For America in the fall of 1979 the strategic center of the world is the Persian Gulf, and I shall discuss the effect of Middle Eastern developments on the security of that area. Certainly, nothing that has occurred within the past few months is reassuring. Iran is ruled by a regime—one can hardly call it a government—that practices an indigenous form of fascism with a medieval Islamic overlay. Its basic outlook is xenophobic; it opposes Western concepts of progress and, therefore, the West itself—and particularly the United States.
The historical roots of peace education as a school reform movement can be traced to the progressive era in the United States. This essay offers a content analysis of the first comprehensive peace education curriculum, published in 1914 by the American School Peace League, under the direction of Fannie Fern Andrews. Examining the curriculum raises fundamental questions about the teacher's role in social change; it also reveals ideological tensions within the peace movement of the World War I period. Adapted from the source document.
This is an Accepted Manuscript of an article published by Taylor & Francis in Globalizations on 4 January 2019, available online: https://www.tandfonline.com/doi/full/10.1080/14747731.2018.1557586 . ; This article considers how an increasingly visible set of mobilities has implications for how peace and conflict are imagined and responded to. We are particularly interested in how these mobilities take form in everyday actions and shape new forms of peace and challenge existing ones. The article considers fixed categories associated with orthodox peace such as the international, borders and the state that are predicated on territorialism, centralized governance, and static citizenship. The article can be read as a critique of liberal peacebuilding and a contribution to current debates on migration, space and the everyday. Through conceptual scoping we develop the notion of mobile peace to characterize the fluid ways in which is being constructed through the mobilitiy of people and ideas.
Introduction: Peace Education and the Humanities -- Philosophy in the Pursuit of Peace -- "You Can't Really Change the Heart Without Telling a Story " : Poetry as Peacebuilding -- Promoting Peace in Cultural and Language Studies -- Rhetoric and Peace Studies -- The Study of Religion in Comprehensive Education for Peace: On Learning to Make Room for Difference -- The Past's Presents for a Just and Peaceful Future -- "A Choir Is a Beautiful Thing" : Peacebuilding and Reconciliation through the Cultivation of Beauty.
The current Philippine government shows political will to end fights with the Philippine leftist movement and to pursue lasting peace for the first time in decades.
The article suggests the use of social representations theory to provide a positive approach to peace research and a theoretical framework for understanding peace movements. Studying peace, war and conflict in this perspective enables exploration of these concepts as objects socially constructed, elaborated and shared by different groups. Four groups of activists are compared with people not belonging to any association, in order to investigate the existence of particular social representations of peace, war and conflict. As in previous cross-cultural research, an independent social representation of peace emerges only among activists. The social representation of war is also different in the two groups: non-activists see it as frightening, whereas activists see ways of tackling it. The greatest difference between the two groups is in the social representation of conflict. Conflict is assimilated to war for non-activists, whereas activists represent it as more manageable and normal. The results support the idea of understanding peace activism as a particular form of coping – community coping – based on the group as a whole, rather than on individual capacity to manage problems. At a theoretical level, the article discusses the importance of linking social representations to practice and group identification. At a practical level, it suggests that support for pacifism will be only transient and superficial until these underlying differences in representations can be changed.
