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This book reaches deep into the past of the city of Los Angeles and carries through to the dramatic events that have recently received global attention - the Rodney King beating and the uprising in South Central L.A. Tracing the evolution of an extraordinary biracial coalition in Los Angeles behind African-American Mayor Tom Bradley, Raphael Sonenshein shows how "crossover" politics and racial violence coexist in the paradoxical world of urban America. In this first book-length examination of the politics of the second largest (and possibly the most) diverse city in the United States, Sonenshein reveals the surprising durability of the political linkage between Blacks and white liberals, particularly Jews. This coalition also offered a major role to the business community, and expanded to include Latinos and Asian-Americans. The author combines interviews, original voting analyses, and a wide array of archival sources to explore coalition patterns at the elite and mass levels. While challenging the prevailing pessimism about biracial coalitions in general, he also compares their relative successes in Los Angeles to their disheartening failures in New York City. What emerges is a probing look at a crucial issue of politics in the United States: can whites, African-Americans, Latinos, Asian-Americans, and other minorities find common ground?

Great powers have invested in order-building projects with competing vision of political values and ideologies. How the Coronavirus (COVID-19) pandemic shapes the balance of power and order are debated. The pandemic arrived in the midst of Sino-US strategic contestation, a crumbling European project, de-globalisation and contested economic governance architecture. While the pandemic exacerbated Washington abdicating leadership role, Beijing also has alienated itself from the followers of rules based order. It has sharpened the clash of rhetoric, narratives, and perceptions. The pandemic will reorganise the international system and power structures. Situating the Indo-Pacific project in this backdrop, this article critically analyses the debates, discourses and nuanced divergences that are shaping the Indo-Pacific puzzle in the power corridors of Washington, Tokyo and Delhi, in addition to mapping Beijing's approach to Indo-Pacific. The article evaluates the contrast in their respective visions of order, China strategy, ASEAN centrality and multilateral free-trade regimes. But these subtle departures have not restricted major Indo-Pacific powers to weave a strategic web of democracies and pursue a win-win issue-based multi-alignment on matters of mutual strategic interests. With new realities in play, the India-US-Japan triangle will feature as one of the key building blocks of Indo-Pacific to deliver on the shared responsibility of providing global public goods. JEL Codes: F5, K3

Introduction: Maritime Landscapes as an African Approach to Maritime Archaeology -- Contents -- List of Figures -- About the Editor -- Contributors -- Chapter 1: When Did the Swahili Become Maritime? A Reply to Jeffrey Fleisher et al. (2015) -- 1.1 Introduction -- 1.2 Background to the Academic Discourse on Maritime History of the Swahili Coast -- 1.3 Documentary and Archaeological Evidence of Early Maritimity -- 1.4 Conclusion -- References -- Chapter 2: Port of Badagry, a Point of No Return: Investigation of Maritime Slave Trade in Nigeria -- 2.1 Introduction -- 2.2 Background -- 2.3 The Maritime Cultural Landscape -- 2.4 African Middlemen -- 2.4.1 Chief Mobi (Mobee) -- 2.4.2 Chief Seriki Abass Williams -- 2.5 Slave Relics -- 2.6 Built Heritage and Places of Significance -- 2.6.1 The Vlekete Slave Market -- 2.6.2 Slave Barracoons -- 2.6.3 Attenuation Well -- 2.6.4 The Point of No Return -- 2.7 Intangible Materials of Slave Trade in Badagry -- 2.7.1 Songs -- 2.7.2 Drama -- 2.7.3 Freedom Dance -- 2.7.4 Names and Festivals -- 2.7.5 Badagry Festival -- 2.7.6 Contemporary Beliefs and Philosophy of the Badagry People About the Slave Trade -- 2.7.7 Attitude -- 2.8 Conclusion -- References -- Chapter 3: "A Gulf Between the Mountains": Slavers, Whalers, and Fishers in False Bay, Cape Colony -- 3.1 Introduction -- 3.2 False Bay and Simon's Town -- 3.3 Slaves and Seafaring -- 3.4 Whaling and Fishing -- 3.5 Kroomen -- 3.6 Material Culture and Memory -- 3.6.1 Buildings and Exhibits -- 3.6.2 Cemetery -- 3.6.3 Simon's Town Gravestone Data on Kroomen Serving on British Ships in Late 1800s -- 3.6.4 Fishing Culture -- 3.7 Conclusions -- References -- Chapter 4: Technology and Empire: A Comparative Analysis of British and Dutch Maritime Technologies During the Napoleonic Era (1792-1815) -- 4.1 Introduction -- 4.2 Cape Town: Global Politics on a Local Scale

"Offering a comprehensive overview of the security dynamics of an under-analyzed region of the world, Central Asia and South Caucasus, this volume contains contributions from leading experts who examine policies of the major players in the region including Russia, China, India, Iran and Turkey. The volume incorporates thematic chapters which detail economic and security analyses in the post-September 11th era. It will appeal to both the academic and reference audiences and to the broader scholarly market in the disciplines of foreign policy, international security, Eurasian studies, and peace and conflict studies."--Provided by publisher.

On 29 October 2017, it was announced that the UK authorities are planning to revoke the blanket ban on prisoner voting and allow those who are sentenced to under a year in prison to go home for a day and vote. This was done to ensure the compliance with the judgment of the European Court of Human Rights in the case of Hirst No 2 which was delivered in 2005. It took the UK government twelve years to come up with a proposal that would put English law in line with the case law of the European Court of Human Rights.

This article is closed access. ; The continued decline in levels of political engagement among British citizens has led many politicians, commentators and academics from across the political spectrum to advocate a move toward a more direct form of democracy via some kind of localism. The claim is that citizens feel increasingly estranged from the democratic process, and from those organisations on which they have historically relied to represent them within the political system. Consequently, localists argue, there now exists a gap between the people, the institutions which are supposed to work on their behalf, and the decisions made in their name, so the system needs to be reformed in such a way as to give individuals and local communities more of a direct input into the decision-making process. Calls for a more direct form of democracy via localism are popular among members of the progressive left and the 'new Conservative' right, and have become so dominant in political discourse that it is often suggested that 'we are all localists now'. This article raises questions about the localist agenda, and suggests that the adoption of a more direct form of democracy in Britain may not only fail to address the decline in political engagement, but may also result in the exclusion, marginalisation, and oppression of minority groups.

The continued decline in levels of political engagement among British citizens has led many politicians, commentators and academics from across the political spectrum to advocate a move toward a more direct form of democracy via some kind of localism. The claim is that citizens feel increasingly estranged from the democratic process, and from those organisations on which they have historically relied to represent them within the political system. Consequently, localists argue, there now exists a gap between the people, the institutions which are supposed to work on their behalf, and the decisions made in their name, so the system needs to be reformed in such a way as to give individuals and local communities more of a direct input into the decision‐making process. Calls for a more direct form of democracy via localism are popular among members of the progressive left and the 'new Conservative' right, and have become so dominant in political discourse that it is often suggested that 'we are all localists now'. This article raises questions about the localist agenda, and suggests that the adoption of a more direct form of democracy in Britain may not only fail to address the decline in political engagement, but may also result in the exclusion, marginalisation, and oppression of minority groups.

Background. Theoretically-based interventions are necessary for enhancing the power of self-control behaviors in smokers attempting to quit smoking cigarettes. The purpose of this study was to examine the use of guided imagery and relaxation techniques as interventions for smoking cessation. The relationship of imagery and self-control was also examined. Methods. A convenience sample of 84 adult smokers participated in one of three treatment conditions: power imagery (n = 28), relaxation imagery (n =29), and "placebo" control (n = 27). Treatment group members were taught imagery during a six-session smoking cessation program, and the control group was provided imagery training upon study completion. Results. Smoking quit rates were 67% for the power imagery group, 69 % for the relaxation group, and 27% for the control group. At a three-month follow-up, the power imagery group had a continued abstinence rate of 52 % (relapse rate = 48 %), the relaxation group had an abstinence rate of 55% (relapse rate = 45 %), and the control group cessation rate remained at 27% (relapse rate = 73%). One-way and repeated measures MANOVAs demonstrated significant differences among the three groups at posttreatment, F (8, 158) = 13.92, p < .05, and revealed that the practice of imagery treatments over time produced changes in power test scores and smoking rates, F(3, 127) = 24.67, p < .05. Discussion. This study demonstrated that power and relaxation imagery treatments were equally effective in reducing smoking rates. Further investigations into the therapeutic uses of imagery are recommended.