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The article reveals the problems of the development of the economic and social systems of society of the science of the theory of state and law. It is stressed that today, both the international community and Ukrainian society are actively seeking more effective models of social and economic systems. It is emphasised that the latest trends make it possible to carry out an innovation restructuring of the domestic economic system of society, since today the lack of the specified significantly weakens the position of Ukraine and suspends its integration. It is concluded that the development of spiritual, cultural and political spheres today increasingly faces the problem of the delay in the formation of an open economic system. It is highlighted that modern economic and social systems of society are complex formations; the definition of concepts "economic system of society" and "social system of society" are formulated. Ensuring the citizens of Ukraine with the opportunity to fully implement economic and social rights requires the renewal of the economic system of society in the following areas: active introduction of innovative technologies; cooperation and attraction of international investors; promotion of the peoples creative potential; maximum supply of goods by the national market; transition to a system of export of end-use goods, not raw materials; balance of economic freedom; providing high-quality service. Their implementation requires the reform of domestic legislation, the detailed elaboration of a national mechanism for achieving this, with the involvement of representatives of Ukrainian and foreign business. The directions of the modernization of the economic system of the society, which will help ensure the citizens of Ukraine with the opportunity to fully implement economic and social rights, are determined.

Cet article analyse l'image des trois religions abrahamites dans les programmes politiques récents du Front National en la comparant avec celle créée par d'autres partis d'extrême droite populiste de pays de l'Union Européenne appartenant à l'Europe occidentale continentale et à la Scandinavie qui ont été couronnés d'un certain succès lors des élections récentes. Il sera montré que, même si l'on peut constater une convergence quant à l'image négative créée de l'islam ainsi que dans la tendance d'éviter un antisémitisme ouvert, il y a, toutefois, des différences en ce qui concerne le judaïsme et/ou Israël et le poids attribué au christianisme dans la culture nationale et/ou européenne. On y peut observer des parallèles intéressants avec les traditions discursives nationales ainsi que l'histoire de ces partis d'extrême droite. ; This article analyses the image of the three abrahamic religions in the recent political programs of the French Front National (2012 und 2017) in a comparative perspective with other successful populist radical right-wing parties in EU-Countries of continental Western and Northern Europe. It will be shown that even if there is a common tendency of representing Islam negatively and avoiding overt antisemitism, there are differences with regard to Judaism and/or Israel as well as to the weight of Christianity for the national and/or European culture, which have interesting parallels with the national discourse traditions and the particular radical right-wing history of these parties. ; Dieser Beitrag analysiert das Bild der abrahamitischen Religionen in den Präsidentschaftswahlprogrammen des Front National (2012 und 2017) im Vergleich zu anderen erfolgreichen rechtsextremen populistischen Parteien in EU-Ländern Nord- und Westeuropas. Die Analyse zeigt einerseits eine gemeinsame Tendenz, den Islam negativ darzustellen, andereseits auch Unterschiede zwischen den einzelnen Parteien in bezug auf die Darstellung des Judemtums und/oder Israel sowie der Bedeutung, die dem Christentum für die ...

This work explores some of the most relevant legal considerations on the relationship between encryption of private communications and some constitutional rights, with a focus on Chilean law. We maintain that there is an unresolved tension in the role of the use of communications encryption tools with respect to the exercise of these fundamental rights and public security. To do this, after briefly introducing the concept of encryption, we review the bases of the regulatory debate in the United States, essentially contained in its rules on intelligence and export control of encryption tools, and synthetically review the American constitutional debate. Regarding the European Union, we identify the main legal and political elements that are influencing the community's pre-regulatory debate. Next, the main legal aspects involved in the use of encryption tools are characterized. ; Este es un trabajo que explora algunas de las consideraciones jurídicas más relevantes sobre la relación entre cifrado de comunicaciones y ciertos derechos constitucionales, con enfoque en el derecho chileno. Sostenemos que existe una tensión no resuelta en el rol que ejerce el uso de herramientas de cifrado de comunicaciones respecto del ejercicio de esos derechos fundamentales y la seguridad pública. Para ello, luego de introducir brevemente el concepto de cifrado o encriptación, revisamos las bases del debate regulatorio en Estados Unidos, contenido esencialmente en sus reglas sobre inteligencia y sobre control de exportaciones de herramientas de cifrado, y repasamos sintéticamente el debate constitucional norteamericano. Respecto de la Unión Europea, identificamos los principales elementos jurídicos y políticos que están influyendo en el debate prerregulatorio comunitario. Enseguida, se caracterizan los principales aspectos jurídicos involucrados en el uso de herramientas de cifrado.

Background: Women's empowerment may require women to change their beliefs and views about their rights and capabilities. Empowerment programs often target women who have survived sexual and gender-based violence (SGBV), with the justification that these women may develop disempowered beliefs as a coping mechanism, or face greater barriers to, or derive greater benefits from, the adoption of empowered beliefs and preferences. We investigated an intensive, six-month residential empowerment program ("City of Joy") for SGBV survivors in eastern Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC), where more than one in five women have experienced SGBV. Methods: We asked 175 participants about their beliefs and preferences pertaining to political, financial, and domestic empowerment. Interviews took place immediately before and after participation in the program, and we tested for differences in views of empowerment between entry and exit using paired t-tests and McNemar's test. We also conducted 50 semi-structured interviews about empowerment with an additional 30 women who had completed the program up to 5 years earlier and then returned to their home community. Results: Prior to enrolling in the program, participants had fairly empowered views regarding politics, less empowered views regarding finances, and still less empowered views regarding the domestic sphere. After completing the program, participants had significantly more empowered views in all three domains, particularly regarding domestic violence, how families should treat men and women, and women's economic rights. Participants in their home communities reported taking a more active role in community affairs and speaking out against the mistreatment of women. Conclusion: This study adds to the evidence that women's empowerment programs can change participants' beliefs and thus increase the confidence with which they participate in their communities and support one another.

Content of the concept of the rural sector as a socio-territorial subsystem of society is revealed. The key features of the subsystem are habitation of people in rural areas and their relationship with production and processing of agricultural products. It is proved that opportunities of rural residents and persons engaged in agriculture are limited in comparison with other citizens in terms of meeting their vital needs. Evolution of the term "inclusive development" in the context of its relationship to "inclusive growth" and "inclusive welfare" is considered. From the standpoint of inclusiveness, the socioeconomic situation in Ukraine's agriculture in the Soviet period, in the years of active market transformations and at the present stage is characterized. It is shown that the extractive development of agriculture and rural areas gained an advantage at all stages, despite the declaration by political forces of the intentions to protect the interests of rural residents and producers of agricultural products, as well as the recommendations of scientists on realization of these interests. The extractive development was accompanied by resource-exhausting nature of management and restriction of real access of peasants to productive resources and distribution of benefits from their use. The necessity of transition to inclusive development in domestic rural sector is substantiated and conditions for this transition are revealed. Important factors in this should be: (i) Ukraine's implementation of measures to ensure the achievement of the Sustainable Development Goals proclaimed at the UN summit in 2015, and (ii) support and implementation of the ideas of the Declaration of the Rights of Peasants and Other People Working in Rural Areas, draft of which is being discussed at the United Nations Human Rights Council.

This report aims at outlining the European Union's legal & policy framework of migration governance. Therefore, it presents relevant statistical data as well as legislation and introduces to the socio-economic, political and cultural context. Further, the EU competences and frameworks as well as the legal status of foreigners are presented. In its sixth section the report presents the changes in policy and governance of migration caused by the "refugee crisis". The EU attributes competence on asylum based on a body of regulations and jurisprudence of various origin, which are not directly binding on the EU but are binding on the MS and, therefore, indirectly also relevant for the European institutions. The obligation to comply with the constraints already arising from international law derives expressly from article 78 of the TFEU, under which the EU must develop a "common European asylum system" in accordance with the Geneva Convention (1951 convention and 1967 protocol), the principle of non-refoulement and other relevant treaties. EU law has, therefore, been grafted onto a body of internal and international rules, jurisprudence and practice, becoming a leading player of the right to asylum both on the continent of Europe and the international arena. The common European asylum system has the merit of having put together the various protections arising from international law on international protection through what we can term as "codification". At the same time, it also represents a "progressive development", both for the codification of the interpretations of how the Geneva Convention should evolve and the express inclusion in the European system of those cases other than the right of asylum which have not yet been independently and fully regulated at international level nor, often, at national level.

The allocation of resources for health, as well as the distribution of other social goods, being a political problem, can also be observed as belonging to the universe of distributive justice, considering that all citizens must have the necessary means for an acceptable physical, psychological and social performance. Individual autonomy, paradigm of a full citizenship in a modern society, cannot otherwise be achieved. Human dignity seems to imply that no citizen can be excluded from the basic health system due to the lack of financial resources. Indeed, equal access of all citizens to basic social goods and therefore to key places in society – principle of fair equality of opportunities – is one of the core aspects of Rawls's difference principle. It is, in essence, about ensuring the exercise of the right to individual self-determination in the relationship between the individual and society, as well as the right to play a social role according to skills and merit. But, it is not only the theory of the social contract that provides for a fair equality of opportunities. Different perspectives of justice contemplate this ideal. As suggested by Tristram Engelhardt Jr individual autonomy must be interpreted as a value in itself and a determining factor for the exercise of a full citizenship. But, justice is an ideal that must be progressively built. Whether in a specific society or on a global scale. And, the great challenge of humanity is precisely to recognize the existing intercultural differences and propose sufficiently flexible ideological systems that can be applied in different countries with very different levels of social and economic development. Without detracting from the ethical principles that should underpin the construction of the 21st century global society.

The allocation of resources for health, as well as the distribution of other social goods, being a political problem, can also be observed as belonging to the universe of distributive justice, considering that all citizens must have the necessary means for an acceptable physical, psychological and social performance. Individual autonomy, paradigm of a full citizenship in a modern society, cannot otherwise be achieved. Human dignity seems to imply that no citizen can be excluded from the basic health system due to the lack of financial resources. Indeed, equal access of all citizens to basic social goods and therefore to key places in society – principle of fair equality of opportunities – is one of the core aspects of Rawls's difference principle. It is, in essence, about ensuring the exercise of the right to individual self-determination in the relationship between the individual and society, as well as the right to play a social role according to skills and merit. But, it is not only the theory of the social contract that provides for a fair equality of opportunities. Different perspectives of justice contemplate this ideal. As suggested by Tristram Engelhardt Jr individual autonomy must be interpreted as a value in itself and a determining factor for the exercise of a full citizenship. But, justice is an ideal that must be progressively built. Whether in a specific society or on a global scale. And, the great challenge of humanity is precisely to recognize the existing intercultural differences and propose sufficiently flexible ideological systems that can be applied in different countries with very different levels of social and economic development. Without detracting from the ethical principles that should underpin the construction of the 21st century global society.

The right of audience, in common law, is the right of a lawyer to represent a client in a court. Royalty, the Pope and some Presidents grant audi-ences. What does the power to grant an audience consist in? And what does it mean to demand an audience (with)? Through a reading of the way in which the vocabulary of theatre, acting and audience is involved in the generation of a theory of state by Hobbes and Rousseau, this paper looks to reopen these questions as a political resource for us to re-imagine and refigure our ways of being together. Through readings of Hobbes and Rousseau, it looks at the ways in which the performance of politics creates the public, the representative and the sovereign and the ways these figures interact. It proposes an alternative role for theatre as places of affective learning and a civic ethics of playfulness, in which the auto-institution of the state as an imagined collectivity is fully assumed. ; Pravo na saslušanje (audijenciju), u običajnom pravu, jeste pravo advokata da zastupa klijenta na sudu. Kralj, Papa i neki predsednici primaju u audijenciju. U čemu se sastoji moć primanja u audijenciju (to grant an audience)? I šta znači zahtevati audijenciju? Čitanjem načina na koji je vokabular pozoriša, glume i audi­jencije (publike) uključen u proizvodnju teorije države kod Hobsa i Rusoa ovaj rad propituje pitanje političkih resursa koji nam pomažu da iznova promislimo načine bivanja zajedno. Preko Hobsa i Rusoa, ovaj tekst ispituje na koji način performiranje politike stvara javnost, predstavnika i suverena, te na koji način ove figure interaguju. Predlaže se alternativna uloga za pozorište kao mesto afek-tivnog učenja i građanske etike razigranosti u kojoj se autoinstitucija države kao zamišljenog zajedništva obuhvata u celosti.

In May 2017, Jokowi's administration announced the intention to dissolve Hizbut Tahrir Indonesia (HTI). HTI is an Islamic organization that aspires to establish caliphate government based on the claim of Islamic teaching. The Government considers HTI as a threat to Pancasila. The announcement has created controversy. It has divided Indonesian into pro and contra camp. The dissolution pro camp argues HTI ideology is against Pancasila, Indonesia political ideology. Furthermore, they pointed out HTI's idea of Caliphate that based on religion would disintegrate the nation. Conversely, the cons argues the government move is against the constitutionally guarantee freedom of association as stipulates in the 1945 Constitution of the Republic of Indonesia (hereafter the 1945 Constitution). The move would create precedent that threatens freedom of assembly if the government failed to enact due process procedure and provide justifiable reason for the action. This controversy is not new to human rights and democratic discourse. Karl Popper describes the debate as a paradox of tolerance, democracy, and freedom in an open society. This paper examines how the 1945 Constitution can be utilized to resolve the paradox. This paper argues that Article 28 J par.2 of the 1945 Constitution requires the balance between human rights protection and limitation in its proportion. Thus, the limitation clause should be used as a parameter to solve HTI issue. This paper explores the use of proportionality test in interpreting the limitation clause and applies it not only to the question of HTI issue but also broader issues to evaluate recent government moves in amending the Law Number 17 Year 2013 on Societal Organisation. This paper employs a doctrinal method in its analysis.

This study describes the Association of Breastfeeding Mothers Indonesia (AIMI) as an NGO that has built social movements to support breast feeding and nursing mothers in Indonesia. AIMI as a socio-political actor shapes the perception and behaviour of society to ensure the maternity right that has been recognized by the World Health Organization (WHO). This research uses qualitative-descriptive method with inductive approach. The data obtained through the online media content analysis, interviews, and literature study. It concludes thatfacebook became instrument of internalization of ideas, the dissemination of ideas, and claims of truth for AIMI where: 1) Breast milk is the best food for infants, 2) nursing is a baby and mother's rights that should be supported through government policy and infrastructure, and 3) breastfeeding barriers experienced by mothers can be overcome with well established methods and knowledge. AIMI's digital community was createdinteraction in the form of presents text and images that lead to perceptions and behaviour indirectly strengthen the enactment of Government Regulation No. 33 in 2012 and 2013 Permenkes No. 15. The online publicationhas involved AIMI campaigns, educational information, socialization, training and consulting through facebook or discussion service with Lactation Counselor.Penelitian ini menggambarkan Asosiasi Ibu Menyusui Indonesia (AIMI) sebagai LSM yang membangun gerakan sosial untuk mendukung pemberian ASI dan hak ibu menyusui di Indonesia.AIMI sebagai aktor sosial-politik membentuk persepsi dan perilaku masyarakat untuk menjamin hak maternitas yang telah diakui oleh Organisasi Kesahatan Dunia (WHO). Penelitian ini menggunakan metode kualitatif-deskriptif dengan pendekatan induktif. Datadiperoleh melalui analisis konten media daring, wawancara, dan studi literatur.Hasil penelitian menyimpulkan facebookmenjadiinstrumen internalisasi ide, penyebaran gagasan, dan klaim kebenaran AIMIdi mana: 1) ASI merupakan makanan terbaik bagi bayi, 2) menyusui merupakan hak ...

Resumo: En el pensamiento económico y político de Locke se pueden apreciar unas articulaciones que relacionan lo teológico, lo económico y lo político. Los hombres trabajan por mandato divino, y el trabajo es un concepto económico en cuanto que es la actividad productora de la propiedad privada, cuya posesión supone un derecho natural para todos los individuos. Proteger este derecho es obligación del gobierno y de las instituciones estatales. Para Locke el mercado es previo a la sociedad civil, la estructura nómica del comercio sitúa las pautas de la acción gubernamental, de modo que la circulación del dinero no debería ser intervenida directamente por el poder del soberano, ni dirigirse en función de intereses políticos particulares. En consecuencia, es posible advertir una ontología del mercado en el pensamiento lockeano, dado que la existencia del espacio comercial recoge las leyes naturales y las proyecta en el espacio político Abstract: In Locke's economic and politic thinking is possible appraise some articulations that connect the teological, the economic and the politic. The humans work for divine decree and the labor is an economic concept inasmuch as it is the activity that yields private ownership, whose possession entails a natural right for all individuals. Safeguarding this right is liability of the government and of the state institutions. For Locke the market is previous to the civilian society, trade's regulative structure sets the guidelines of the governmental action, so that money's circulation should not be interfered directly by the sovereign power neither leading it under particular politic interests. Thus, it is can find out an ontology of market in lockean thought, insomuch as trade space's existence takes up the natural laws and project them in the space`s political.

This report aims at outlining the European Union's legal & policy framework of migration governance. Therefore, it presents relevant statistical data as well as legislation and introduces to the socio-economic, political and cultural context. Further, the EU competences and frameworks as well as the legal status of foreigners are presented. In its sixth section the report presents the changes in policy and governance of migration caused by the "refugee crisis". The EU attributes competence on asylum based on a body of regulations and jurisprudence of various origin, which are not directly binding on the EU but are binding on the MS and, therefore, indirectly also relevant for the European institutions. The obligation to comply with the constraints already arising from international law derives expressly from article 78 of the TFEU, under which the EU must develop a "common European asylum system" in accordance with the Geneva Convention (1951 convention and 1967 protocol), the principle of non-refoulement and other relevant treaties. EU law has, therefore, been grafted onto a body of internal and international rules, jurisprudence and practice, becoming a leading player of the right to asylum both on the continent of Europe and the international arena. The common European asylum system has the merit of having put together the various protections arising from international law on international protection through what we can term as "codification". At the same time, it also represents a "progressive development", both for the codification of the interpretations of how the Geneva Convention should evolve and the express inclusion in the European system of those cases other than the right of asylum which have not yet been independently and fully regulated at international level nor, often, at national level.

In Locke's economic and politic thinking is possible appraise some articulations that connect the teological, the economic and the politic. The humans work for divine decree and the labor is an economic concept inasmuch as it is the activity that yields private ownership, whose possession entails a natural right for all individuals. Safeguarding this right is liability of the government and of the state institutions. For Locke the market is previous to the civilian society, trade's regulative structure sets the guidelines of the governmental action, so that money's circulation should not be interfered directly by the sovereign power neither leading it under particular politic interests. Thus, it is can find out an ontology of market in lockean thought, insomuch as trade space's existence takes up the natural laws and project them in the space`s political ; En el pensamiento económico y político de Locke se pueden apreciar unas articulaciones que relacionan lo teológico, lo económico y lo político. Los hombres trabajan por mandato divino, y el trabajo es un concepto económico en cuanto que es la actividad productora de la propiedad privada, cuya posesión supone un derecho natural para todos los individuos. Proteger este derecho es obligación del gobierno y de las instituciones estatales. Para Locke el mercado es previo a la sociedad civil, la estructura nómica del comercio sitúa las pautas de la acción gubernamental, de modo que la circulación del dinero no debería ser intervenida directamente por el poder del soberano, ni dirigirse en función de intereses políticos particulares. En consecuencia, es posible advertir una ontología del mercado en el pensamiento lockeano, dado que la existencia del espacio comercial recoge las leyes naturales y las proyecta en el espacio político

With the intention of the German, French and Polish foreign ministers to bring their countries closer together after the fall of the Iron Curtain, the Weimar Triangle was founded in 1991. This setting has enabled an institutionalised regional cooperation on the governmental level as well as between the respective civil societies. However today, in a Europe of permanent crises and protracted uncertainty, a risky divergence between Germany, France and Poland seems to emerge. Since the Polish national elections in October 2015 has brought the right‑wing, nationalist Law‑and‑Justice‑party (PiS) into power, we are also witnessing a rising relevance of domestic political determinants for mutual contacts. Facing this new period of tension, where more closeness and trust would be required, discursive attitudes and strategies of 'othering' might gain ground and lead to increasing alienation. Based on the assumption that the portrayal of a country could be both the first step towards creating and obtaining a more inclusive or exclusive identity, this paper aims to find out the following: in how far are German and French media about to pre‑cook patterns of asymmetry and alienation? Or follow they rather an inclusive and comprehensible approach towards Poland? These questions are exemplified by the biggest centre‑left and centre‑right German and French daily newspapers Süddeutsche Zeitung, Frankfurter Allgemeine Zeitung, Le Monde and Le Figaro, whereas the corpus of data is limited to the period of the year 2016. By making use of the critical discourse analysis, this paper provides information about to what extent Poland is considered to be a close and indispensable partner as well as to where we can identify mechanisms of putting the country aside as a significant other.