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Shipping list no.: 2008-0142-P. ; "November 27, 2007." ; Distributed to some depository libraries in microfiche. ; Caption title. ; Mode of access: Internet.

THE AUTHOR SURVEYS CHINA'S FIRST DECADE OF STRUCTURAL ECONOMIC REFORM AND THE ACCOMPANYING PROGRESS IN INDUSTRIALIZATION AND MODERNIZATION

Civilian-military relations tend to be almost fluid in character in a transition regime. During a transition, the polity is in the process of transforming itself from dictatorship to democracy. The military had a prominent role as a control mechanism in the former political order. The military would tend to be resistive of an alteration of that role towards the direction of its diminution or contraction. Civilian-military relations were based on the principle of civilian supremacy over the military in theory and in fact. In this paper, the author calls that there is a need to re-examine existing civilian-military relations, respond decisively and positively to legitimate military grievances, institute reforms to provide constraints against future military intervention in politics, and rebuild the military in accordance with the mandate of the 1987 constitution.

This book explores the evolution and future relevance of NATO from the perspective of the member-states. Addressing the overarching question of the relevance of transatlantic relations in the 21st century, the volume has three core objectives. The first is to reinforce the view that international alliances serve not only an external-oriented goal, but also a domestic-oriented aim, which is to control others' behaviour. The second is to show that tensions amongst NATO allies have become more acute and, therefore, more dangerous. The third is to discuss current transatlantic relations through the adoption of a 'second image' perspective; that is, one that emphasizes the multiple vertical linkages that connect NATO to the politics and the policies of each ally. The chapters presented here are built on a dual approach: on the one hand, they look at the place the Alliance occupies in the domestic public debate and the strategic culture of specific member states; on the other, they analyze how each of these countries contributes to NATO's operations and what interests and visions they share for the Alliance's future. This book will be of much interest to students of NATO, international organisations, foreign policy and security studies in general.

Global demand has risen significantly this year, with GDP growth projected to have accelerated to 4¾ per cent per annum (on a purchasing power parity basis) from 3½ per cent per annum last year and 2½ per cent in 1998. This will be the fastest rate of global growth seen since 1984. These peaks in the rate of global economic expansion coincide with those for growth in the United States, indicating the extent to which the world economy depends on the health of the American economy. Virtually all economies are likely to enjoy faster growth this year than in 1999, as indicated by Chart 1. Output growth in the OECD is projected to have accelerated from 3 per cent last year to between 4¼-4½ per cent this year. Growth in the non-OECD countries is projected to have accelerated from 3¾ per cent last year to between 5-5¼ per cent this year. The growth of world merchandise trade volumes is estimated to be over 12 per cent this year, more than twice the rate seen in 1998 and 1999.

The first edition of this text was a textbook on internationally recognized economic, social and cultural rights. While focusing on this category of rights, it also analyzed their relationships to other human rights, civil and political in particular. This revised edition updates the information.

This article critically examines the ramifications of the international sanctions regime against Iran on two fronts: the conflict pitting Iran against the West, and the impact of the sanctions on state–society relations. On both accounts, it finds the dominant narrative, according to which sanctions would facilitate conflict resolution while weakening the authoritarian state, to be misleading. Instead, it demonstrates, on the one hand, how sanctions have hardened the opposing fronts and therefore prolonged the conflict between Iran and the West, and on the other, how they have cemented the domestic power structure in the Islamic Republic and weakened Iran's civil society.

The dramatic movements in share prices in the world's stock markets this autumn have provoked unrest among normally enthusiastic advocates of the free‐market economy. Ludwig Lachmann, formerly Professor of Economics and Economic History at the University of the Witwatersrand, Johannesburg, and one of the doyens of the Austrian School of economic analysis, suggests that although the defenders of capitalism must not argue away the drawbacks of speculative markets, they should not neglect the advantages of such activity in a reaction against recent volatility.

This article presents an evaluation on Moscow-Washington relations in the context of a renewed antagonism between the two governments, and the foreign policy visions currently employed by the Russian Federation and the United States (in relation to each other) through their compatibility with the Constructivist Theory of IR. We aim to demonstrate that, although the Realist perspective seems (at first glance) the most appropriate one to approach the current foreign policy of both countries (especially on their bilateral relations), ideational factors belonging to the Constructivist Theory still hold sufficient explanatory force in regard to Moscow´s and Washington´s views about each other. In terms of structure, we initially set out to discuss some of the main contributions of Constructivism to IR Theory and its reinterpretation of key-concepts previously crystallized by Neoliberalism/Neorealism. Secondly, we demonstrate how the Constructivist Theory was applied during the Cold War era to explain important events related to the increasing / cooling of tensions between Moscow and the West until the Yeltsin years. Finally, we elaborate on how some of its premises could still be applied today, helping us to fully grasp the current Moscow´s view about the international system and, more importantly, about its complicated relationship with the United States. In methodological terms, the article draws on an analytical (and meta-theoretical) discussion relating the Theory to important events involving both countries politically, deepening the debate on the constructivist vision in IR, while adopting Alexandr Wendt's perspective to substantiate the current argument.Keywords: Constructivism, (Neo)Realism, Russian Foreign Policy, American Foreign Policy, International Relations