Suchergebnisse

In this era of neo-liberal capitalist economics in Africa, has organised private capital in the form of business associations (BAs) become more active in public life or developed influence in public policy formation or implementation? This analysis examines the impact of five key factors to explain varying activity levels and influence of BAs in Ghana and Nigeria since independence: levels of capitalist development and hence size of the capitalist class; strength and autonomy of the capitalist class; strength of capitalist ideology; democratic vs. authoritarian rule; and impact of external hegemonic powers and ideologies. The paper finds that Nigeria's BAs are more highly developed, have had higher activity levels, and had more influence, however limited, than Ghana's. Externally generated economic liberalisation has stimulated higher levels of BA activity, but not necessarily the political space for BA autonomy. Political democratisation appears to increase political space, BA access to the state, and policy influence.

Obwohl die eindimensionale Guttman-Skala eine relativ primitive statistische Technik ist, verglichen mit solch vielsichtigen Methoden wie der Faktorenanalyse, hat sie ihre Anwendungsmöglichkeiten. Ihre Einfachheit ist ein Vorzug, denn ihre Aussage ist leicht zu verstehen. Sie besteht lediglich darin aufzuzeigen, wer auf welche Weise auf eine Reihe von Fragen geantwortet hat, unter der Voraussetzung eines skalaren Wahlsystems. Beispiel ist die Wahl nach Aufruf bzw. Anwesenheitsabstimmung im Frankfurter Parlament, die eine bemerkenswert große ideologische Skala zwischen links und rechts aufweist. Da sich viele der skalaren Stimmen eindeutig mit bedeutenden konstitutionellen Fragen befassen, werden acht recht unterschiedliche ideologische Positionen unterschieden und jedem Abgeordneten entsprechend klassifiziert. Der Vergleich dieser Kategorien auf der Punkteskala mit der Parteizugehörigkeit deckt auch die ideologischen Standpunkte der Parteien auf. Natürlich gibt es aber immer noch genügend Raum für eine fortschrittlichere Analyse der Abstimmungen im Frankfurter Parlament, vor allem, weil diese Studie nur einen Teil der Daten benutzt. (KWübers.)

This article explores the translation and migration of illegal drugs, humanistic therapies and political ideologies by focusing on China's first residential community drug treatment center, called Sunlight. I argue that the migration of contemporary treatment therapies from one continent to another initiates certain practices that re-appropriate and remake drug-using bodies that live and work at Sunlight. Reviewing Sunlight ethnographically also allows for broader theoretical exploration. When bodies do not operate under the common trope of possessive individualism different forms of biopolitical and therapeutic power are at play. In keeping with the theme of this special issue, this article begins with a discussion of why migration is a useful rubric for understanding how therapeutics and bodies become global entities and practices through the movement of three things: heroin, humanistic therapy and political ideology. It then presents an ethnographic slice of life at Sunlight to demonstrate how these practices and ideologies play out in the everyday. It finally returns to the question of why these therapies re-appropriate the post-socialist drug user's body and psyche through a discussion of the term 'psycho-sociability'. Psycho-sociability can be read as a demand for becoming a good biological citizen, as well as a theoretical rubric for explaining non-Western biopolitics.

As one of a series of studies on dominant political ideologies and their impact on Korean policy process, this paper deals with the ideology of economic development which has overwhelmingly dominated Korean policy process in the 1960's and 1970's. The paper identifies some impacts of the ideology on non-economic policies such as environmental, welfare and labor policies. The government tried very hard to contain any anti-developmental movement in these policies. Slightly different impacts are discerned in the case of economic policy process. Technocratic, secretive and speedy decision making, coercive implementation and overemphasis on visible and quantifiable performance criteria are all due, at least partly, to this ideology. All these impacts intensified the already-prevalent phenomenon of "Government-Leads-People-Follow", resulting in the exclusion of people from the policy process. Moreover, they also strengthened the centralization of the already over-centralized Korean political system. They intensified the concentration of power in the executive branch vis-a-vis its legislative counterpart. This paper indicates the necessity for similar studies which will deal with the brighter side of the economic development ideology and its interaction with the ideology of national security. The destiny of these two ideologies will largely determine the future of democratic policy process in Korea: An important theme for another study.

The large-scale use of semantic transfer and inversion as rhetorical tactics is particularly prevalent in right-wing discourses and populist "alternative knowledge" production. The contributors to this volume analyze processes of re-semanticizing received meanings, effectually re-coding those meanings. They investigate to what extent rhetorical maneuvers serve to establish new and powerful belief systems beyond rational and democratic control. In addition to the contemporary rightwing and conspiracy narratives, the contributions examine the discursive fields around conceptions of human nature and the deep past, population politics, gender conceptions, use of land, identity politics, nationhood, and cultural heritage.

According to the author, even though, over the millennia, China brought forth the indigenous ideas of Taoism, and for a time enthusiastically embraced the imported and metamorphosized ideas of Buddhism, it was the adoption by the Han Empire (206 BC-AD 220) of Confucianism as the official state of philosophy that profoundly shaped (and continues to shape) Chinese ideas about social organization, morality, authority and political power. After looking at the historical sources of China's political culture, he concludes that this culture does not easily lend itself to democratic methods. (DÜI-Sen)

Статья посвящена выявлению идеологической сущности сибирского областничества. На основе современных подходов к определению природы политических идеологий показана причастность областничества к отечественным идеологиям. Установлено, что идеологическая природа учения классиков демократического регионализма выражается в практической направленности этой концептуальной схемы. В рамках данной публикации показано, что практическая направленность идей сибирских региона-листов вовсе не является исчерпывающим фактором идеологической сущности областничества. Эта идеология направлена на внедрение в массовое сознание определённых критериев оценки прошлого, настоящего и будущего, являясь прочной основой групповой идентичности. Причастность областничества к идеологиям иллюстрирует стиль мышления, пропагандируемый в идеологии областничества, который исключал проявления космополитизма и национализма. ; This article is devoted to revealing the ideological essence of Siberian regionalism. On the basis of current approaches to the definition of the nature of political ideologies the publication shows that regionalism is related to Russian traditional ideologies. The author found out that the essence of the traditional democratic regionalism is expressed in the practical orientation of this conceptual scheme. This paper shows that the ideological essence of regionalism cannot be limited to practical orientation of Siberian regionalism school of thought. This ideology serving as a solid basis of group identity is aimed at introducing certain criteria of evaluation of the past, present and future into the mass consciousness. Related to ideologies, regionalism illustrates the style of thinking promoted by the ideology of regionalism, which excludes any manifestations of nationalism and cosmopolitanism

Migrants are active civic agents participating in transnational social movements. They create, transform, and exploit transnational networks to engage in political movements in both their homeland and the hostland. In this chapter, we demonstrate that migrants accumulate political and cultural knowledge, symbols, emotions of hope, nostalgia, and political practices as a result of their emigration experience. Using empirical examples of Latin American migrants living in Brussels, we argue that social remittances shape the way migrants: (1) develop their political and cultural repertoires of contention; (2) constitute their social identities and networks influencing their political behavior; and (3) embody the ideologies, ideas, and norms of their homeland, while being influenced by the multiple cities in which they have lived. We conclude that Latin American migrants have managed to develop and sustain transnational fields of social and political mobilization to defend their politi-cal struggles and ideals from Brussels itself. ; Peer reviewed

El hegemón es un actor fundamental en la gobernanza internacional. No obstante, mientras que el comercio, poder y guerra han sido temas ampliamente abordados desde los estudios sobre hegemonía en las Relaciones Internacionales, se ha avanzado poco en análisis de las ideas que orientan el comportamiento del hegemón. La hipótesis aquí planteada es que las hegemonías recorren a lo largo de su existencia cinco fases (emergencia, despliegue, apogeo, declive y extinción) y, durante cada una de ellas, el Estado hegemónico asume ideologías específicas que orientan su comportamiento internacional, lo cual se traduce en la promoción de ciertas políticas internacionales, así como de alianzas y organizaciones internacionales con vocaciones específicas. Sin embargo, en la medida que evoluciona su poder nacional y el hegemón transita de una fase a otra, éste tiende a cambiar ideológicamente, abandonando ideas previas y asumiendo otras nuevas. Si bien dicha transición ideológica es pragmática -en función de las necesidades de su poder nacional- este cambio resulta discordante y criticable por otros actores del sistema. Este documento se compone de dos grandes partes: en la primera se establecen las cinco fases de un ciclo hegemónico y, luego, se exponen las ideologías que orientan el comportamiento del Estado hegemónico en ellas; la segunda parte se orienta a comprobar empíricamente las transiciones ideológicas durante las hegemonías neerlandesa, británica y estadounidense.

Abstract: The hegemon is a fundamental actor in international governance. However, while trade, power and war have been topics widely discussed from studies on hegemony in International Relations, little progress has been made in analyzing the ideas that guide the behavior of the hegemon. The hypothesis proposed here is that the hegemonies pass through five phases during their existence (emergence, deployment, apogee, decline and extinction) and, during each of them, the hegemonic State assumes specific ideologies that guide its international behavior. However, as the national power evolves, and the hegemon moves from one phase to another, it tends to change ideologically, abandoning previous ideas and assuming new ones. Although this ideological transition is pragmatic - depending on the power needs of the hegemon- this change results discordant and is criticized by other actors in the system. To demonstrate this, the following document is composed of two major parts: the first presents the five phases of a hegemonic cycle and, along with it, the ideologies that guide the behavior of the hegemonic State; the second part aims to empirically verify the ideological transitions during the hegemonies that have existed: the Dutch, the British and the American.
Keywords: Hegemony, hegemonic political cycles, ideology, national power, hegemonic interregnum.


Recebido em: Agosto/2018.
Aprovado em: Dezembro/2018.

El hegemón es un actor fundamental en la gobernanza internacional. No obstante, mientras que el comercio, poder y guerra han sido temas ampliamente abordados desde los estudios sobre hegemonía en las Relaciones Internacionales, se ha avanzado poco en análisis de las ideas que orientan el comportamiento del hegemón. La hipótesis aquí planteada es que las hegemonías recorren a lo largo de su existencia cinco fases (emergencia, despliegue, apogeo, declive y extinción) y, durante cada una de ellas, el Estado hegemónico asume ideologías específicas que orientan su comportamiento internacional, lo cual se traduce en la promoción de ciertas políticas internacionales, así como de alianzas y organizaciones internacionales con vocaciones específicas. Sin embargo, en la medida que evoluciona su poder nacional y el hegemón transita de una fase a otra, éste tiende a cambiar ideológicamente, abandonando ideas previas y asumiendo otras nuevas. Si bien dicha transición ideológica es pragmática -en función de las necesidades de su poder nacional- este cambio resulta discordante y criticable por otros actores del sistema. Este documento se compone de dos grandes partes: en la primera se establecen las cinco fases de un ciclo hegemónico y, luego, se exponen las ideologías que orientan el comportamiento del Estado hegemónico en ellas; la segunda parte se orienta a comprobar empíricamente las transiciones ideológicas durante las hegemonías neerlandesa, británica y estadounidense. Abstract: The hegemon is a fundamental actor in international governance. However, while trade, power and war have been topics widely discussed from studies on hegemony in International Relations, little progress has been made in analyzing the ideas that guide the behavior of the hegemon. The hypothesis proposed here is that the hegemonies pass through five phases during their existence (emergence, deployment, apogee, decline and extinction) and, during each of them, the hegemonic State assumes specific ideologies that guide its international behavior. However, as the national power evolves, and the hegemon moves from one phase to another, it tends to change ideologically, abandoning previous ideas and assuming new ones. Although this ideological transition is pragmatic - depending on the power needs of the hegemon- this change results discordant and is criticized by other actors in the system. To demonstrate this, the following document is composed of two major parts: the first presents the five phases of a hegemonic cycle and, along with it, the ideologies that guide the behavior of the hegemonic State; the second part aims to empirically verify the ideological transitions during the hegemonies that have existed: the Dutch, the British and the American. Keywords: Hegemony, hegemonic political cycles, ideology, national power, hegemonic interregnum. Recebido em: Agosto/2018. Aprovado em: Dezembro/2018.

"Secularizing Islamists? provides an in-depth analysis of two Islamist political parties in Pakistan, the highly influential Jama'at-e-Islami and the more militant Jama'at-ud-Da'wa, widely blamed for the November 2008 terrorist attack in Mumbai, India. Basing her findings on thirteen months of ethnographic work with the two parties in Lahore, Humeira Iqtidar proposes that these Islamists are facilitating secularization within Muslim societies, even as they vehemently oppose secularism. This book offers a fine-grained account of the workings of both parties that challenges received ideas about the relationship between the ideology of secularism and the processes of secularization. Iqtidar particularly illuminates the impact of women on Pakistani Islamism, while arguing that these Islamist groups are inadvertently aiding secularization by forcing a critical engagement with the place of religion in public and private life. She highlights the role that competition among Islamists and the focus on the state as the center of their activity plays in supporting secularization. The result is a significant contribution to our understanding of emerging trends in Muslim politics"--Publisher description

Abstract
In the USA, politics often dominates the conversation surrounding science and related technologies. We also live in times of high political polarization, leading to political debate over scientific discoveries and subsequent policy implications. Given these dynamics, there is much to be learned about the politicization of science, individuals' policy views, and the public's relationship with the communication and interpretation of scientific findings. Agencies are often responsible for facilitating scientific research and framing its policy relevance for decision makers and the public. This paper uses data from a large national public opinion survey to investigate citizen attitudes about government science agencies. We theorize that disparities between objective and self-assessed scientific knowledge coupled with ideological cues help frame citizen evaluations of agencies. We find that individuals' political ideologies and disparities between knowledge types shape citizen assessments of energy-related scientific agencies. These findings have important implications for our understanding of public acceptance of the work of government science agencies.

Insurgent candidates from across the political spectrum are increasingly turning to social media to directly engage the public. Social media offer a platform that favours affect and personality, both key components of populist-style rhetoric, a label that is often attached to politicians outside the political establishment. Despite noteworthy exceptions, few cross-national studies of high-profile candidates' use of social media exist, and even less is known about how candidates representing various political ideologies employ affect alongside populism. To advance the state-of-the-art, this study examines the sentiment and rhetorical targets of attack in the Twitter feeds ( N = 25,825 tweets) of six presidential candidates in the United States and French election campaigns of 2016 and 2017. Employing dictionary-based quantitative analysis, the study finds variation among the candidates' rhetoric in terms of how they employ populist themes, affect and ideology. The findings suggest that scholars should consider a more nuanced approach to populism in late-modern democracies.