Suchergebnisse

"This book uses a multidisciplinary and multi-national approach to analyze the relationships between communication, politics, and democracy regarding the challenges and threats faced by contemporary democracies while disinformation, polarization and populism have a main role in the present hybrid communicative scenario"--

Introduction: Two scenes of departure -- Ideation -- Construction of 'Dravidian-Tamil' people -- The uses of language -- Human immanence -- Left populism -- Imagination -- The play is the thing -- Critical hermeneutics -- Counter-narratives -- Power of fiction -- Mobilization -- The grassroots -- The waves -- The eruption -- The climb.

The response to neoliberal globalisation in Central Europe has led to populism arising from its brutal transition to capitalism. Kalmar uses examples from popular culture to sport to reject as racist the idea that Central Europe's cultures are incompatible with liberal democracy.

The Concept of Political Survival -- The Legitimization of AKP's Conservatism in Turkish Politics -- The Power Struggle Between AKP and Kemalist Secular Elites -- The Rise of Populism and Authoritarianism under the AKP Rule -- The Instrumentalization of Islamism and Nationalism under Erdogan's Leadership

Machine generated contents note:One.Declarations Of Independence --Two.Abolitionism, The Liberty Party, And Free Soil --Three.Republicans, Reconstruction, And Fusion --Four.Black Populism And The "Negro Party" --Five.Black Communists, Socialists, And Nationalists --Six.Civil Rights, Black Power, And Independent Politics --Seven.The Black And Independent Alliance In 2008.

Candidate quality and the presidential election of 2016 -- Democracy, representation, and elections -- The founders and presidential selection -- Democratization and political parties -- The democratized nomination process -- The democratized media -- Charisma, demagoguery, populism, and celebrity -- Democratization and presidentialism -- The perils of democracy

Introduction : beyond the paradox of constitutionalism -- Toward a theory of constituent authority -- Constitutional learning -- Conventions, consituent assemblies, and round tables -- The Hungarian paradox -- Turkey : authoritarian constitution making, reform, and the crisis of constitutionalism -- Political theology, populism and the constituent power

1. Out of the thirties -- 2. Populism, romanticism and Frank Capra -- 3. Liberals, radicals and the wartime agenda -- 4. Post-war Holly wood -- 5. Post-war : new directors and structures -- 6. Film noir and society -- 7. Into the fifties -- 8. The sixties.

Although Alberto Fujimori, the father of neo-populism stepped down almost 20 years ago, Peru is still struggling with his legacy: Fujimorismo is still dividing society and the Constitution of 1993 although amended various times since Fujimori resigned, is still in force.

From 9/11 to UFOs, from American concentration camps to the Kennedy's assassination, this dissertation aims to enlighten, through a sociopolitical analysis, the grounds, the mechanics and the goals of the conspiratorial thought in the United States since the Revolution. Even Though it is no question to draw an exhaustive catalog of each and every conspiracy theory, I would stress that conspiracism is part of the American political and popular culture. Then, this dissertation studies the origins and the developments of conspiracism through three complementary focuses. First, a factual approach which dwells on specific conspiracy theories such as the 9/11 attacks or the assassination of Kennedy. Secondly, I will come on the actors of conspiracism : the conspiracist leaders (LaRouche, Icke) the citizens sleuths and the scapegoats (Communists, Jews, Illuminatis). Finally, under a cultural angle, I will outlook conspiracism and the American culture of anti-statism, the presence of mafias or the role of mass-medias. ; Du 11 septembre aux extraterrestres, des camps de concentration américains à l'assassinat de Kennedy, cette thèse a pour objectif d'éclairer sous un angle sociopolitique les fondements, les mécanismes et les enjeux de la pensée conspirationniste aux États-Unis depuis la révolution jusqu'à nos jours. S'il ne s'agit pas de dresser un catalogue exhaustif de toutes les théories du complot en vogue, le but demeure de démontrer que le conspirationnisme est un véritable fait social aux États-Unis, un élément de culture politique et populaire. Cette thèse se propose alors d'étudier les rouages et les origines du conspirationnisme sous trois aspects différents et complémentaires qui forment un triangle. D'abord, sous l'angle factuel, c'est-à-dire en étudiant les thèses du complot relatives à un événement extraordinaire (9/11, assassinat de JFK, etc.). Ensuite, sous l'angle des acteurs du conspirationnisme : les leaders conspirationnistes (LaRouche, Icke, etc.), les citoyens enquêteurs et les boucs-émissaires (communistes, juifs, illuminatis, etc.). Enfin, sous l'angle culturel en mettant en perspective le conspirationnisme avec la culture américaine : l'anti-étatisme, la présence de mafias ou encore le cinéma de masse.

From 9/11 to UFOs, from American concentration camps to the Kennedy's assassination, this dissertation aims to enlighten, through a sociopolitical analysis, the grounds, the mechanics and the goals of the conspiratorial thought in the United States since the Revolution. Even Though it is no question to draw an exhaustive catalog of each and every conspiracy theory, I would stress that conspiracism is part of the American political and popular culture. Then, this dissertation studies the origins and the developments of conspiracism through three complementary focuses. First, a factual approach which dwells on specific conspiracy theories such as the 9/11 attacks or the assassination of Kennedy. Secondly, I will come on the actors of conspiracism : the conspiracist leaders (LaRouche, Icke) the citizens sleuths and the scapegoats (Communists, Jews, Illuminatis). Finally, under a cultural angle, I will outlook conspiracism and the American culture of anti-statism, the presence of mafias or the role of mass-medias. ; Du 11 septembre aux extraterrestres, des camps de concentration américains à l'assassinat de Kennedy, cette thèse a pour objectif d'éclairer sous un angle sociopolitique les fondements, les mécanismes et les enjeux de la pensée conspirationniste aux États-Unis depuis la révolution jusqu'à nos jours. S'il ne s'agit pas de dresser un catalogue exhaustif de toutes les théories du complot en vogue, le but demeure de démontrer que le conspirationnisme est un véritable fait social aux États-Unis, un élément de culture politique et populaire. Cette thèse se propose alors d'étudier les rouages et les origines du conspirationnisme sous trois aspects différents et complémentaires qui forment un triangle. D'abord, sous l'angle factuel, c'est-à-dire en étudiant les thèses du complot relatives à un événement extraordinaire (9/11, assassinat de JFK, etc.). Ensuite, sous l'angle des acteurs du conspirationnisme : les leaders conspirationnistes (LaRouche, Icke, etc.), les citoyens enquêteurs et les boucs-émissaires ...

Gyula Borbándi ; Inhaltsverzeichnis ; Volltext // Exemplar mit der Signatur: München, Bayerische Staatsbibliothek -- Z 65.174-7

Treball fi de màster de: Master's Degree in Economics and Finance ; Directors: Libertad González ; Luigi Pascali ; How do local populations respond to a large-scale influx of refugees? This paper studies the European refugee crisis and its effects on anti-refugee sentiments in Germany. To identify the causal effects of refugee presence, we exploit the fact that a large number of refugees were hosted in military buildings decommissioned prior to the refugee crisis. Using these inactive military buildings as an instrument, we analyse the effects of refugees on far-right voting, violence against refugees, and the spread of fake news. We find that a one-standard-deviation increase in the number of refugees hosted in a district leads to a 3.4 percentage points decrease in the vote share of the far-right party Alternative für Deutschland (AfD) in the 2017 election. Furthermore, districts with more refugees experience proportionally less violence against refugees. However, we find no clear effect on the spread of fake news. Overall, our results indicate that the presence of refugees does not inflame anti-refugee sentiments, but rather weakens them - findings that are consistent with the contact hypothesis. ; Com responen les poblacions locals a una afluència massiva de refugiats? Aquest article estudia la crisi europea dels refugiats i els seus efectes sobre els sentiments antirrefugiats a Alemanya. Per identificar els efectes causals de la presència dels refugiats, explorem el fet que una gran quantitat de refugiats es van allotjar en edificis militars desmantellats abans de la crisi dels refugiats. Utilitzant aquests edificis militars inactius com a instrument, analitzem els efectes dels refugiats en la votació d'extrema dreta, la violència contra els refugiats i la propagació de notícies falses. Ens trobem amb un increment d'un desviació estàndard en el nombre de refugiats allotjats en un districte condueix a una disminució de 3,4 punts percentuals en la part del vot del partit d'extrema dreta Alternative für Deutschland (AfD) en les eleccions de 2017. A més, els districtes amb més refugiats experimenten proporcionalment menys violència contra els refugiats. Tanmateix, no trobem cap efecte clar sobre la propagació de notícies falses. En general, els nostres resultats indiquen que la presència de refugiats no inflama els sentiments antirefugiats, sinó que els debilita, resultats que són coherents amb la hipòtesi de contacte.

This article examines the problems of intra/interreligious dialogue that occurred after the 2019 presidential election. The focus of this study is to analyse the impact of Islamic populism on the sustainability of dialogue in Indonesia. The trend of Islamic populism is basically narrative and analytic of Indonesian political studies. The political contestation has an impact on the intra/inter-religious dialogue problems or even transcending ethnic and group boundaries. This situation requires intense dialogue among scholars, activists, elites, religious leaders and society members. This research is a library research using descriptive-analysis method. The main theory in this research is agonistic theory. This theory sees the conflict from more positive ways. This article argues that the discourse and the narration of moderate Islam needs to be brought into public sphere. Hence, the peaceful characters of Islam and tolerant Islam become the dominant colors of Islam in the public sphere. Artikel ini mengungkap kembali problematika tentang dialog pasca pemilihan presiden 2019. Fokus dari artikel ini adalah untuk menganalisis pengaruh dari populisme Islam terhadap keberlanjutan dialog di Indonesia. Tren dari populisme Islam pada dasarnya merupakan sebuah narasi dan analisis yang banyak dikaji dalam lingkup studi politik di Indonesia. Peristiwa kontestasi politik yang terjadi di dalam pemilihan presiden 2019 menunjukkan adanya permasalahan terhadap dialog dalam/antar agama dan bahkan melampaui batas-batas etnik maupun kelompok agama. Situasi ini meniscayakan para aktor-aktor dialog dari kalangan akademisi, aktivis, elit politik, pemuka agama, dan masyarakat untuk terlibat dalam kontestasi ini. Penelitian ini merupakan studi kepustakaan (library research) dengan menggunakan metode deskriptif-analisis. Teori utama yang digunakan dalam artikel ini adalah teori agonistik (agonistic theory). Teori ini berfungsi untuk melihat konflik dalam sudut pandang yang positif. Artikel ini menyimpulkan bahwa klaim tentang wacana dan narasi Islam yang moderat harus muncul untuk dikontestasikan dalam ruang publik. Dengan demikian, wajah asli Islam yang damai, toleran dan rahmatan lil-'alamin akan menjadi wajah yang dominan dalam ruang publik.

Ce document suggére que les variations dans les idéologies populistes canadiennes dépéndent largement de l'organisation sociale des agriculteurs. Les éléments importants de cette connexion sont (a)le degré des rapports sociaux parmi les agriculteurs; (b)le degré auquel les agriculteurs sont capables de maintenir leurs positions de producteurs indépendants; et (c)la densité des liens de classe entre agriculteurs et diverses classes. On a tenté de conclure, à travers une étude sur l'organisation agraire et le malaise sociale en Alberta, en Saskatchewan et au Nouveau‐Brunswick que (a) plus le degré des rapports sociaux était élevé, plus le degré de radicalisme (droite ou gauche) était élevé; (b) plus le degré d'indépendance était élevé, plus il y avait de chance que le radicalisme s'oriente à droite; (c) plus la densité des liens entre agriculteurs et travailleurs urbains était élevée, plus il y avait de chance qu'un populisme de gauche emerge; (d) plus la densité des liens entre agriculteurs et groupes urbains exterieurs a la classe travaillante etait elevee, plus il y avait de chance qu'un populisme de droite emerge.In this paper it is suggested that regional variations in Canadian populist ideologies are largely a function of variations in the social organization of farmers. Of particular importance in this connection are (a) the degree of social connectivity among farmers; (6) the degree to which farmers are able to retain their position as independenr commodity producers; and (c) the density of inter‐class ties between farmers and others. It is tentatively concluded through an examination of agrarian organization and unrest in Alberta, Saskatchewan, and New Brunswick that (a) the greater the degree of social connectivity, the greater the degree of radicalism (left or right); (6) the greater the degree of independence, the more likely it is that radicalism will take on a right‐wing colouring; (c) the greater the density of ties between farmers and urban workers, the more likely it is that left‐wing populism will emerge; and (d) the greater the density of ties between farmers and non‐working‐class urban groups, the more likely it is that right‐wing populism will emerge.