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Political power is the integral part of constituent of development and stability of society, that is why her efficiency are one of main tasks of domestic politics. Success of the state depends in the international political arena, first of all, from experience and professionalism of own political management. Studies of scientists from the marked theme full have not fully covered the of problems, it is today necessary to work out the own effective model of politics, that would connect success and experience of international association, Ukrainian history, traditions and customs. Main reason of the crisis phenomena in Ukrainian society see in absence of clear strategy of development and absence of professional competenses of politicians, in relation to state creation. The purpose of the study is to find out the essence of political power and influence on the effectiveness of state-building, substantiation of directions of increasing the effectiveness of political power in Ukraine on the basis of political intelligence. Keywords: state, politics, development, post-soviet countries, reform, president

The article discusses the main means of verbal persuasion used in political discourse, and their functions in the text. The concept of manipulation is defined from various perspectives and features peculiar to the political discourse of mass media are investigated. The political discourse is characterized by a combination of different tools of speech manipulation which found reflection in political discourse of mass media. And these reflections are given at different levels including phonographic, grammatical, lexical and lexical-pragmatic. The political discourse is characterized by manipulative feature for the purpose of conducting propaganda and ideological conflict which is done with the help of various linguistic units and methods such as alliteration, rhyme, rhythmization, nominalization, converse terms, neologisms, periphrases, deictic units, euphemisms, dysphemisms, sophisticated lexis, barbarisms, elliptic language and inversion. Political discourse of mass media has a huge impact on formulation of public opinion which is done with the help of the above-mentioned tools of speech manipulation. DOI:10.5901/mjss.2015.v6n4s1p325

Intro -- Preface -- Contents -- About the Authors -- Abbreviations -- List of Tables -- 1 Decentralising Policy Responsibility and Political Authority in Germany: Introduction -- 1 Introduction: Why Study Decentralisation in Federal Systems? -- 2 Why Study Decentralisation in Germany? The Story of Competence Reallocation -- 3 Understanding the Impact of Decentralisation on Policy Outputs in Federal Systems -- 4 Possible Impacts of Decentralisation -- 5 Federal Reform in Germany in the 2000s: The Context of Our Study -- 6 Federalism Reform I-2006 -- Federalism Reform I-What Was Changed? -- 7 Federalism Reform II-2009 -- Federalism Reform II-What Was Changed? -- 8 Reform of the Fiscal Equalisation Scheme -- Fiscal Equalisation-What Was Changed? -- 9 Structure of This Book -- 10 Conclusion: Understanding Federal Reform -- References -- 2 Higher Education Policy -- 1 Introduction -- 2 The Changing Nature of Higher Education Policy in Germany Prior to Federal Reform in 2006 -- 3 Legislation on Higher Education: The Gradual Shift -- The Reform Dynamic Within Germany Prior to 2006: Towards a Rebalancing of Competences -- Pre-2006 Changes at the University Level: Fostering Competitiveness Through Autonomy -- The Rise and Fall of Tuition Fees: The Role of Federalism -- 4 Higher Education Governance and the Federal Reform Debate -- Party Political Views on Proposed Changes -- 5 The 2006 Federal Reforms in the Area of Higher Education Governance -- Evaluation and Discussion -- 6 The Impact of the 2006 Federal Reforms to Higher Education Governance -- The New Legislative Landscape -- Explaining Partisan Variation -- Controversies in Developing New Modes of State-University Governance: The Case of North Rhine Westphalia -- The New Financial Landscape of Higher Education -- Human Resources at Universities Following the Federal Reforms.

The recent `religious turn' within Locke scholarship has stressed the need to understand his theological commitments when approaching his political thought. One area of interpretation that has been completely transformed by this heightened sensitivity to the religious roots of Locke's thought is his account of property ownership which, it is claimed, contains a `right to charity' — a subsistence entitlement that trumps established ownership rights. However, this increasingly accepted interpretive claim has been made without significant attention to the way in which charity is deployed throughout Locke's writing. The aim of this article is to try and get to grips with Locke's various usages of the term and determine whether the concept he deploys is a consistent one. After discussion of the uncertain role charity plays in his account of property, we examine how it is defined in the Essay Concerning Human /nderstanding, and then turn to the crucial position it occupies in his theological corpus. Though Locke's understanding of charity seems fraught with ambiguities, the reason for these ambiguities relate to his configuration of charity as a disposition rather than a mere act , a configuration linked inextricably to his account of toleration.

The intersection of economics and design has become a focus of attention for those seeking scalable social responses to global challenges. Design theorists and economists have both described how economic forces set the initial conditions and logic for design as well as determining whose interests are served by design. The political economy of design refers to the ways economic drivers shape the design industry by addressing particular types of problems. Since economic systems influence priorities within the design industry, the political economy of design is of central importance for everyone concerned with both social justice and sustainability.

While positive effects of social interaction on political participation have been widely confirmed, questions have been raised about whether the relationship holds in the online environment. This article uses data from the 2007 Australian Election Study to address this debate by testing whether greater online social interaction predicts increased political engagement, and whether this differs for interactions within homogenous (bonding) versus heterogeneous (bridging) networks. The findings show that bonding, and not bridging, online social contact predicts offline participation, suggesting that online interactions that do not build on existing offline networks are not as effective in mobilizing "real world" participation.

While positive effects of social interaction on political participation have been widely confirmed, questions have been raised about whether the relationship holds in the online environment. This article uses data from the 2007 Australian Election Study to address this debate by testing whether greater online social interaction predicts increased political engagement, and whether this differs for interactions within homogenous (bonding) versus heterogeneous (bridging) networks. The findings show that bonding, and not bridging, online social contact predicts offline participation, suggesting that online interactions that do not build on existing offline networks are not as effective in mobilizing "real world" participation.

We argue that international trade affects party systems but that this impact is conditioned on the types of societal interests trade brings about. When factor mobility is high, trade promotes class-based grievances that are unlikely to affect the structure of the party system. However, when factor mobility is low, trade will increase the diversity of group interests and policy preferences, thereby pressuring structural change in the party system. A consequence is an increase in the effective number of political parties. The empirical analysis supports these expectations. This paper contributes to our understanding of the political impact of economic liberalization on representative democracy.

In the wake of the news industry's digitization, novel organizations that differ considerably from traditional media firms in terms of their functional roles and organizational practices of media work are emerging. One new type is the field repair organization, which is characterized by supporting high-quality media work to compensate for the deficits (such as those which come from cost savings and layoffs) which have become apparent in legacy media today. From a practice-theoretical research perspective and based on semi-structured interviews, virtual field observations, and document analysis, we have conducted a single case study on Science Media Center Germany (SMC), a unique non-profit news start-up launched in 2016 in Cologne, Germany. Our findings show that, in addition to field repair activities, SMC aims to facilitate progress and innovation in the field, which we refer to as field advancement. This helps to uncover emerging needs and anticipates problems before they intensify or even occur, proactively providing products and tools for future journalism. This article contributes to our understanding of novel media organizations with distinct functions in the news industry, allowing for advancements in theory on media work and the organization of journalism in times of digital upheaval.

The book discusses the grievances that have existed in Bahrain for years, which stem from the rule of a minority Sunni ruling family over a majority of Shia. The grievances include political repression, economic discrimination, and human rights violations. These grievances are at the heart of the on-going anti-regime demonstrations in Bahrain.