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We examine how regional-level political influence affects firm financial performance and survival. Combining representative survey data on mid-sized manufacturing firms in Russia with official registry data, we find that politically influential firms exhibit higher profitability and retain larger financial investments than non-influential firms. At the same time, we find no association between regional political influence and access to bank lending. Most importantly, our empirical analysis suggests that the benefits of influence may be transient. Influential firms experienced significantly lower growth during our 2004–2010 sample period than non-influential firms. Moreover, influential firms had a significantly higher probability of going bankrupt after the 2008 global financial crisis than non-influential firms.

This paper is grounded on the premise that effective educators base lessons on rich and intriguing content which is relevant to students' lives, implement the content using engaging and age-appropriate methodology, and measure students' learning through authentic assessments. In order to support practicing teachers' effective implementation of best practice methodology and assessment, educational researchers investigate the interconnections between content, methodology, and assessment. As technology facilitates teaching methodologies and learning assessments, meaningful activities such as students' original political cartooning should be examined, detailed, and adapted. In this article, the methodological suggestions for, and adaptations of, students' original political cartoons guide educators who seek to enable students' creative and critical expressions of understandings about complex historical content.

The Cultural Revolution left two major legacies to China. First, basic social, economic, and organizational policies were undecided. Second, political power belonged to a shaky coalition of political forces, with widely divergent interests and policy preferences. Since 1969, China has sought to cope with these two legacies. But as Chinese leaders tried to formulate specific policies that could attract general support, conflict within the coalition mounted, resulting in the purge of important central and provincial leaders. The outcome of these two processes—the redefinition of policy and the re-allocation of power—constitutes the Thermidorean reaction to the Cultural Revolution. Policy has drifted rightward, and ultraleftism has been condemned. Many victims of the Cultural Revolution have been restored to office, while many of those associated with Red Guard radicalism and military participation in politics, particularly Ch'en Po-ta and Lin Piao, have been purged. Although most outstanding policy questions have by now been resolved, at least temporarily, the problem of the fragmentation of political power in China remains. Power still belongs to a heterogeneous coalition, which could easily fall apart in the event of an international crisis or the death of Mao.

One indicator of electoral success is the high level of unapologetic participation of the public. High participation guarantees the legitimacy of government and protection of citizens' suffrage. In the 2019 concurrent elections, the low level of political participation in Bandar Lampung, Lampung Province, was low. Participation is important to be researched considering the success of an election can be seen from the level of community participation. Participation is closely related to legitimacy, the higher the level of voter participation in elections, the more legitimate the government it produces. Government supported by the majority of society naturally will be easier to get support for programs and policies to be implemented. The involvement of the public in the selection of his deputy allows for a process of check and balance between the political officials of the election results and their constituents so that the mandate rope between the two is not immediately severed. One indicator of electoral success then is the high level of public participation in voting. Therefore, this research in terms of political participation is an important aspect in the country involving the public in the implementation and implementation of elections. Because the political participation of the community is an important aspect in the order of the State of democracy.

This article critically examines the role new media can play in the political engagement of young people in Australia. Moving away from "deficit" descriptions, which assert low levels of political engagement among young people, it argues two major points. First, that there is a well-established model of contemporary political mobilisation that employs both new media and large data analysis that can and have been effectively applied to young people in electoral and non-electoral contexts. Second, that new media, and particularly social media, are not democratic by nature. Their general use and adoption by young and older people do not necessarily cultivate democratic values. This is primarily due to the type of participation afforded in the emerging "surveillance economy". The article argues that a focus on scale as drivers of influence, the underlying foundation of their affordances based on algorithms, and the centralised editorial control of these platforms make them highly participative, but unequal sites for political socialisation and practice. Thus, recent examples of youth mobilisation, such as seen in recent climate justice movements, should be seen through the lens of cycles of contestation, rather than as technologically determined.

The development of politically independent suburbs began in earnest at the turn of the twentieth century, but their role in the metropolitan governmental complex is still being established. Efforts to consolidate and otherwise integrate fragmented local governments through massive political reorganization in the 1950s and early 1960s were essentially unsuccessful. In the meantime, other less gran diose devices for achieving a measure of metropolitan governmental coordination have flourished: special districts, shifting particular functions from municipalities to other larger scale governments, and inter-local agreements. The evidence is increasingly clear that suburbs persist because they provide life-style opportunities that are important to a large part of the populace but are not otherwise available through urban political institutions. Suburbs are increasingly beset, however, by the same kinds of local governmental problems that have long afflicted central cities, and their political independence does make long-term metropolitan planning and coordination very difficult. Major governmental reorganization of the metropolis does not seem likely, and recent changes in federal and state policies are modifying suburban political autonomy.

Introduction: In the early 1970s, social movements directed Latin American theologyto a creative process of deprivatization of the Christian faith, reconfiguring fromthe community practices of liberation and their holistic implications the theoreticalexercise concerning its political and social commitment. Consequently, the notion ofliberation began to be addressed by the opposite equivalent of dependency withinthe methodological framework of the biblical-theological approach. Objective: Tounderstand the meaning of the opposite correlation between liberation and dependencyfrom their specificities in accordance with the vision of liberation intellectuals,and identify the way in which dependency was appropriate to respond to theresponsive and socio-analytical theoretical framework of these intellectuals, linkingthe reading of reality to the Latin American community practice. Methods: Historicaland systematic research, exploratory, under an analytical-descriptive orientation,organized from conceptual schemes. Results: Based on the finding regarding thetheoretical refraction of dependency through liberation, the concept emerges as thetheological interpretation of an entire theoretical field taken indistinctly, namely theDependency Theory. Conclusion: The opposite correlation between dependency andliberation as a finding that reveals the similarity between the real that is theorized(dependency) and the hypothetical conceptualization of maxims of action (liberation),comprehended within the general theory of anti-imperialism, resulted in aninterdisciplinary theological reflection.

The concept of political congruence is introduced as predictor or explanatory factor of trade union renewal. Strategic change is more likely to succeed when political congruence exists between the values, expectations and intended outcomes of the three sub-sets of leaders, activists and members in a union. Political congruence (P/c) is defined as convergence of shared political values and vision. For P/c to occur a particular chemistry of independent factors needs to coalesce. The authors note, in particular, that there have been exceptional periods of individual union growth, measured in terms of membership, density and effectiveness. These episodes of exceptional growth need to be studied and understood, if one is to make sense of debates on union 'renewal'.

This article presents data from Canada's first comprehensive Election-Day Exit Poll, which surveyed 664 voters as they exited polling booths during the 2005 Vancouver civic election. Researchers asked voters to take two tests to estimate their political knowledge levels. The results reveal that voters' knowledge regarding political actors can be most effectively enhanced by increasing information dissemination and reducing candidates' voter-contact costs, perhaps best accomplished through electoral reform and more directly distributing relevant information to voters. Increasing voters' political system knowledge is more difficult but also less critical as respondents' test scores in this area are already very high. Suggested policy measures might help improve political knowledge, and hence voting participation rates, among non-voters.