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Over the past two decades, the Internet has revolutionized the spread of information across the world. Much like the printing press of the Renaissance, the Internet has enabled access to a wealth of ideas and facilitated infinitely greater communication for millions of people. As Benedict Anderson has argued, Gutenberg's press and the ideas it helped to spread played a major role in establishing the many national identities of Europe, and eventually today's modern nation-states, out of the ashes of the Roman Catholic–dominated Middle Ages. Twenty-one years since the launch of the World Wide Web, the Internet is already starting to have a similarly dramatic effect. In the West, the Internet has made social activity and research far easier than ever before possible. Elsewhere in the world, the effect is even greater. In China, the Internet is playing a major role in rapid commercialization and industrialization, while social networks are giving citizens an increasingly prominent voice against an authoritarian regime, undermining the constant pressure of strict government censorship and propaganda. In India, rapidly expanding mobile networks are connecting hundreds of millions in remote areas to each other and to government officials, ensuring the effectiveness of the bureaucracy and the endurance of the world's largest democracy.

This article is a response to growing recognition that the role of territory has been neglected in recent explorations of nationalism. To improve understanding of how and why territory has been significant to the development of nationalist thought, this article advances two closely related arguments. The first is that the ideology of nationalism is, itself, a product of attempts to merge two very different views about the value of territory and, consequently, two different practices of territoriality. Secondly, I argue that the main lines of division in explanations of nationalism reflect the differential privileging of one view of the significance of territory, and one practice of territoriality, over the other. To substantiate these assertions, the article begins by identifying the latent powers of space and outlining the process of territoriality that allows human beings to harness these powers. This is followed by a discussion of how nationalism – as part of the shift to modernity – contributed to a major transformation in the general significance of territory and territoriality. Drawing on both pre–modern and modern views, the article demonstrates how different understandings of the significance of territory and territoriality help to define the spectrum of nationalist thought that has emerged from the eighteenth–century work of Herder and Rousseau. Through this geographical lens, the article as a whole reveals the profoundly territorial quality of nationalism and thus confirms the view that neither nationalist ideology nor practice can be understood without reference to the spatial powers which it mobilises and creates.

Presenting case studies from sixteen countries on five continents, The Catholic Church and the Nation-State paints a rich portrait of a complex and paradoxical institution whose political role has varied historically and geographically. In this integrated and synthetic collection of essays, outstanding scholars from the United States and abroad examine religious, diplomatic, and political actionsùboth admirable and regrettableùthat shape our world. Kenneth R. Himes sets the context of the book by brilliantly describing the political influence of the church in the post-Vatican II era. There are

This paper discusses the thoughts of Bactiar Efendy in his work entitled Islam and the State; Transforming Islamic Political Thoughts and Principles in Indonesia, to see the relevance and reflection of his thoughts on the relationship between Islam and the State. This paper is included in the cluster of qualitative research involving library research. This study uses data analysis conducted after a set of library documentation is obtained, then the data is analyzed and analyzed including data reduction, data display, and conclusion making. The research results obtained in this paper that Bahtiar Effendy is a Muslim scholar and professor of political science at UIN Syarif Hidayatullah Jakarta and Chairman of PP Muhammadiyah. The relevance and reflection of his thoughts on political Islam in Indonesia in his work do not consider secularization between Islam and the State as the best solution, instead, the contribution of Bahtiar Effendy's thought to a shifting of paradigm on Islamic politics from what previously led to formalism-legalism is shifting to substantialism, without the need to be forced make an Islamic state but enough to provide the substance of the teachings (ethical/moral), then the Indonesian state deserves to be called a religious nation-state.

Cover -- Table of Contents -- Preface and Acknowledgments -- Acronyms -- 1. Introduction: Global Arrangements and the Australian Polity -- Australia in the international system -- The natural environment as a policy arena -- I. Australia and International Environmental Order -- 2. International Institutions: The Environment and Foreign Policy -- Australian diplomacy in the United Nations system -- The OECD and environmental policy -- Non-governmental conservation networks -- Environmental institutions in Australian foreign policy -- 3. The Politics of Conservation: Wildlife, Ecosystems and Heritage -- The international politics of the wildlife trade -- Migratory species and habitats conservation -- World heritage sites and the Tasmanian dam -- Australia and international conservation policy -- 4. The International Regulation of Pollution -- Australia and the UNCLOS III negotiations -- International marine pollution conventions -- The western industrialized nations and toxic chemicals -- Pollution as an international issue -- 5. Australia, Antarctica and the Southern Ocean -- Sovereignty and policy in Antarctica -- Environmental protection under the Antarctica Treaty -- The conservation of marine living resources -- Antarctic ecosystems and Australian policy -- II. Charting the Policy Process -- 6. Institution-building and Cooperative Federalism -- The Australian states as environmental actors -- Policy process at the Commonwealth level -- The politics and mechanics of federal-state collaboration -- Cooperative federalism and the environment -- 7. Federal-state Diplomacy and International Institutions -- The states, the Commonwealth and international institutions -- The political economy of chemicals regulation -- Towards a National Conservation Strategy -- Institution-building at the international level.

Introduction: Decolonization and the Pan-African nation -- The world of Kwame Nkrumah : Pan-Africanism, empire, and the Gold Coast in global perspective -- From the Gold Coast to Ghana : modernization and the politics of Pan-African nation-building -- A new type of citizen : youth and the making of Pan-African citizenship -- "Work and happiness for all" : productivity and the political economy of Pan-African revolution -- Working for the revolution : gender, secrecy, and security in the Pan-African state -- Negotiating Nkrumahism : belonging, uncertainty, and the Pan-African one-party state -- Conclusion: "Forward ever, backward never

This article examines indigenous contributions to nation-state formation in Argentina during the first and second presidencies of Juan Perón (1946-55). Perón recognized indigenous people as Argentine citizens and attempted to reorganize the state institutions responsible for their welfare, but he did not institute special policies to improve their dismal living conditions. Moreover, state agents continued to use violence against indigenous communities, sometimes with terrifying results. Nonetheless, many indigenous leaders, known as caciques, embraced both the rhetoric of Peronism and the principles of populism. Their political engagement had mixed results, but its symbolic impact was profound. Peronist caciques made national politics relevant to indigenous communities, expanded their horizons of possibility, and helped to integrate them into the Argentine nation-state. Focusing on such understudied intermediaries helps explain populism's enduring, paradoxical appeal in the Argentine interior.

Mit Beispielen aus verschiedenen arabischen Ländern, vor allem Ägypten, Syrien und Irak, wird aufgezeigt, wie zum einen die Wahl bestimmter historischer Motive auf Briefmarken und Geldnoten und zum zweiten die Einführung von staatlichen Feiertagen im Dienste der Festigung des Nationalbewußtseins stehen. (DÜI-Hns)

Chastises critics of France's economic model as having it wrong & suggests that if the US is moving in that direction then France's experience with nationalization deserves closer scrutiny. A historical overview of the French experience with nationalization since the end of WWII is provided, noting its politicization by the 1980s. A shift toward privatization on the part of the French Left is noted, asserting that its impetus is born of specific political choices. Attention is given to the performance of nationalized companies, state rescue of struggling companies via nationalization, the success of Renault & Air France, & examples of mismanagement & government use of public companies for political purposes. It is contended that French nationalization has worked well, with broader benefits than merely profits, & the US ought to consider seriously the possibility of a larger state role in the economy. Adapted from the source document.