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We examine the effect of class cleavages on terrorist activity by anarchist and leftist terrorist groups in 99 countries over the 1860–1950 period. We find that higher levels of political exclusion of the poor, our main measure of class conflict, were associated with higher levels of social-revolutionary terrorist activity during this time period. This finding is robust to an instrumental-variable approach and further robustness checks. We argue that class cleavages – in the form of the monopolization of political power by the rich – perpetuated and exacerbated the socio-economic ordeal of the poor, while simultaneously curtailing their means to effect relief in the ordinary political process. Consistent with our expectations, this provoked terrorist violence by groups whose ideological orientation highlighted concerns over class conflict, economic equality and the political participation of the poor. Indeed, our empirical analysis also shows that terrorist groups motivated by other ideologies (e.g. extreme nationalism) did not respond to political exclusion of the poor in the same manner, which further emphasizes the role of ideological inclinations in the terrorist response to class antagonisms.

This thesis explores how Education for Sustainable Development (ESD) as an overarching perspective makes meaningof educational aims and purposes. Sustainable development, as a concept, is by necessity complex, and deals withintegrated dimensions of environmental, social-cultural and economic sustainability. It involves a diverse range ofembedded values and ideologies and calls for engagement in value-related and political issues relating to environment,equality and lifestyle. In my thesis, I have turned to the actors in social practice who are set to realise the educationalperspectives of ESD – the teachers. Accordingly, the analyses departure from secondary and upper secondary schoolteachers' reciprocal meaning-making when discussing the desirable aims of teaching and ESD. Building upon previouseducational research, the thesis has three purposes, and the results are presented in four articles. The results of thestudies bring new empirical knowledge and perspectives to educational research and practice, by adding furtherunderstanding of the political and democratic dimensions of ESD.The first purpose is to investigate and describe the complexity of the concept of sustainable development from a conflictperspective and to analyse meaning-making discussions of sustainability in an educational context. This is elaborated inthe first study (Article I). To achieve this, a Conflict Reflection Tool (CRT) has been developed, by combining theconflicting dynamics of sustainable development with dialogic and univocal functions of speech. In the included casestudy, the CRT analysis of teachers' discussions shows how fact-based, univocal science utterances closed thediscussion for conflicting perspectives to emerge. However, conflicting views did emerge and were re-valued in adialogic genre through the interplay of different dimensions of sustainability and different societal levels of conflicts.The second purpose is to investigate how the desired aims of ESD are (re)articulated in areas of educational tension inorder to make ...

Der Staat ist die Erstübersetzung von Anthony de Jasays Buch The State von 1985. Das Buch ist eine Abhandlung zu Grundfragen der modernen politischen Theorie, für die der Autor eine ungewöhnliche Perspektive wählt: die des Staates. Es ist üblich (auch im Klassischen Liberalismus), den Staat als ein Instrument zu sehen, das den Menschen dazu dienen soll, gemeinsame Ziele zu verfolgen. Das weiß auch der Autor. Was aber, so Jasay, wenn wir einmal annehmen, der Staat hätte einen eigenen Willen und eigene Ziele? Zur Beantwortung dieser Frage erkundet Jasay die systematische und historische Entwicklung, die der Staat von seinen Anfängen bis in die Gegenwart hinein genommen hat; vom bescheidenen Minimalstaat, der Leben und Eigentum sichert, bis hin zum vielbeschäftigten Verführer demokratischer Mehrheiten. Nach Liberalismus neu gefaßt (Choice, Contract, Consent) ist Der Staat das zweite Buch Jasays, das auch in deutscher Sprache vorliegt. »The State« The State is an analysis of some of the fundamental issues of modern political thought from the perspective, not of individuals or subjects, but of the state itself. What, Jasay asks, if we suppose the state to have a will and ends? To answer this question, he traces the logical and historical progression of the state from a modest-sized protector of life and property to an »agile seducer of democratic majorities«. »Der Staat« ist eine Abhandlung zu Grundfragen der modernen politischen Theorie, für die der Autor eine ungewöhnliche Perspektive wählt: die des Staates. Was, so Jasay, wenn wir annehmen, der Staat hätte einen eigenen Willen und eigene Ziele? Zur Beantwortung dieser Frage analysiert der Autor die Entwicklung, die der Staat in seiner Geschichte genommen hat; vom bescheidenen Minimalstaat, der Leben und Eigentum sichert, bis hin zum vielbeschäftigten Verführer demokratischer Mehrheiten. Anthony de Jasay wurde 1925 in Ungarn geboren, wo er seine Kindheit und Jugend verbrachte. Mit 23 Jahren emigrierte er nach Australien, studierte dort Ökonomie, und ging Mitte der 50er Jahre als Research Fellow ans britische Nuffield College in Oxford. Von 1962 bis 1979 lebte Jasay als Investmentbanker in Paris. Danach zog er als Privatgelehrter in die Normandie. »The State« war sein erstes Buch (1985). Es folgten weitere Bücher, u.a. »Social Contract, Free Ride« (1989) und »Justice and Its Surroundings« (2002). Vor kurzem erschien eine mehrbändige Ausgabe seiner kleinen Schriften. Anthony de Jasay was born in Hungary in 1925. In his twenties, he emigrated to Australia where he studied economics. In 1955, he moved to Oxford where he became a research fellow of Nuffield College. In 1962, he moved to Paris and worked there as a banker until 1979. Since then he lives in Normandy. Jasays has published five books, among them »Social Contract, Free Ride« (1989), »Against Politics« (1997), and »Justice and Its Surroundings« (2002). Most recently, a multivolume edition of his essays has been published by Liberty Fund.

"How does political commitment develop when actors are confronted with authoritarian processes? Under a liberal authoritarian regime, even the creation of democratic institutions may mean authoritarian stabilization (contradicting classical transition theories) rather than open an arena for political protest. However, alternative contentious arenas may appear, where resourceful organizations can be partially transformed into a basis for protest with challenging frames of reference. In the Jordanian case, the professional associations (in contravention of corporatism theory) and the Islamist social movement have thus gained oppositional capacity. However, apart from repression, their own economic and social roles, and their integration in the regime frame and limit the kind of political commitment they can lead. Ambivalence arises between challenging and integrated positions and when alternative arenas become so integrated in the regime that they lose their contentious role, radicalization processes appear. Both cases underline the versatility of political arenas and their relational characteristics. These political arenas are also the places where alternative ideologies are produced. At that level, the Islamist movement has a very specific position as a hegemonic ideological producer with no hegemonic power and position. The case thus supports an analytical separation between power position and ideology and confirms the need for less state-centered definition of ideology." (author's abstract)

Das Zentralinstitut für Jugendforschung Leipzig hat ab 1970 Studenten-Intervall-Studien durchgeführt, in denen die Entwicklung der Gesamtpersönlichkeit der Studenten während ihrer Studienzeit und in den ersten Praxisjahren untersucht wurde. 1977 wurden punktuelle Untersuchungen speziell zur Ermittlung des Verhältnisses der Studenten zum Studium durchgeführt. Der Beitrag analysiert die Ergebnisse dieser Studie von 1977 vor dem Hintergrund der Ergebnisse der Intervallstudie. Es werden einige Besonderheiten in der Sektion Mathematik diskutiert. Dabei geht es um ideologische Einstellungen, um das Verhältnis zum Marxismus-Leninismus und zur SED, um die Internationalistische Einstellung, die bei den Mathematikstudenten besonders schlecht ist und um das Verhältnis zwischen Ideologie und gesellschaftlicher Aktivität. Es wird versucht, mögliche Ursachen für die, vom Durchschnitt abweichende negative Einstellung der Mathematikstudenten gegenüber der DDR-Ideologie zu finden. (pka)

In the 1920s, the South Side was looked on as the new Black Metropolis, but by the turn of the decade that vision was already in decline-a victim of the Depression. In this timely book, Christopher Robert Reed explores early Depression-era politics on Chicago's South Side. The economic crisis caused diverse responses from groups in the black community, distinguished by their political ideologies and stated goals. Some favored government intervention, others reform of social services. Some found expression in mass street demonstrations, militant advocacy of expanded civil rights, or revolutionary calls for a complete overhaul of the capitalist economic system. Reed examines the complex interactions among these various groups as they played out within the community as it sought to find common ground to address the economic stresses that threatened to tear the Black Metropolis apart.

This is the first of two volumes examining some "original features" of late medieval Italy compared to the European reality of the time (the second volume of this collection is curated by Federica Cengarle). On this subject, two conferences have been held, whose proceedings have been published. The first conference, held in October 2000, tried to offer an account, in an introductory section, of the long-term environmental frameworks within which the path of Italian society is inscribed: the rural landscape and the framework of urban settlements, without forgetting, in one and in the another case, the legacy of the Roman world. The second conference, on the other hand - held in the autumn of 2002 - aimed to consider aspects of the history of culture and political ideologies, mentality, religious life, but also the history of techniques.

What types of asylum seekers are Europeans willing to accept? We conducted a conjoint experiment asking 18,000 eligible voters in 15 European countries to evaluate 180,000 profiles of asylum seekers that randomly varied on nine attributes. Asylum seekers who have higher employability, have more consistent asylum testimonies and severe vulnerabilities, and are Christian rather than Muslim received the greatest public support. These results suggest that public preferences over asylum seekers are shaped by sociotropic evaluations of their potential economic contributions, humanitarian concerns about the deservingness of their claims, and anti-Muslim bias. These preferences are similar across respondents of different ages, education levels, incomes, and political ideologies, as well as across the surveyed countries. This public consensus on what types of asylum seekers to accept has important implications for theory and policy.

The paper explores the theoretical unity between socialism & peace that motivated the communist-dominated World Peace Council (WPC) in the Cold War. Within the broad WPC spectrum, intrasystemic conflicts were tangibly expressed around the Hungarian events of 1956. With growing differentiation in world communism, especially Sino-Soviet conflict, tensions escalated when Warsaw Treaty states marched into Czechoslovakia in 1968. Instrumentalization of peace councils to serve state & party interests provides a second analytical focus on the link between peace & socialism. As Third World states emerged & national liberation movements consolidated political ideologies, the concept of just war acquired new meaning within anti-imperialist discourse. Examples are the Arab-Israeli wars, unconditional advocacy of armed struggle, & Soviet intervention in Afghanistan. The World Peace Council danced a tightrope during the Cold War between Soviet security interests, systemic ambitions, & underlying communist postulates. Adapted from the source document.

2007/2008 ; The thesis discusses language policy in a specific setting, i.e. the cross-border community. It explores the specific characteristics of this sociolinguistic domain by analysing the empirical data of two case studies carried out in the bordering towns of Nova Gorica (Slovenia) and Gorizia (Italy) in the years 2003 and 2005 by the Institute for Ethnic Studies of Ljubljana (Slovenia) and I.S.I.G.-Istituto di Sociologia Internazionale di Gorizia (Italy). The sample of the case studies was composed by 12-14 years old pupils and their parents from three elementary schools, i.e. one Slovene school from Nova Gorica, and one Italian and one Slovene school from Gorizia (the first one mostly attended by the pupils of the Italian majority, the second one mostly attended by the Slovene minority pupils). The cross-border community of Nova Gorica and Gorizia was chosen for its particular features: Despite being marked with several troubled events in the recent history, especially during the period of Fascism, the two bordering towns are deepening their collaboration already from the 1960s onwards, and the cross-border linkages are being further strengthened particularly from the 1990s, along with the process of joining of Slovenia to the European Union. The focus of the analysis is on language policy regarding the neighbouring languages in relation to the process of collaboration between the two town communities. The thesis contains three main parts. In the first part the author presents the theoretical framework, characterised by a multidisciplinary and interdisciplinary approach, spacing e.g. from language policy studies, social psychology to border studies. Special attention is given to the analysis of language related issues in the three recent socio-historical processes, i.e. the processes of nation state formation, globalisation and European integration. In the second part the chosen cross-border area is first analysed from the socio-historical perspective. It is shown how language occupied a central role in defining the ethnic identities of the ethno-linguistic groups in the area; how despite the processes of European integration the issue of language planning in the area was never addressed; and how the process of globalisation brought to the fore the primacy of English as the world lingua franca in language teaching (and language practices to a certain extent) especially among the young generations. For the present situation a separate analysis of the ethnolinguistic vitality of the two bordering communities is made. Language policy is further analysed with the use of the empirical data from the two case studies and the analysis of newspaper articles of two chosen daily newspapers in a seven-year period regarding language planning issues in the context of cross-border collaboration. The approach of separate analysis of the three components of language policy is applied, i.e. analysis of language practices (i.e. the conventional patterns of language use), language ideologies (i.e. sets of beliefs about appropriate language practices), and language planning (deliberate actions to influence language practices and ideologies). At the end of the second part the hypotheses are verified. The main findings are that the language of the neighbouring community is still preserving a higher communication potential than English, although a considerable generational difference is observed in this sense: children tend to use English instead of neighbouring language in cross-border contacts more frequently than their parents do. Slovene as a neighbouring language for the Italian community in Gorizia is known and used both in their own community and in the cross-border contacts by a very little part of this group, although the attitudes towards Slovene seem to have changed in the recent years, probably due to the changed status of Slovenia after its independence and joining to the EU. The Italians seem to be more inclined to accept Slovene as optional subject in the curricula of their schools and the finding is that in this respect the existent language planning is not congruent with the language ideologies. There are also indications that some Italian parents, who consider linguistic and cultural diversity as a value, tend to consider the possibility of enrolling their children in the schools of the Slovene minority in Gorizia more often. The finding of the author is that, similarly as in the precedent historical periods, today too, the Slovene minority is functioning as an important element of integration, offering in this specific moment, characterized by the EU's efforts to overcome any kind of borders and foster integration, a "natural" multilingual and multicultural context able to promote interculturality in a sense of cooperation, based on mutual recognition, understanding, awareness, and knowledge about the other's culture and language. On the other hand it was found that the local policy makers are constantly avoiding the issue of eventual language planning in the area, oriented to foster reciprocal knowledge of the bordering languages, and it is the author's opinion that this is due to the political factors: language as a strong identity marker is still manipulated to a certain extent, on the Italian side of the cross-border area, for political purposes. The attitudes toward the Slovene minority and its language are then transferred also to Slovene as a language of the neighbouring state. In the third part of the thesis the cross-border area is approached as a specific sociolinguistic domain. It appears that although forming one community of communication, due to high level of mutual connections, it is usually composed of more than one symbolic space where language can function as an indicator of diversity. Symbolic components refer to extra-linguistic contents of the society and the author points to the fact that in this context language is regularly used not as a mere communication tool, but also as a distinctive element of the "otherness", an intentional act of demonstration of symbolic appurtenance. The final chapter also offers some elements that are considered useful for establishing a model of sociolinguistic research and language planning in cross-border areas in the European context. Moreover, these areas are seen as potential privileged settings where to more easily acquire the EU's goals of multilingualism, preserving in this way language diversity as a precious heritage. ; XIX Ciclo

In this book, Alessandro Sebastiani examines how architecture and urbanism can be used to construct national identity. Using Rome as his case study, he explores how the city was transformed to accommodate different political ideologies in the period from 1870 to the end of World War II. After unification, Rome's classical architecture served as a reference point, guiding transformations of the urban fabric that met contemporary needs but also supported the agenda of the newly-formed Italian state. The advent of fascist state in the 1920s ushered in a different order of ideological placemaking. The monuments of ancient Roman were isolated in order to enhance their structural elegance, a scheme that powerfully conveyed political messages in support of Mussolini's regime. Sebastiani's volume offers a new approach to understanding the sophisticated relationships between archeology, urban planning, and politics within the city of Rome. Moreover, it highlights the consequences of suppressing historical evidence from monuments and archaeological sites.

What is Wrong with the First Amendment? argues that the US love affair with the First Amendment has mutated into free speech idolatry. Free speech has been placed on so high a pedestal that it is almost automatically privileged over privacy, fair trials, equality and public health, even protecting depictions of animal cruelty and violent video games sold to children. At the same time, dissent is unduly stifled and religious minorities are burdened. The First Amendment benefits the powerful at the expense of the vulnerable. By contrast, other Western democracies provide more reasonable accommodations between free speech and other values though their protections of dissent, and religious minorities are also inadequate. Professor Steven H. Shiffrin argues that US free speech extremism is not the product of broad cultural factors, but rather political ideologies developed after the 1950s. He shows that conservatives and liberals have arrived at similar conclusions for different political reasons

What is Wrong with the First Amendment? argues that the US love affair with the First Amendment has mutated into free speech idolatry. Free speech has been placed on so high a pedestal that it is almost automatically privileged over privacy, fair trials, equality and public health, even protecting depictions of animal cruelty and violent video games sold to children. At the same time, dissent is unduly stifled and religious minorities are burdened. The First Amendment benefits the powerful at the expense of the vulnerable. By contrast, other Western democracies provide more reasonable accommodations between free speech and other values though their protections of dissent, and religious minorities are also inadequate. Professor Steven H. Shiffrin argues that US free speech extremism is not the product of broad cultural factors, but rather political ideologies developed after the 1950s. He shows that conservatives and liberals have arrived at similar conclusions for different political reasons

The emergence of 24/7 cable news channels within the US revolutionized news consumption, offering viewers accessibility beyond fixed broadcast schedules. While the phenomenon began with CNN, competitors quickly emerged, targeting different political ideologies and mirroring the heightened polarization that has altered American society. Cable news channels must market themselves effectively to their audiences through distinctive product differentiation strategies. Understanding these approaches provides insights into information dissemination, political communication, and audience engagement dynamics. This paper aims to conduct a formal media analysis of current self-promotional advertisements across the big three cable news networks within the US to derive insights into contemporary differentiation strategies crucial for monitoring the industry's technological transition. As the rest of the world has begun to wrestle with increased polarization, this analysis will be relevant to anticipating how non-US news sources use ideology and values to position themselves within highly competitive markets.