transformation of the land surface area. However, lack of political power and will to implement the rules set by development plans still continue to be destructive elements for land surface areas.Over the past decade, namely the period after 1999, there has been considerable increase in construction activities. Although the local plan gives property owners the right to develop and use the property in accordance with their interests, these regulations do not give them the right to work outside the legal provisions of the local plan.As a result of the deficiency of astringent administrative and legal regulations, as well as disregard of urban regulations, settlements of the municipality of Gllogoc continue to further expand land surface areas where construction is performed in a wild manner, without plans and with disturbing effects on the environment and the land surface area.The results obtained in this paper will help in making important decisions to constrain the construction zone, as well as to provide the necessary recommendations for steps to be taken in function of the land use for common interest.