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Against the background of a new Labor Day weekend job report that found zero job net growth for the month of August, Republican candidates held another debate, this time under the auspices of MSNBC, not Fox. It took place in the Reagan library, in Simi Valley, California, with the 1980s Air Force One plane used by Reagan looming behind them as a powerful yet incongruent décor. Texas Governor Rick Perry, who entered the race three weeks ago and has already managed to reshape it, made it a contest between himself and Mitt Romney. Jon Huntsman is now a distant third in the polls, and the rest have been consigned to the back bench. Perry has consolidated support across a large swath of the Republican base, including Tea Partiers and the Evangelical right and already has amassed a war chest of campaign funds from contributors from Texas and across the country. Interestingly enough, Karl Rove, the self appointed kingmaker of the GOP and former GW Bush closest advisor, has come out against Perry, calling some of his views "toxic".As the first fundamental tests of the Republican primary approach, the campaign clearly entered a new stage last Wednesday during a debate that was mainly a duel between two protagonists, while the rest, acting as a Greek chorus reinforcing or challenging their responses, were given very little time by hosts Brian Williams (NBC) and John Harris (Politico). The primary field as first constituted was lackluster and therefore demanded new candidates. Perry seems to have satisfied that demand for the time being. Nevertheless, after the debate there was still some discontent among establishment Republicans, so the race is still fluid and new candidates may jump in before the first deadline in October.Governor Perry, as the front-runner in the latest polls, was not surprisingly the target of most of the others throughout the night. He has executive experience, a commanding demeanor, and a record to run on. Although not completely articulate, and lacking Romney's polished eloquence, he is tough and quick in his retorts, and his rhetoric resounded with the audience, drawing the strongest applause every time. His claim that he has created more jobs in Texas than Obama has managed to create nationally may be a winner with voters, but Texas' record on almost every other issue is unflattering and thus, main ammunition for his opponents. He was reminded, for example, that of all fifty states, Texas is last on education, to which he responded that Texas' problems stem from its long border with Mexico. That probably did not go well with the Hispanic voters watching on Univisión and Telemundo, but Perry doesn't seem to care, since he is riding the wave of anti-Latino feelings around the country. Confronted with the claim that Texas has the largest number of people without health insurance than all other 49 states , he did not give a direct answer but chose instead to mumble something about how "all Texans want is to get the federal government out of their lives". Both Michelle Bachman and Rick Santorum questioned Perry's social conservatism given his policy as governor, for example, to inoculate adolescent girls against HPV, which they portrayed as a government intrusion into the family realm and a license to practice pre-marital sex. And Ron Paul, a congressman from Texas, was a constant goad on the Governor's side, reminding the public that Perry used to be a Democrat and wholeheartedly supported Al Gore on his presidential bid in 1988. Perry defended himself well as he dismissed all the charges against him with one-liners and a disdainful smile. A shrewd politician and experience campaigner, he took the initiative at every turn and was able to steer the conversation to his own record of job creation as governor of Texas, contrasting it mockingly with Romney's as governor of Massachusetts. But Romney appeared unfazed as he joked that Perry could not take credit for everything that has gone well in the State of Texas, including its wealth of oil and gas, its zero state income tax and the (related) fact that main corporations made their headquarters there long before Perry was governor. Massachusetts is a much smaller state and has none of those advantages, he added. There were several quick exchanges like this: both candidates were well prepared to respond with facts and statistics, and the perception was that they both did well, with Perry defending himself aggressively at times and Romney maintaining his smooth and relaxed demeanor, even as he waited for the opportunity to deliver a blow to his new challenger.Host Brian Williams soon gave him that opportunity by asking Perry a question about Social Security, the government pension fund that experts say, will become insolvent in the year 2036 if it is not reformed. Perry's answer, which confirmed similar statements in his recently published book, made all the headlines the next day. He called it a "Ponzi scheme' (implying a criminal enterprise) and added that it was a "monstrous lie" to tell young people under thirty that they would get their Social Security when their time comes for them to retire: they won't. This statement has been reported by the Romney campaign as Perry's Waterloo: no candidate will win an election by making this kind of claim against the "third rail" of politics, a cherished and untouchable public trust; to do so is pure political suicide. Similar claims had prompted Karl Rove's comment about Perry's toxicity and spurred doubts about his electability. Ironically, it is the rhetoric and not the substance that separates the two candidates on this issue: as presidents, both would likely propose some privatization of Social Security, perhaps in the form of personal retirement accounts that can be managed by the workers themselves and would allow them to invest in the stock market. Another of Brian William's questions brought an unexpected burst of applause by the all- Republican audience even before Perry had had a chance to answer it. Williams asked how he could sleep at night knowing his state had applied the death penalty to 234 convicts, the highest rate in the nation, and some of whom were perhaps innocent. Perry said the crimes they had perpetrated deserved it, and that yes, he slept fine at night knowing that the appeals process was thorough and fair. Of course, people are entitled to their views on the death penalty, and quotes from the Bible have been used to justify it. But it is sad and even incongruous to see a purportedly well educated middle class audience of a purportedly Christian nation cheer the notion. Patti Davis, President Reagan's daughter, later said to an interviewer it was almost" blasphemous" to celebrate the death penalty at the Reagan library, given the fact that her father had approached the issue with a heavy heart and burden to his conscience, albeit accepting it as a necessary evil. Mitt Romney appeared poised, fluent on the economy and self confident. It may help him knowing that he has 250 billion dollars in his own personal account, and that he has outpaced all other candidates so far in fundraising. He seems to be the choice of the business elite and of urban and suburban Republicans (60% of his donors come from big cities and their surroundings). On the other hand, Perry's supporters say that through his ten years as governor of Texas, Perry has laid the groundwork to raise all the money he might need for a national election. He has a donor network that can "bundle" millions. Texas places no limits on how much donors can give to political campaigns, even as federal law limits donations to the derisory amount of $2,500 per person. Still, some critics say Perry would need to capture a broader donor base to compete in a national election. Michelle Bachman's adventure into the Republican primary may be coming to an end as her star fades and Tea Partiers and Evangelicals transfer their support to Rick Perry. Her campaign is in disarray over fundraising and strategy. Ed Rollins, a veteran GOP operative who managed Reagan's 1984 campaign, resigned as her advisor after Bachman could not be persuaded to focus on campaigning in Iowa only (where the first primary caucus will take place and where she won a straw poll a few weeks ago), instead of trying to run a national campaign. She hasn't been able to raise enough money outside Iowa and that limits her campaign's choices. Perry has taken her thunder. It doesn't help that the Congress woman keeps repeating her Manichean views on every single issue, insisting for example again during this debate, that it was wrong for the US to intervene in Libya because there was no national interest involved in the region, a position that nobody in the GOP establishment shares, especially now that Qaddafi is all but defeated.On Thursday, after two changes in schedule were forced on the White House (one due to the GOP debate on Wednesday, the other due to the opening of the NFL season shown at prime time on Thursday night), President Obama delivered his much awaited jobs creation speech. He unveiled a $ 447 billion plan, a mixture of tax cuts and new spending programs. It includes extending cuts in payroll taxes to individuals and employers, new infrastructure spending, a new mortgage refinancing program, retraining for the unemployed and tax credits to businesses that employ those who have been out of a job for over six moths. He also talked about a private-public infrastructure bank and emphasized that all this new spending would be coupled with more cuts in the deficit later. This was an attempt at a new marketing of the President's measures to stimulate the economy: he was more specific, more conciliatory and avoided using the word "stimulus" that has gotten so much bad press since most people think the initial package did not help the economy one bit.The President spoke with new confidence and conviction; he sounded re-energized and optimistic, and evoked in the public memories of "Obama the candidate". The next morning he was on the road to sell his plan to voters first in Virginia, speaking to 9,000 people gathered at the University of Richmond. Virginia, Ohio and North Carolina are the three states the President strategically chose to visit. Obama won all three in the 2008 election but they each voted Republicans to their legislatures in last year's mid-term elections. The Republican response in Congress was cautiously positive. Indeed, even as Obama's numbers in the polls continue to drop (44% approval rate of his person, with 59% disapproving of his handling of the economy, is the latest), approval of Congress is at an all time low of 13%. A change is tone has registered as Republicans realize that their do-nothing strategy has gone too far and it is time to stop playing the political game and address economic recovery in earnest. It is indeed refreshing, after the acerbic debt ceiling fights, to hear House majority leader Eric Cantor say it's time to build consensus and work together. Their brinkmanship has infuriated their constituents and put at risk all the gains made in last year's mid-term elections.It remains to be seen whether the electorate's disgust with excessive conflict and confrontation within the DC belt also extends to the presidential primary. Will voters choose the bold and aggressive governor from Texas who better reflects their anger with his provocative language (he wants to cut the "head off the snake" (meaning the federal government's interference with states policies), or the cooler, more cerebral, more conciliatory (indeed, in some ways, more Obama-like) candidate from Massachusetts that wants moderation and speaks to the middle class? In this head-to-head contest between Perry and Romney, one can assume people will ultimately choose the one they see can solve their problems, end the paralysis and get the country moving again. But the country's social fabric is torn by unemployment, anger and frustration with government and hopelessness about the future. As the more aggressive candidate, Perry may well be the one that embodies the spirit of the times.In his first national appearance, the Texan did not make any major mistakes. He has dislodged Romney from top in national polls, but not in New Hampshire, where Romney still leads by a wide margin. From now on, the calendar will drive the candidates' strategies. If Perry wins Iowa and Romney New Hampshire, it will definitely become a two person race going forward into South Carolina, where Baptists most likely will choose a Texan Evangelist over a New Englander Mormon. That might interrupt Romney's momentum. Then comes Florida, where there is a big number of Tea Partiers and an even larger number of retirees. The vote of these two groups will be decisive. Perry could lose the retirees on his Social Security attacks, which were mainly addressed to young voters who don't vote in primaries. But there is plenty of time to adjust his views and rectify his blunders so as to become more electable.Cocky, dark and handsome, a cross between Johnny Cash and John Wayne, Perry has a formidable presence that makes a good impression on voters. Blunt and direct in his speech, with a distinct Southern accent, his peculiar kind of charisma compensates for his lack of polish. He is tough and rugged, doesn't back down, and appeared solid in his philosophy of "detax, deregulate and delitigate". He is clearly the candidate that can win the Mid-West and the Deep South. The question is whether he will withstand the deeper scrutiny of a presidential race he entered late, and whether he can refine his arguments and still be reassuring. Romney still appears as the more electable candidate in a national election and the one that can more easily confront Obama. But he has two main weak points: his religion (he is a Mormon, a religion that has a bad name among other Christian denominations) and the Massachusetts health care law he signed when he was governor, that his rivals claim is a replica of what they disdainfully call "Obamacare", which all candidates, including Romney, have avowed to repeal as soon as they get to the White House. Will the race become a two-man contest from this point on? Americans should not hold their breath; there is still talk about new candidates entering the race: Sarah Palin and Rudy Giuliani seem to be waiting on the sidelines, ready to jump into the race at any time if prompted to do so by the polls or by the GOP establishment. The current survivors may still be challenged by others with more staying power and reality show experience.Senior Lecturer, Department of Political Science and Geography Director, ODU Model United Nations Program Old Dominion University, Norfolk, Virginia

The National Disarmament, Demobilization and Reintegration Program (NDDRP) in the Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC) was implemented over a period of seven years (2004- 2011) with the World Bank's support and funding. The NDDRP had three objectives: 1) disarmament of all combatants willing to be granted a status of demobilized person; 2) demobilization of all ex-combatants who met the conditions for a return to civilian life through a downsizing process of armed forces or groups; and 3) reintegrate the demobilized in the social and economic practices of the community of their choice with opportunities and conditions similar to those of other members of the community. To achieve these objectives, the DRC government initially established a National Commission of Demobilization and Reinsertion (CONADER, 2003), then established the NDDRP (2004), and finally created a new NDDRP Implementation Unit (IU-NDDRP, 2007). NDDRP was divided into three distinct phases, each capitalizing on the gains as well as the mistakes of the past. Economic reintegration of demobilized ex-combatants represented four out of five demobilized as recorded by the program. At the program's conclusion, the implementing partners decided to support the creation, legalization, and strengthening of demobilized persons' economic associations. This model of economic and social reintegration developed by the NDDRP can serve as a model framework for future rehabilitation and reintegration processes in DRC as well as in other countries. Finally, as the results were not as high as expected in regard to the number of women as well as wounded and disabled veterans demobilized, the NDDRP can be lauded for successfully reaching and reintegrating a highly significant number of Children Associated to Armed Forces and Groups (CAAFG) through special projects executed by different implementing partners.

A senior Democratic lawmaker recently said that its easier to back Israeli government policy, in many instances at the expense of the Palestinians, because pro-Israel lobbyists have a relatively more influential presence on Capitol Hill. "The Palestinians have very legitimate claims" and have been "subject to brutal injustice," Rep. Jim Himes (D-Conn.), ranking member of the House Intelligence Committee, said in a meeting with constituents on October 23. But he added, pro-Israel groups — including J Street and the American Israel Public Affairs Committee (AIPAC) — make many members of Congress reflexively pro-Israel simply because it is "the path of least resistance." While polling shows that most Americans consider themselves pro-Israel, their support is not entirely unconditional when it comes to how the Israelis are waging the war against Hamas in Gaza.A recent survey of likely American voters found that 61% support the call for a ceasefire in the Gaza Strip, where weeks of intense bombing by the Israel Defense Forces have caused widespread devastation. Despite this widespread support, only 14% of the U.S. House of Representatives have come out publicly in favor of a ceasefire.But pro-Israel groups make significant campaign contributions, visit members of Congress frequently, and pressure them to back the activities of the Israeli government, critics who spoke with RS say. Rep. Himes held an online meeting to discuss the Israel-Palestine conflict with constituents on October 23, led by the Connecticut chapter of the Council on American-Islamic Relations. According to a recording of the event obtained by Responsible Statecraft, when asked about his tendency to reflexively begin his statements with support for Israel, Himes responded with several answers, one of which addressed the near-constant presence of pro-Israel lobbyists:"[I]n this office, I get 6-8 visits a year by AIPAC, which is a fairly right-wing pro-Israeli group, and J Street, which is a left-leaning pro-Israeli group. I have never had a visit — never once, I've been doing this for 15 years — by a pro-Palestinian group. And again, I'm not criticizing anybody, I'm just sort of explaining the facts as they appear. And I think, therefore, the path of least resistance for an awful lot of members of Congress is to be reflexive the way you were concerned about. And the reason I would love to talk more about that is because, you know, the Palestinians have very legitimate claims, and in times and places have been subject to brutal injustice, and yet there is nobody telling their story."Himes pointed to the influence of AIPAC to help explain the lopsided support for Israel in congress: "AIPAC has been doing this for 60 years. They come in and they sit in the office, and they say, you know, 'Here's three things that we would really like you to consider doing, are you going to do it?' And I'm not saying AIPAC is good or bad, I'm just saying that I know what is effective in educating members of Congress, and honestly it breaks my heart that there isn't a Palestinian group that comes in and says, 'Look, let us tell you what our aspirations are, let us tell you some stories, let us tell you what the settlers are doing outside of, you know, Ramallah.'""I'd be curious to know what he means by 'path of least resistance,'" Foundation for Middle East Peace President Lara Friedman told Responsible Statecraft. "Does he mean, 'this is the path that gets me rewarded in terms of campaign support,' or, on the other hand, 'how I avoid other possible negative consequences like someone giving massive support to my primary opponent?'"Rep. Himes has not traditionally received much financial support from pro-Israel groups. However, last year saw the most campaign spending by pro-Israel donors of any congressional cycle in the last 30 years. Amid this wave of money, the largest contributor to Himes' campaign committee in 2022 was AIPAC. The group has recently clashed publicly with several critics in Congress, ranging from Rep. Mark Pocan (D-Wisc.) to Rep. Thomas Massie (R-Ky.). Next year, AIPAC-affiliated groups are expected to spend upwards of $100 million on primary elections in an effort to oust Democratic lawmakers they view are insufficiently supportive of Israel or too vocal about Palestinian rights. The influence of this campaign spending is well-known among congressional insiders. "Any member of Congress knows that AIPAC is associated indirectly with significant amounts of campaign spending if you're with them, and significant amounts against you if you're not with them," former Rep. Brian Baird (D-Wash.) told The New Yorker in 2014. "When key votes are cast, the question on the House floor, troublingly, is often not 'What is the right thing to do for the United States of America?' but 'How is AIPAC going to score this'"?In his congressional votes and public statements, Rep. Himes has charted a course in between his party's biggest supporters and biggest critics of Israel. He explained during the Oct. 23 meeting his reasons for not supporting the calls for a lasting ceasefire. "Unless somebody can convince me that there is an alternative mechanism for bringing these terrorists that perpetrated this grave, grave crime against Israel… to justice, I will not do that," Himes said in reference to Hamas's attacks on October 7. Yet the congressman also opposed the move to censure Rep. Rashida Tlaib (D-Mich.) for her advocacy on the issue."My theme has been two-fold," said Himes, "which is that we will support Israel in the face of this disgusting attack, and number two, that we need to make sure that the Israeli response is moderated, that they abide by the laws of armed conflict, that they come off of their rhetoric of leveling Gaza, of a siege, and that everything be done with an eye towards what is right from a humanitarian standpoint."The eight-term congressman attended Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu's speech to a joint session of Congress in 2015 where he bashed President Obama's diplomacy with Iran and received a standing ovation. But Rep. Himes had harsh words for the controversial leader during the Oct. 23 constituent meeting."This problem will not go away until there is a two-state solution," he said. "Very sadly, the current Israeli prime minister has been doing pretty much everything he can to make that an impossibility. And, of course, that's a part of the reason why the rage and anger rose to the levels that it did" prior to Hamas's Oct. 7 attacks. More than two months after the attacks, members of Congress are increasingly voicing concern about Israel's bombardment of Gaza and President Biden called Israel's bombing campaign "indiscriminate," positions that appear to have become more acceptable weeks after the call in which Himes referred to pro-Israel positions as the "path of least resistance."Friedman credits that shift, at least partially, to growing engagement by voters concerned about the civilian death toll in Gaza."Constituent engagement matters, especially since the Gaza war started," said Friedman. "Members are now talking about ceasefire and other things we didn't hear in the first few weeks. Members are starting to show a bit more empathy and concern for what is happening in Gaza."Rep. Himes' office did not respond to requests for comment.

Last week I was honored to be moderator for a discussion with Greg Lukianoff and Rikki Schlott on their new book "Canceling the American Mind" at the Commonwealth Club of San Francisco.  Link here, if the embed above doesn't work Here are my questions. I shared them with Greg and Rickki ahead of time, so the actual questions are a bit shorter. But this may give you some interesting background, and I think they're good questions to ponder in general. 1) The book is full of great stories. Perhaps you can help everyone get a sense of the book with one or two of the most informative cancellation stories. 2) I notice a progression in your work. "Coddling" has moved to "canceling" and is moving to "censorship."  People think of  "canceling" as a social phenomenon, twitter pile-ons. But, as you show in the book, it has now moved on to organized institutional censorship, in universities, scientific societies and publications,  medicine and medical schools, journalism, media and tech, publishing, psychotherapy, law schools, and corporations, which not only punish transgressors but enforce ideological conformity. I'd like you to choose a few stories, explain some of these mechanisms,— for example "DEI" bureaucracies, speech surveillance, curriculum mandates, and so on. 3) There is an important distinction between free speech and academic freedom. It is one thing to censor and fire people for political tweets, but entirely another that whole lines of research are censored — covid, sex and biology, race and policing are examples. And the spread of censorship to the formerly hard sciences seems more damaging than just how much of a lost cause the humanities are. Yet academic freedom in research and teaching is not absolute. If you're hired to research and teach cosmology, the university is right to say you can't do lots of creationism, and the right to invest in what it thinks are promising fields.  I don't like "where do you draw the line" discussions, but I would like your thoughts on academic freedom. It also strikes me that we find your stories so compelling simply because the things people are censored for seem so reasonable, and their censorship so ridiculous. Yet the ideologues think we're ridiculous. It's not clear that academic freedom is the central issue, rather than just how ridiculous and politicized most universities have become in their teaching and research priorities. Perhaps free speech and academic freedom are  necessary but not sufficient to fix universities.4) A softball: Free speech is all well and good but surely "hate speech and disinformation must be regulated." —usually stated in that maddening subject-free passive voice, leaving who and how unsaid.5) Censorship now infects the government. Since you wrote the book, the twitter files and the savage Missouri V. Biden injunction have come out, detailing how the government got tech companies to silence its political critics. A notable example includes the Great Barrington declaration signatories who turned out to be right about masks, vaccine mandates, lockdowns, and school closures.  I fear that social media and AI regulation are really all about censoring political speech, which now includes scientific discourse. Are you?6) You also wrote the book before the Hamas terrorist attack in Israel. Campuses and much of Europe exploded with pro-Hamas protests. University leaders, used to denouncing every small injustice in the world, issued muddles. Long-time donors are rebelling. Well, they say, don't you believe in freedom of speech and academic freedom? If we want to go on a campus rampage with "kill the jews" signs, that's freedom of speech. If we want to run an exercise in class where we make Jewish students stand apart, that's academic freedom.   Follow up: In my view, the main lesson is not the hilarious hypocrisy, or a pointless "where do you draw the line" on free speech.  The real question is why universities have chosen to admit, hire, and promote so many people who, given free speech, choose to use it on murderous anti-semitism? How do you process these events?7) Your book valiantly tries to balance "left" and "right." I want to push us to a more nuanced view, which may help to defuse partisan sentiments. It's not really "left" and "right," as most people on each side still support free speech.  [Greg pushed back hard on that, which was very interesting.] Rather there is a small, but influential minority of each that is the enemy of free speech. And let's get past whose "fault" it is.a) Let's start with the left. I think of the free speech enemies as the totalitarian progressives, sometimes called "woke," but I try to avoid that charged term. Who do you see the as enemies of free speech on the left, what do they want, and what dangers they pose? b) Now on the right. I was surprised to learn how much cancellation is coming from the right.  Who are they? In your book, I count some ham handed anti-woke politicians, some traditional book-banning social conservatives, a smattering of "national conservatives," "common good conservatives" and a vortex of Trump supporters rallying around his peccadillos. But I shouldn't put words in your mouth. Who are they and what do they want?c) You try to be even handed, but I want to push you on that. The anti-speech forces on the left have won the long march through the institutions. You describe a string of selection mechanisms starting in grade school to enforce left-wing ideological conformity. They're on the advance. On the right you describe have ham-handed "anti-woke" legislators, and what you call a "fringe theory from the Opus Dei wing of the conservative movement." The the left has Harvard, Yale, Princeton, and Stanford.  You cite right-wing cancellations at Collin College, University of Rhode Island, Montana State and University of Kentucky. Is not the present danger to freedom really mostly from the small minority of left-wing activists, and the crowd of bien-pensants who go along with them?8) I have to admit I'm a bit disappointed about your "cures."  Maybe depressed is the right word — if you two don't have magic bullets, we're in real trouble. You outline a radical restructuring of universities, which is great, but not who is going to take over universities to do it. You emphasize nice rules for a better rhetoric: free speech, logic and evidence, ignore what someone said about another topic, no ad-hominem attacks, and so on. But the opponents of free speech ignore traditional enlightenment rhetoric for a reason. The far left says that logic and evidence are colonialist white supremacist racist thinking; we don't have to listen to evil people. And faced with their latest ideological word salad, it's hard to see what there is to discuss on a factual basis anyway. The far right says, we are faced with a Maoist / Bolshevik cultural revolution, aimed at seizing power. There's no free speech in a war. Voluntarily abiding by better rhetoric doesn't seem likely. Neither side likes your "free speech culture." 9) Let's close with another softball. As you note, free speech is a rare and recent idea. Censorship for political or religious reasons has been the norm in human societies.  In your words, why is freedom of speech and thought so crucial? 

Federal prosecutors unveiled charges against Sen. Bob Menendez (D–N.J.) on Friday that read like a combination of James Bond and The Sopranos. The indictment accuses Menendez of accepting bribes for a variety of favors, from helping local businessmen stay out of jail to green-lighting arms deals with the Egyptian military. Prosecutors allege that Menendez's wife Nadine Arslanian was paid, in the classic Sopranos style, through a no-show job at an Egyptian meat company. The FBI found hundreds of thousands of dollars in cash and gold at Arslanian's suburban home.The senator and his co-defendants pleaded not guilty during a Wednesday court hearing. He claimed at a Monday press conference that the indictment was a "limited set of facts framed by the prosecution to be as salacious as possible." While Menendez has stepped down from his post as head of the Senate Foreign Relations Committee, he vowed on Monday to stay in the Senate "on behalf of the 9 million people who call New Jersey home." However, a growing chorus of Democrats — including both national and New Jersey officials — has demanded that Menendez step down from his seat in light of the charges.The combination of local wheeling-and-dealing with international intrigue is nothing new in New Jersey politics. While the state is often known for its weird ambient smells, Mafia families, and party beaches, New Jersey also hosts some of New York City's wealthiest suburbs. Many well-organized diasporas have roots there, and many powerful foreigners park their money there. The career of a New Jersey politician is often intertwined with foreign policy.FBI agents raided Arslanian's home in Englewood Cliffs, 15 minutes away from the exclusive country club where Nikki Haley spoke to pro-Israel donors last week. The nearby town of Englewood had previously been the center of an international incident in 2009, when Libyan ruler Muammar Qadhafi was preparing to address the United Nations. The Libyan foreign ministry owns a mansion in Englewood for its UN ambassador, and sudden construction led to rumors Qadhafi was staying there.Qadhafi's next-door neighbor would have been Rabbi Shmuley Boteach, a prominent pro-Israel activist with ties to settlers in the Palestinian territories. The rabbi waged a high-profile campaign to ward off Qadhafi, using his column in the Jerusalem Post to complain about the construction workers' treatment of his trees. Shmuley threatened to sue the Libyan foreign ministry so that "Libyan money will go toward peaceful projects like planting trees rather than blowing up planes," and offered to host Qadhafi himself if Libya recognized Israel.The Libyan delegation ended up renting property in suburban New York from Donald Trump, who took the money and kicked them out. Qadhafi was so enraged by his treatment that he scattered unsecured nuclear materials across a Libyan airfield. Then-Secretary of State Hillary Clinton, who lives close to the Trump property, had to talk Qadhafi down. All politics is local politics, as they say.Menendez started his political career within the Cuban community of Hudson County, the region of New Jersey just across from midtown Manhattan. The large Cuban diaspora there, traumatized by Fidel Castro's revolution, turned to militant anticommunist politics. The Weehawken Duelling Grounds, where Aaron Burr shot Alexander Hamilton in 1804, now features a statue of Cuban national poet José Martí and a monument to Assault Brigade 2506, a force sent by the CIA to overthrow Castro during the Bay of Pigs incident in 1961.

The monument to the fallen from the CIA's Assault Brigade 2506, which fought against Fidel Castro's government at the Bay of Pigs. Photo: Matthew PettiDuring the Monday press conference, Menendez implied that he was also one of the many fleeing Communism. He called himself the "son of Cuban refugees," and said that the cash found by the FBI was "from my personal savings account, which I have kept for emergencies, and because of the history of my family facing confiscation in Cuba." But Menendez was born in New Jersey years before Castro's revolution, to a family of working-class immigrants who had left Cuba under the previous, capitalist dictatorship. Menendez's Senate office did not respond to a question about what confiscation his family faced.Menendez was surrounded by the politics of the anticommunist emigres nonetheless. In the 1970s, when Menendez was on the Union City school board, several rival Cuban-American guerrilla groups held rallies and ran extortion rackets. Union City brothers Guillermo and Ignacio Novo were convicted of killing Chilean leftist politician Orlando Letelier with a car bomb in Washington; their convictions were overturned on appeal. Menendez himself helped raise money for the legal defense fund of Eduardo Arocena, a Union City guerrilla leader convicted of murdering a Cuban diplomat in New York and organizing other bomb attacks, in the 1980s.Since branching out into statewide politics, Menendez cultivated ties with other diaspora groups. He's member of the Friends of the Irish National Caucus and the Armenian Caucus, and has touted Arslanian's Lebanese-Armenian roots. The senator is sure to show up at Hindu holiday festivals, and once condemned Time Magazine for making fun of Hindu believers in New Jersey. Rabbi Shmuley, himself a Republican, praised Menendez for being a non-Jewish friend of Israel. A local Greek diaspora newspaper simply described Menendez as "our guy."

Aerial photo of Englewood Cliffs just across the river from New York City. Photo: Matthew PettiThese diaspora ties have sometimes landed Menendez in legal trouble. The senator was indicted in 2015 for a scheme that involved Dominican-American doctor Salomon Melgen's attempts to score a contract in the Dominican Republic. (Menendez escaped jail time after a mistrial was declared in 2018, and successfully pressured the Trump administration to grant Melgen clemency.) Friday's indictment similarly involved immigrant businesspeople in Menendez's social circles.Two of the alleged bribe-givers were Lebanese-American real estate developer Fred Daibes and Egyptian-American meat merchant Wael Hana, whom Arslanian was friends with in the past. Like many things in New Jersey politics, the alleged favors to his associates mixed the local and the global. Menendez allegedly tried to protect Daibes and another local businessman, José Uribe, from fraud charges. He also allegedly tried to help Hana maintain his monopoly on halal meat exports to Egypt — a monopoly that caught the attention of Egyptian media in 2019.The most explosive accusations involve Menendez's contacts with Egyptian military and intelligence officers that he met through Hana. Menendez allegedly passed on sensitive data about U.S. Embassy staff and ghost-wrote a letter on behalf of an Egyptian general asking for military aid. Prosecutors also claimed that the Egyptians bribed Menendez to make sure American arms sales to Egypt went through smoothly.Menendez allegedly asked Arslanian to tell Hana that he had approved the sale of 10,000 tank ammunition rounds and 46,000 target practice rounds to Egypt, for use against the Sinai insurgency. Arslanian forwarded the senator's text message to Hana, who forwarded it to an Egyptian army officer, who responded only with a 👍 emoji, according to the indictment.The indictment also includes a photo of Menendez and Arslanian at the house of an unnamed "senior Egyptian intelligence official," whom researcher Amy Hawthorne identified as Egyptian intelligence chief Abbas Kamel. Menendez, on his return from Egypt, allegedly googled "how much is one kilo of gold worth." Hana also allegedly helped pay off the mortgage on Arslanian's Englewood Cliffs home. He returned to the United States and was arrested at John F. Kennedy Airport in New York City on Tuesday.On Friday, news reporters showed up in Englewood Cliffs, looking for the Mercedes-Benz convertible that Menendez had allegedly bought with Uribe's bribe money. One reporter seemed surprised to see that Arslanian's house — the place where so much cash and gold were hidden — was an average-sized suburban bungalow. But looks are deceiving. Englewood Cliffs is an expensive area, and Arslanian's house is worth about $1.1 million.New Jersey, in a nutshell: global power hidden in plain sight.A version of this article first appeared on the author's Substack page, "Matthew's Notebook."

On September 14, a Houthi delegation and a team of Omani diplomats flew to Riyadh for talks on resolving the Yemeni conflict(s), constituting the highest-level Houthi-Saudi official negotiations on Saudi soil since Yemen's civil war began nine years ago. On September 20, Saudi officials said the visit produced "positive results." The talks followed a five-month hiatus in peace negotiations since after the last round of Omani-facilitated Houthi-Saudi negotiations that took place in Sana'a in April. The most recent talks appeared to offer more hope for a sustained truce between the Houthis and the kingdom, which would be necessary for bringing lasting peace to Yemen. But concerns persist that a final peace accord between those two parties to what has been a devastating conflict may lead to renewed warfare between the Houthis and other Yemeni factions.New Saudi LanguageIn Riyadh, the Houthi delegation met with Saudi Defense Minister Prince Khalid bin Salman, who referred to the visiting Houthi representatives as the "Sana'a delegation," rather than "the Houthis" or "Ansar Allah," the official name of the Houthi militia. Such terminology appeared to signal Riyadh's recognition that the Houthis are indeed running a government, underscoring Saudi Arabia's growing willingness to find a modus vivendi with the powerful force that has effectively consolidated power in northern Yemen. "The shift in language to 'Sana'a delegation' is significant," according to Elisabeth Kendall, who teaches Arab studies at the University of Cambridge. "The Houthis and Ansar Allah have long been vilified in the Saudi media, so removing references to them appears designed to de-stigmatize the talks and avoid any notion of a Saudi climb-down," she told RS."The significance of new naming stems from re-positioning and pre-understandings: the desire to improve [the] diplomatic atmosphere, flip the page of full tensions at any cost, confer symbolic recognition, and gradually shift public perceptions," agreed Ibrahim Jalal, a non-resident scholar at the Washington-based Middle East Institute. (Editor's note: MEI counts the Saudi government among its major donors.)Obstacles to a Houthi-Saudi PactDespite recent progress, the Houthis and Saudis have yet to finally reach a permanent truce, and more work will be required. At least four delicate issues remain unresolved. First is the issue of salary payments for public sector employees in the Houthi-controlled north, where approximately 80% of Yemen's population lives. The Houthis demand payments of salaries of public sector workers in areas under their control. But their adversaries worry that the money will fund Ansar Allah's war machine. Nonetheless, there is some vagueness to this Houthi demand because sometimes Ansar Allah frames their demand as if the Houthis want all the back payment while on other occasions making it seem as though they are only demanding salary payments moving forward.The second issue deals with the distribution of Yemen's national oil and gas revenues. "The Houthis will get what they've been demanding for a long time — their share. Or they won't allow the export of oil and gas to proceed in peace," Nabeel Khoury, the former deputy chief of mission at the U.S. Embassy in Yemen who is currently a non-resident Fellow at the Arab Center Washington DC, told RS.The third concern has to do with Houthi demands that the Saudis permit the unrestricted- reopening of Sana'a international airport, as well as other airports in Yemen, and the country's seaports. While these airports and ports have already opened up significantly over the past year, the Houthis demand that they fully reopen. Additionally, Ansar Allah demands flights to and from Sana'a airport from more countries than currently permitted.The final issue regards the Houthis' access to funds in Yemen's Aden-based Central Bank. The talks thus far have addressed how the Central Bank can be reunited, either in Yemen or possibly in another country such as Oman or Jordan. "The idea is again a Houthi demand that money going into the central bank should be available to them as well. The logistics of this will be an important consideration," according to Khoury.Largely thanks to Oman's much-lauded mediation skills, momentum behind the negotiations appears to have accelerated. However, these talks will probably move slowly, with progress coming incrementally given the long-standing distrust that exists between the Houthis and the Saudis. Although trust-building between the two sides can't happen overnight, it is significant that the Houthis sent a senior delegation to Riyadh.Moreover, a September 25 Houthi drone attack along the Yemeni-Saudi border, which resulted in the death of at least three Bahraini soldiers, may set the talks back. According to Jalal, this attack was part of a Houthi effort to "exercise pressure to secure more Saudi concessions…and flip the page at any cost." It will be important to see if and when the Houthis carry out more such attacks and how Saudi Arabia and the United Arab Emirates (UAE) might respond.Yemen's Bigger Picture There is more to the Yemeni civil war than the Houthi-Saudi conflict. There are many other conflicts in the country that will require hard work to resolve. If a Houthi-Saudi pact is in fact achieved, it will not guarantee peace between Ansar Allah and other armed groups in Yemen. Many communities in Yemen fear that the Houthis could turn their formidable military power on them after they sign a potential truce with Riyadh."This issue is that the Houthis will have reached a deal with the Saudis, not with their domestic enemies and rivals," according to Kendall. "If the Houthis no longer face any military threat from Saudi, they may feel empowered to push their advantage domestically to gain further territory, more resources and greater political power." "Currently, there is no shared domestic vision for the future shape of Yemen, neither between the Houthis and the internationally recognized government, nor even between the nominally allied members of that government. With the domestic parties themselves so heavily factionalized, the risk of civil war or a frozen conflict remains high," she added.Jalal echoed those concerns. "While efforts to end the conflict are welcome, all non-Houthi Yemeni groups and political parties have legitimate concerns, as they should, given the very domestic root causes of the conflict and multiplicity of stakes and interests. "Ongoing Saudi-Houthi talks are one layer but have yet to address the complexity of what matters most to Yemenis, who shall the seek to improve the quality, content and design of any peace agreement because in the past [they] paid the price of fragile peace," he noted.The weak and fragile Presidential Leadership Council, which is Yemen's internationally recognized government, has not participated in the Houthi-Saudi talks. Nor has the UAE. As Khoury told RS, there are signs that Abu Dhabi is "quite miffed" by its exclusion. What this means is that a potential Houthi-Saudi Arabia truce could result in Ansar Allah consolidating its hold on the north, while a regime led by the UAE-backed Southern Transitional Council (STC) that governs Aden and other parts of southern Yemen declares its independence. The STC has been clear that it will not accept a Houthi-Saudi pact imposed on all of Yemen without its agreement.Ultimately, the latest talks held in Riyadh with the Houthi delegation will ideally pave the way for inclusive Yemeni-Yemeni talks to establish a roadmap toward broader peace across all of Yemen. But the fear is that Yemen's civil war will reignite once Saudi Arabia exits. Time will tell whether a Houthi-Saudi pact would push Ansar Allah toward making concessions to other Yemeni groups or wage war against them.

Sickle cell disease (SCD) is a common blood disease caused by a single nucleotide substitution (c.20T>A, p.Glu6Val) in the beta globin gene on chromosome 11. The prevalence of the disease is high throughout large areas in sub-Saharan Africa, the Mediterranean basin, the Middle East, and India due to the level of protection that the sickle cell trait, provides against severe malaria. Approximately 300,000 infants are born per year with sickle cell anemia, which is defined as homozygosity for the sickle hemoglobin (HbS). The majority (nearly 75%) of these births occur in sub-Saharan Africa, particularly in two countries: Nigeria, and the Democratic Republic of the Congo where there are poorly resourced healthcare systems. Early diagnosis, penicillin prophylaxis, blood transfusions, hydroxyurea, and hematopoietic stem-cell transplantation can dramatically improve survival and quality of life for patients with SCD. However, our understanding of the role of genetic and clinical factors in explaining the complex phenotypic diversity of this disease is still limited. Early prediction of the severity, and patients' responses to specific therapeutics of SCD could lead to more precise treatment and management. Beyond well-known modifiers of disease severity, such as fetal hemoglobin (HbF) levels and αthalassemia, other genetic variants might influence specific sub-phenotypes. New treatments and management strategies accounting for these genetic and nongenetic factors could substantially and rapidly improve the quality of life and reduce health care costs for patients with SCD. Patients with SCD are subjected to long term administration of drugs and there is a limited data on pharmacogenomics of SCD therapeutics. Vaso-occlusive crisis (VOC) are the main clinical events of SCD and are associated with recurrent and long-term use of antalgics/opioids and HU. This project aimed to investigate the clinical and genetic predictors of painful vaso-occlusive crisis (VOC) among SCD Cameroon patients by exploring pharmacokinetic determinants of treatment responses as well as post-transcriptional signatures triggered by hydroxyurea treatment, particularly, miRNA expression. SCD patients were recruited from Yaounde Central Hospital and Laquintinie Hospital in Douala (Wonkam et al., 2018, Mnika et al., 2019 (b)), and recent migrants SCD patients from the DRC, recruited at the Haematology Clinic, Groote Schuur Hospital in Cape Town, South Africa (Mnika et al., 2019 (a) and Mnika et al., 2019 (b)). Sociodemographic and clinical data were collected by means of a structured questionnaire. Patients' medical records were reviewed to extract their clinical features over the past 3 years. Specifically, the occurrences of VOC, hematological parameters, hospital outpatient visits, hospitalisation, overt strokes, blood transfusions, and administration of hydroxyurea were recorded. Height, weight, body mass index (BMI), systolic and diastolic blood pressures (SBP and DBP) were measured. Detailed descriptions of patients and sampling methods used in the Cameroonian patients have been reported previously (Wonkam et al., 2018 Mnika et al., 2019 (a) and Mnika et al., 2019 (b)). For the purpose of comparing frequencies of variants, ethnically matched Cameroonian controls were randomly recruited from apparently healthy blood donors in Yaounde for participation in the study. All blood samples were collected for genomic characterisation and analysis. DNA was extracted from peripheral blood, following instructions on the available commercial kit [QIAamp DNA Blood Maxi Kit ® (Qiagen, United States)]. Genotyping (TaqMan and MassArray) was performed for 40 variants in 17 pain-related genes, three fetal haemoglobin (HbF)-promoting loci, two kidney dysfunction-related genes, and HBA1/HBA2 genes for 436 patients. A subset of these samples was also genotyped to analyse 32 core and 267 extended pharmacogenes using commercially available PharmacoScan® platform for characterisation of pharmacokinetic determinant of response. We also compared the pharmacogenes variants from these African groups, to data extracted from the 1000 genomes Project. Moreover, association studies were carried out on pharmacogenes variants with SCD clinical variability. Additionally, protein-protein interaction (PPI) network and enriched biological processes and pathways were investigated. For association studies, statistical models using regression frameworks to analyse 40 variants were performed in R®. For miRNA expression, total RNA was isolated using the miRNeasy kit according to protocol of the Manufacturer (QIAGEN, Hilden, Germany); and sequenced by the Genomic and RNA Profiling Core at Baylor College of Medicine, United States, using the NanoString Platform (NanoString Technologies, Inc., Seattle, WA, United States), according to manufacturer's instructions. Genes with statistically significant changes in expression were analysed using the significance analyses of microarrays (SAM) tools. Female sex, body mass index, Hb/HbF, blood transfusions, leucocytosis and consultation or hospitalisation rates significantly correlated with VOC. Three painrelated gene variants correlated with VOC (CACNA2D3-rs6777055, P = 0·025; DRD2- rs4274224, P = 0·037; KCNS1-rs734784, P= 0·01). Five pain-related gene variants correlated with hospitalization/consultation rates (COMT-rs6269, P = 0·027; FAAHrs4141964, P = 0·003; OPRM1- rs1799971, P = 0·031; ADRB2-rs1042713; P < 0·001; UGT2B7-rs7438135, P = 0·037). The 3·7 kb HBA1/HBA2 deletion correlated with increased VOC (P = 0·002). HbF-promoting loci variants correlated with decreased hospitalisation (BCL11A-rs4671393, P = 0·026; HBS1L-MYB-rs28384513, P = 0·01). APOL1 G1/G2 correlated with increased hospitalisation (P = 0·048). A commercial genotyping array platform (PharmacoScan®) with 4627 markers located in 1191 genes was used to investigate 299 pharmacogenes (32 ADME core and 267 extended pharmacogenes). Based on the PharmacoScan analyses, no statistically significant differences in allele frequencies were detected between SCD cases and controls from Cameroon. A principal component analysis (PCA) revealed that Cameroonians' data clustered with other Africans, but this population is significantly distinct from American, European and Asian populations data. Variant allele frequencies in 21/32 core pharmacogenes were significantly different between the two SCD groups (Cameroon vs. Congo). No correlation between clinical variability and variants in the core genes was detected for both populations under study. An association study of the core and extended PharmacoScan variants to VOC identified statistically significant associations between two single nucleotide polymorphisms (SNPs) to VOC after correction of multiple testing. These two SNPs mapped to 50 genes, with two SNPs located in core pharmacogenes (SLCO4A1- rs118042746, p=1.21e-07; UGT1A10, UGT1A8- rs10176426, p=1.22e-07). Functional enrichment analyses revealed that these 50 genes are involved in three biological processes and four pathways relevant to SCD pathophysiology, including xenobiotic glucuronidation (GO:0052697, p = 2.3e-03), and drug metabolism - other enzymes (p = 2.1e-02). Further analyses of the 50 genes, identified key genes in human proteinprotein networks: NTSR1, LRMDA, SMAD SMAD4 and CDH2. These four genes also interacted with three core pharmacogenes associated with VOC: UGT1A8, UGT1A10 and SLCO4A1. We found 22/798 miRNAs to be differentially expressed under HU treatment, with the majority (13/22) being functionally associated with HbF-regulatory genes, including BCL11A (miR-148b-3p, miR-32-5p, miR-340-5p, miR-29c-3p), MYB (miR-105-5p), KLF-3 (miR-106b-5), and SP1 (miR-29b-3p, miR-625-5p, miR-324-5p, miR-125a-5p, miR-99b-5p, miR-374b-5p, miR-145-5p). The present thesis started by highlighting the scarcity of studies investigating variable responses to pain in SCD patients and then proceeded to addressing this research gap. To our knowledge this is the first body of from Africa to provide evidence supporting the possible development of a genetic risk model for pain in SCD. This is also the first body of work to report an association between these two SNPs and VOC in core and extended pharmacogenes. Our data reveals that the commercial pharmacogenes arrays investigated might need additional evidence for appropriateness among Africans. Therefore, it advocates the need to invest in research exploring population-specific arrays, drug design, targeting, and efficacy, for improved clinical management of patients of African descent. Previous studies have investigated various mechanisms to understand the genomic variations affecting responses to HU, but full understanding of the variable HU-mediated HbF production among individuals affected by SCD remains elusive. The present study showed that mechanisms of HbF production in response to HU, could particularly be mediated through miRNA regulation. The data reveals some alternative perspectives and routes towards identifying new therapeutic targets and approaches for SCD. However, this study needs to be replicated in larger samples in multiple African populations.

The Sustainable Forest Management (SFM) was first introduced in all commercial forest reserves in Sabah in 1997. This policy gives hope to the state government to manage the forests in a sustainable manner following the forest development phase of revenue oriented timber exploitation, which has contributed to the decline in forest resources; the increase in forest degradation and the decrease in state income earned from the forestry sector. Under the SFM concept, the forest of the state was divided into Forest Management Units (FMUs) managed by FMU holders under different institutional arrangements of state, state enterprise and private sector. This study was conducted to investigate the corporate-stakeholder interrelation under the SFM concept implemented by the FMU holder in Sabah, Malaysia. The research was based on the 'Triple Typology Perspective of Stakeholder Theory', which encapsulates three different perspectives of 'conceptual', 'corporate' and 'stakeholder' centric. The 'conceptual' perspective explores the overall SFM concept and its relation to the FMU holder – stakeholder interaction. The 'corporate' view investigates how the FMU holders as the corporate part of the SFM concept deals with their stakeholders; and the 'stakeholder' perspective analyses the relation between stakeholders, the FMU holders and SFM implementation. Stakeholder analysis was used to gather information with the application of methods incorporating literature reviews, expert interviews, focus groups, meetings and discussion, questionnaire surveys and Q methodology. Four FMUs were selected as study areas, which managed by the state, state enterprise and private sector. The respondents were encompassed personal of Sabah Forestry Department (SFD), FMU managers and FMU workers, various governmental and non-governmental agencies, and local communities of eight villages located within and in the fringe of FMU areas involved in the study. Under the 'conceptual centric', different groups of stakeholders were identified based on SFM documentation, which also provide the normative basis for the SFM concept. The contemporary implementation of SFM was assessed based on stakeholders' perspective, which indicated that the overall SFM contribution entailed mainly on satisfaction of environment objectives, followed by economic and, to a lesser degree, social objectives. Different categories of stakeholders were identified based on their perceptions of various issues under SFM implementation. These include the level of cooperation or conflict; degree of stakeholder participation; views of specific individuals and a thorough comparison of individual subjectivity. There is, however, an agreement to the statements on the influential factors towards effective SFM implementation, which include the administration and leadership of SFD, and good collaboration between SFD and the FMU holders. Other consensuses were related to the roles of participation in promoting learning about synergy and the importance of various forest uses, and that it should be able to influence the decision-making during the consultation process. The implementation of SFM was agreed in influencing towards investment in the forestry sector and the development of the rural area in the state. The 'corporate centric' indicates the different approaches of stakeholder management under the different arrangements of FMU holders. The SFM operations with a high level of stakeholder involvement were identified as community forestry programme followed by forest conservation, forest protection, development and preparation of plans, administration, human resource development, and research and development. The important stakeholders, according to their degree of involvement in SFM operations were the internal stakeholders of FMU workers, followed by external stakeholders of the staff of SFD, contractors, local communities, local authorities, consultants, businessmen/traders and researchers/scientists. Other stakeholders were various state government agencies, manufacturers, shareholders, NGOs (local), international agencies, NGOs (international), donors, federal government agencies and other FMU holders. The 'stakeholder centric' identifies the various stakeholders interests and claims associated with SFM implementation that depend on stakeholder affiliation. The main groups in this study were multi-interest stakeholder groups (n=104) and the local community groups of the selected villages (n=332). The interests and claims of the multi-interest stakeholder group were related to SFM objectives such as good management of the forest, protection and conservation of environment and biodiversity, and protection of water catchment areas. The local community groups, on the other hand, were mainly concerned with the importance of the forest as a source for foods, land for agriculture and other livelihood purposes. There are various approaches for stakeholder relation management (SRM) that are employed by the FMU holders and stakeholders. These may consist of management quality system, CSR program, the community forest development project; inter agency meetings and dialogue; and collaboration and cooperation with other agencies and institutions. SRM can assist in balancing conflicts that arise, promoting cooperation, and advancing the knowledge and understanding on the SFM concept among the stakeholders. The SRM approaches under the SFM implementation can augment participation by the stakeholders, which in turn will promote effective and efficient implementation of SFM. The mutual relation of the SFM concept and SRM is advancing stakeholder participation in promoting effective implementation of SFM at the FMU level. The inter-relation of the 'triple perspective typology of stakeholder theory' was integrated as new contexts to achieve objectives for sustainability under SFM policy, with the business case of corporate sustainability, and the wider scope of the ecosystem approach and the sustainable development. ; Das Konzept Sustainable Forest Management (SFM) wurde erstmals in allen kommerziellen Waldreservaten in Sabah, Malaysia, im Jahr 1997 eingeführt. Mit dieser Politik verbindet die Landesregierung die Hoffnung, dass die Wälder nun in einer nachhaltigen Art und Weise bewirtschaftet werden können, nachdem die fast ausschließlich auf Einnahmen orientierte Holznutzung zum Rückgang der Waldbestände, zur Zunahme der Waldzerstörung und damit letztendlich auch zum Rückgang der Staatseinnahmen aus der Forstwirtschaft beigetragen hat. Zur Umsetzung des SFM-Konzepts wurde der Staatswald in Forest Management Units (FMU) unterteilt, die von FMU Haltern aus verschiedenen Staatsinstitutionen, Staatsunternehmen und der Privatwirtschaft verwaltet werden. Die vorliegende Arbeit untersucht das Verhältnis zwischen Unternehmen als FMU-Bewirtschaftern und Stakeholdern im Konzept nachhaltiger Waldbewirtschaftung, das von FMUs in Sabah, Malaysia implementiert wurde. Die Arbeit basiert auf der "Triple-Typology Perspective of Stakeholder Theory", welche drei verschiedene Perspektiven beinhaltet, die konzeptionell, unternehmensbezogen oder Stakeholder-zentriert sind. Dabei untersucht die konzeptionelle Perspektive SFM-Konzepte und die daraus resultierenden Beziehungen zwischen FMU-Bewirtschafter und ihren jeweiligen Stakeholdern. Die unternehmenszentrierte Sicht legt den Schwerpunkt darauf, wie FMU-Bewirtschafter als Teil des SFM-Konzeptes mit Stakeholdern interagieren. Die Stakeholder-Perspektive analysiert das Verhältnis zwischen Stakeholdern, FMU-Bewirtschafter und der SFM-Implementierung. Die Daten wurden mit Hilfe der Stakeholder-Theorie unter Anwendung quantitativer und qualitativer Methoden wie Literaturrecherche, Experteninterviews, Fokusgruppen, informellen Treffen und Diskussionsrunden, schriftlichen Befragungen und der Q-Methodologie erhoben. Als Untersuchungseinheiten wurden vier FMUs ausgewählt, die durch den Staat, den staatlichen Forstbetrieb und den privatem Sektor bewirtschaftet werden. Die Befragungsteilnehmer setzten sich aus Personal der Forstverwaltung Sabah (Sabah Forestry Department, SFD), den FMU-Bewirtschaftern und –Mitarbeitern, verschiedenen Regierungs- und Nicht-Regierungsorganisationen und lokalen Gemeinschaften in acht Dörfern innerhalb sowie im Randgebiet der FMUs zusammen. In Bezug auf die konzeptionelle Perspektive wurden, basierend auf der SFM-Dokumentation, verschiedene Stakeholder-Gruppen identifiziert, die die normative Basis für das SFM-Konzept liefern. Dessen Implementation wurde aus Sicht der Stakeholder analysiert. Es zeigte sich, dass der gesamte Beitrag zum SFM vornehmlich umweltbezogene Zielsetzungen erfüllt, gefolgt von ökonomischen und, zu einem noch geringeren Grad, sozialen Zielen. Mehrere Kategorien von Stakeholdern wurden auf Grundlage ihrer Wahrnehmung verschiedener Aspekte im Zuge der SFM-Implementation identifiziert. Diese umfassen die Kooperations- oder Konfliktebene, den Grad der Stakeholder-Beteiligung sowie individuelle Betrachtungen. Es gibt eine Übereinstimmung zu Äußerungen, welche Einflussfaktoren hinsichtlich effektiver SFM-Implementierung entscheidend sind. Dabei wurden vor allem das Management und die Führung der, der SFD sowie gute Zusammenarbeit zwischen dem SFD und den FMU-Bewirtschaftern genannt. Weitere Übereinstimmung besteht darin, die Weiterbildung über die Bedeutung unterschiedlicher Waldnutzungen und deren Ausbalancierung zu stärken, um die Entscheidungsfindung im Konsultationsprozess beeinflussen zu können. Auch herrschte Einigkeit darin, durch Investition in den Forstsektor und Entwicklung ländlicher Regionen die Implementation von SFM zu stärken. Der unternehmensbezogene Fokus konzentriert sich auf die verschiedenen Ansätze des Stakeholder-Managements unter unterschiedlichen Charakteristika der FMU-Bewirtschafter. SFM-Maßnahmen mit einem hohen Grad an Stakeholder-Beteiligung sind Gemeinschaftsforstprogramme (community forestry programmes), gefolgt von Waldnaturschutz, Waldschutz, Entwicklung und Vorbereitung von Plänen, Verwaltung, die Entwicklung von Humanressourcen sowie Forschung und Entwicklung. Die wichtigsten Stakeholder, bezogen auf ihren Beteiligungsgrad in SFM-Maßnahmen, waren intern die Mitarbeiter der FMUs und extern die Mitarbeiter der SFD, Vertragsnehmer, lokale Gemeinschaftsgruppen und Verwaltungen, Berater, Geschäftsleute/Händler und Forscher/Wissenschaftler. Weitere Stakeholder waren verschiedene Regierungsorganisationen, Produzenten, Aktionäre, internationale Behörden, lokale und internationale NGOs, Behörden der föderalen Regierung und andere FMU-Bewirtschafter. Die Stakeholder Perspektive identifiziert verschiedene Interessen und Forderungen der Stakeholder, die sich auf die SFM-Implementation beziehen und von der Stakeholder-Zugehörigkeit abhängen. Die Hauptgruppen in dieser Studie waren sogenannte Mehrinteressen-Stakeholder-Gruppen (n=104) und lokale Gemeinschaftsgruppen (n=332). Die Interessen und Forderungen der Mehrinteressen-Stakeholder-Gruppen waren bezogen auf SFM-Ziele wie gute Waldbewirtschaftung, Schutz und Erhaltung der Umwelt und Biodiversität sowie Schutz von Wassereinzugsgebieten. Andererseits stand der Wald als Quelle für Nahrung, landwirtschaftliche Flächen und andere Aspekte des Lebensunterhaltes im Mittelpunkt des Interesses lokaler Gemeinschaftsgruppen. Es gibt zahlreiche Ansätze für das Management von Stakeholder-Beziehungen (Stakeholder Relation Management, SRM), welches durch FMU-Bewirtschafter und Stakeholder genutzt wird. Der SRM-Ansatz besteht aus dem Bewirtschaftungsqualitätssystem, CSR-Programm, dem Gemeinschaftswaldentwicklungsprojekt, multilateralen Treffen und Dialog zwischen den Behörden, und Zusammenarbeit und Kooperation mit anderen Behörden und Organisationen. SRM kann dazu dienen, mögliche Konflikte auszubalancieren, Kooperation zu begünstigen sowie das Wissen und Verständnis von SFM zu fördern. Die Einbindung von SRM in die Implementation von SFM erweitert die Beteiligung der Stakeholder, was wiederum zu einer effektiveren und effizienteren Implementation von SFM auf FMU-Ebene führen kann. Die Wechselbeziehungen zwischen der "Triple-Perspective Typology of Stakeholder Theory" und dem Ökosystemansatz, der unternehmensbezogenen Nachhaltigkeit und dem Konzept des Sustainable Forest Management bilden die Grundlage, um das Ziel einer umfassenden Nachhaltigkeit zu erreichen.

In den 1980er Jahren begannen viele Entwicklungsländer, ihre Saatgutmärkte zu liberalisieren. In der Folge verbreitete sich die Nutzung proprietärer Saatguttechnologien, einschließlich gentechnisch veränderter Pflanzen (GV-Pflanzen). Die Konsequenzen dieser Entwicklung für Kleinbauern werden seither kontrovers diskutiert. Kritiker befürchten, dass Privatisierung die Qualität von Saatgut sowie den kleinbäuerlichen Zugang zu ihm verschlechtert. Befürworter gehen davon aus, dass proprietäres Saatgut landwirtschaftliche Produktivität und Einkommen steigern kann. In dieser Dissertation untersuchen wir Auswirkungen proprietärer Saatguttechnologien auf Kleinbauern. Bacillus thuringiensis-Baumwolle (Bt-Baumwolle) in Indien und Hybridmais in Tansania. Der dritte Fokus dieser Arbeit liegt auf der Adoption proprietärer Saatguttechnologien, wo erneut auf Hybridmais in Tansania Bezug genommen wird. Infolge einer ausländischen Investition transferierte eine indische Saatgutfirma Mitte der 1990er Jahre die Bt-Technologie in mehrere Baumwollhybriden. Diese Hybriden wurden 2002 zum Anbau zugelassen. In den Folgejahren verwendeten auch zahlreiche andere Saatgutfirmen die Bt-Technologie in ihren Züchtungsprogrammen. 2011 bauten 7 Millionen Bauern auf etwa 90% der indischen Baumwollfläche Bt-Baumwolle an. Sie ist gegen Kapselbohrer, eine Gruppe wichtiger Schädlingsinsekten, resistent. Dadurch kann sie den Einsatz von Insektiziden verringern und außerdem den effektiven Ertrag erhöhen. Dies würde Kosteneinsparungen bei Pestiziden und höhere Erlöse nach sich ziehen, welche wiederum das landwirtschaftliche Einkommen steigern können. Wenn aber die Saatgutpreise von Bt-Baumwolle hoch und die Ertragseffekte klein sind, könnte der Einkommenseffekt gering oder negativ ausfallen. Zu den Auswirkungen von Bt-Baumwolle wurden viele Studien publiziert, aber Selektionsverzerrungen, die Entwicklungsdynamik der Effekte und über Einzelfelder hinausgehende Wirkungen wurden bisher nicht ausreichend berücksichtigt. Hier analysieren wir Paneldaten aus dem Zeitraum 2002-2008. Mithilfe von Fixed-Effects-Modellen reduzieren wir Selektionsverzerrungen und betrachten den zeitlichen Verlauf der Effekte. Unsere Schätzergebnisse zeigen, dass Bt im Zeitraum 2002-2008 den Ertrag um 24% und den Deckungsbeitrag um 50% erhöhte, sowie den Lebensstandard im Zeitraum 2006-2008 um 18%. Außerdem finden wir Hinweise für eine Steigerung der Ertrag- und Deckungsbeitragseffekte über den gesamten Zeitraum. Einen Rückgang des Insektizideinsatzes in Bt- und konventionellen Feldern, der wahrscheinlich ein Zeichen für eine starke Dezimierung von Kapselbohrern durch die Zunahme des Bt-Anbaus ist, können wir ebenfalls beobachten. Nach der Liberalisierung des Saatgutmarkts in Tansania Anfang der 1990er Jahre begannen mehrere private Saatgutfirmen mit dem Vertrieb von Hybridmais. Hybriden können zu einem Ertragszuwachs führen, der wiederum Erlös und Einkommen steigern kann. Auf der anderen Seite könnte der Einkommenseffekt negativ ausfallen, wenn Hybridsaatgut teurer als Nichthybridsaatgut ist. Zudem kann ein leistungsstarker Nichthybride durchaus auch einen höheren Ertrag erzielen als mancher Hybride. Es gibt zwar Studien, die Produktivitätseffekte von Hybridmais in Afrika evaluieren, aber in der Regel kontrollieren sie nicht Störfaktoren, wie etwa Bodenqualität oder Düngereinsatz. Darüber hinaus liegen kaum Untersuchungen zu modernen Maissorten in Afrika vor, die neben der Produktivität auch Effekte auf den Lebensstandard landwirtschaftlicher Haushalte berücksichtigen. Wir analysieren einen Querschnittsdatensatz aus dem Norden und Osten des Landes und finden einen Ertragszuwachs von 50-60% durch Hybriden. Dieser führt auch zu einem höheren Deckungsbeitrag. Die Zugewinne treten vor allem im Norden auf, wo sie außerdem den Lebensstandard um 15% erhöhen. Im Osten bringen Hybriden keine Vorteile hinsichtlich Ertrag, Deckungsbeitrag oder Lebensstandard. Da sich jedoch die Mehrheit der Anwender im Norden befindet, profitieren in einer überregionalen Betrachtung die meisten Hybridnutzer von der Technologie. Außerdem finden wir heraus, dass der Ertragseffekt von Hybriden unabhängig vom Einsatz von Mineraldünger, Bewässerung, Pestiziden oder Mischanbau ist. Allerdings ist die Adoptionsrate von Hybridmais in Tansania gering. Ein möglicher Grund könnte darin liegen, dass seine Verwendung durch bestimmte Faktoren, wie etwa einen mangelnden Informationstand der Bauern bezüglich der Hybriden, erschwert ist. In unserer Stichprobe bauen 31% der Bauern Hybridmais an. Im Norden sind Hybriden den meisten Bauern bekannt und 49% verwenden die Technologie, während im Osten nur 50% von der Technologie gehört haben und nur 12% sie nutzen. Mithilfe des Average Treatment Effect Framework errechnen wir, dass eine Informierung aller Bauern über Hybriden die Adoptionsrate auf 45% ansteigen lassen würde. Jedoch wären dann die meisten neuen Anwender im Osten, wo die Ertrags- und Deckungsbeitragseffekte von Hybriden klein sind. Im Norden, wo die Adoption einträglicher ist, haben bereits fast alle Bauern von Hybriden gehört. Außerdem zeigt sich, dass eine Verbreitung von Informationen über Hybriden durch Beratung und ländliche Netzwerke im Norden (nicht im Osten) stattfindet und daher als Resultat der dort höheren Nützlichkeit verstanden werden kann. Für diese Interpretation spricht auch, dass wir keine Hinweise finden, dass Risiko oder Mangel an Kreditzugang die Adoption verhindern. Daher erscheint es wahrscheinlich, dass Informationsflüsse und Adoptionsentscheidungen primär vom Nutzen, den Hybriden gegenüber Nichthybriden bieten, bestimmt werden. Wir kommen zu dem Schluss, dass der Privatsektor verbesserte Saatguttechnologien für Kleinbauern in Entwicklungsländern liefern kann und dass derartige Saatguttechnologien einschließlich GV-Pflanzen diesen Kleinbauern dienlich sein können. Daher sollte die Liberalisierung von Saatgutmärkten in Entwicklungsländern unterstützt werden. Außerdem müssen Regulierungen, welche die Verfügbarkeit von Saatguttechnologien einschränken, den möglichen Nutzen dieser Technologien für Landwirte berücksichtigen. Und schließlich sollten Politik und Geberorganisationen in ihren Förderentscheidungen die Beseitigung von Adoptionshemmnissen gegen die Schaffung verbesserter Technologien abwägen. ; In the 1980s, many developing countries began to liberalize their seed markets. This has led to an increased prevalence of proprietary seed technologies, including genetically modified (GM) crops. The implications for smallholder farmers are the subject of a controversial debate. Critics argue that privatization reduces the quality and affordability of seed for smallholder farmers. Proponents claim that proprietary seed technologies can raise agricultural productivity and incomes. In this dissertation we examine the impacts of proprietary seeds on smallholder farmers, with Bacillus thuringiensis (Bt) cotton in India and hybrid maize in Tanzania serving as two relevant cases. The third focus of this study relates to the adoption of proprietary seed technologies, again taking the case of hybrid maize in Tanzania. As a result of foreign investment, an Indian seed firm transferred the Bt technology into a small number of cotton hybrids in the mid-1990s. These hybrids were approved for cultivation in 2002. Over the ensuing decade, multiple other seed firms incorporated the Bt technology into their own breeding programs. By 2011 about 90% of the Indian cotton acreage was under Bt, grown by 7 million farmers. Bt cotton is resistant to bollworm, an important insect pest. Bt can thus reduce the need for chemical insecticides, and also increase effective yield. This would reduce pesticide cost and increase revenue, which might lead to higher farm income. But if Bt seed prices are high and productivity effects low, the income effect could be small or even negative. Many impact studies of Bt have been published, but selection bias, impact dynamics and possible consequences beyond the plot level were not sufficiently taken into account. Here, we analyze panel data covering the years 2002-2008. Using panel models with farm and household fixed effects, we control for selection bias and look at the impact dynamics over time. We estimate that Bt increased yield by 24% and profit by 50% in 2002-2008, and household living standard by 18% in 2006-2008. Furthermore, there are indications that yield and profit effects of Bt increased over time. We also observe that insecticide use on Bt and conventional plots decreased over time, probably a sign of large-scale suppression of bollworm populations by Bt. In Tanzania, seed market liberalization has attracted several private seed firms since the early 1990s that have been selling hybrid maize. Hybrids can confer a yield advantage over nonhybrids, raising revenue and farm income. On the other hand, if hybrid seeds are more expensive than nonhybrid seeds, the income effect might not be positive. In addition, a nonhybrid with superior germplasm could even achieve higher yield than some hybrids. While there are studies that evaluate the impact of hybrid maize on farm productivity in Africa, they usually do not control for potentially confounding factors, such as soil quality or fertilizer use. Moreover, hardly any study on modern maize varieties in Africa has looked beyond farm productivity to analyze impacts on household living standard. Analyzing cross-sectional household survey data collected in the north and east of Tanzania, we find that hybrids raise yield by 50-60%. As a result, hybrid adopters realize higher profits. The benefits mostly occur in the north, where hybrids also increase household living standard by 15%. In the east, hybrids confer no gain in yield, profit or living standard. But since the vast majority of hybrid adopters are located in the north, most adopters benefit from hybrids. We also find that the yield impact of hybrids is not dependent on the use of fertilizer, irrigation, pesticides, or intercropping. The adoption rate of hybrid maize in Tanzania is low and one possible reason is that nonadopters are constrained, for example by lack of information about hybrids. In our sample, 31% of farmers adopt hybrids. In the north, most farmers are aware of hybrids and 49% are adopters. In the east, only 50% are aware and 12% adopters of hybrids. Using the average treatment effect framework, we find that closure of the exposure gap would raise the overall adoption rate to 45%. However, the majority of new adopters would be in the east, where hybrids have a negligible impact on yield and profit. In the north, where the benefits of hybrid adoption are more significant, most farmers are already aware of hybrids. We also observe that information about hybrids spreads through extension and farmer networks in the north but not in the east. Aside from the information factor, we find no evidence for constraints related to risk or credit. Therefore it is likely that adoption and awareness of hybrids are primarily driven by the benefits hybrids offer relative to nonhybrids. We conclude that the private sector can deliver improved seed technologies to smallholder farmers in developing countries, and that improved seed technologies, including GM crops, can benefit these farmers. Accordingly, liberalization of seed markets should be promoted in developing countries. Second, regulations that impede the availability of seed technologies must consider the potential benefits these technologies offer to farmers. Finally, policymakers and donors must weigh alleviating adoption constraints against technology improvements in their funding decisions.

REFORM. not. f. Restoration in order, in the old form, or in a better form. These things need reform, complete reform. This could only be done through general reform. Reform of the institutions. The reform of morals. Calendar reform. Many reforms have been made in this administration. RÉFORMME is also said when speaking of Horses of the cavalry, artillery, etc., which are not or are no longer in a state to serve. There was a reform of twenty horses in this regiment, which had to be replaced. A reform horse. We also say: Material under reform. Dictionary of the French Academy 8th edition (1932) The French language will always surprise: these are two practically contradictory meanings of the same reform, a term which has preoccupied us for many years. The first entry means, overall, restoring order and making it better. What is not the same thing, or, rather, not the same path to obtain the same thing: restoring in order is, in a situation of educational relevance, the equivalent of what I have called up to present to restore the academic in its rights, despoiled by so many informational practices (at the university level) and paradigmatic (at the level of the whole Moroccan educational system). The second entry means rejecting what has now been deemed unusable, outdated or foreclosed. We finish the horses well! Obviously, the contradiction is only apparent, and the second meaning is practically included in the second; you don't reform, you only make better by rejecting all or part of the object to be reformed. And it seems to us, as for the Abbé de Saint-Pierre de d'Alembert, that the education and training system is one of the "most useful establishments [which] need reform" such as these "clocks that 'you have to clean and reassemble from time to time'. However, if the lexical reason, on which I often like to base my interventions [1], somewhat delimits the semantic framework, it remains insufficient to clearly specify the critical object of my remarks. Let's reinvent the wheel a bit. From the inside of the education and training system [2], reform is a masterful call for an '" epistemological pause ", which decides to modify certain relationships to knowledge according to the following guidelines: - Academic and epistemic news insofar as the contents are both renewable at will and objects or supports of criticism and innovation, - The methodological relevance of this report which would validate its production, transmission and reception systems; including the functionality (or lapse) of concepts and educational methods implemented as well as the appropriateness of skills acquired based on future societal, human and economic needs; and so, - The efficiency of the training, in order not to waste their money and their time to the donors, the student, the employers and the community. This means that we do not start a reform, when it involves heavy funds and major risks for the future of a country, just for the pleasure of adopting a new terminology and the resulting structuring ( or translate it?). This is not just a cover. It is a conceptual instrumentalization which, to restore in law and make better, had to ensure a critical cognitive awareness, therefore a reliable diagnosis, which, even taking into account the maqâmat (informal sessions) of the public opinion, must formalize the latter and transcend it, in order to decide what is to be preserved or reformed of the system object of Reform, such as this one could be translated in the daily life of the professors, and in the performances of the establishments. The Reformation implies a new normalization. I would like in the following lines to demonstrate that despite the wealth of tables and documents produced for and around the Reformation, we forgot to include some guarantees in the quality assurance policy at University. ; RÉFORME. n. f. Rétablissement dans l'ordre, dans l'ancienne forme, ou dans une meilleure forme. Ces choses-là ont besoin de réforme, d'une réforme complète. Cela ne pourrait se faire que par une réforme générale. La réforme des institutions. La réforme des mœurs. La réforme du calendrier. On a fait de nombreuses réformes dans cette administration. RÉFORME se dit encore en parlant des Chevaux de la cavalerie, de l'artillerie, etc., qui ne sont pas ou qui ne sont plus en état de servir. Il y a eu dans ce régiment une réforme de vingt chevaux, qu'il a fallu remplacer. Un cheval de réforme. On dit de même : Du matériel en réforme. Dictionnaire de l'Académie française 8ème édition (1932) La langue française étonnera toujours : voilà deux sens pratiquement contradictoires du même réforme, vocable qui nous préoccupe depuis nombre d'années. La première entrée signifie, globalement, rétablissement dans l'ordre et rendre meilleur. Ce qui n'est pas la même chose, ou, plutôt pas le même cheminement pour obtenir la même chose : rétablir dans l'ordre est, dans une situation de pertinence pédagogique, l'équivalent de ce que j'ai appelé jusqu'à présent restaurer l'académique dans ses droits, spoliés par tant de pratiques informationnelles (au niveau de l'université) et paradigmatiques (au niveau de l'ensemble du système éducatif marocain). La deuxième entrée signifie rejeter ce qui a été jugé désormais inexploitable, dépassé ou forclos. On achève bien les chevaux ! Bien évidemment, la contradiction n'est qu'apparente, et le deuxième sens est pratiquement inclus au deuxième ; on ne réforme, on ne rend meilleur qu'en rejetant, tout ou partie de l'objet à réformer. Et il nous semble bien, comme pour l'Abbé de Saint-Pierre de d'Alembert que le système d'éducation et de formation, fait partie des «établissements les plus utiles [qui ont] besoin de réforme » telles ces « horloges qu'il faut de temps en temps nettoyer et remonter». Pourtant, si la raison lexicale, sur laquelle il me plaît souvent de fonder mes interventions[1], délimite quelque peu le cadre sémantique, elle demeure insuffisante à préciser clairement l'objet critique de mon propos. Réinventons un peu la roue. De l'intérieur du système éducatif[2] et de formation, réformer est un appel magistral d'une ''pause épistémologique'', qui décide de modifier certains rapports au savoir selon les orientations suivantes : - L'actualité académique et épistémique dans la mesure où les contenus sont à la fois renouvelables à l'envie et objets ou supports de critique et d'innovation, - La pertinence méthodologique de ce rapport qui en validerait les dispositifs de production, de transmission et de réception ; dont la fonctionnalité (ou la caducité) de concepts et des moyens pédagogiques mis en œuvre ainsi que l'opportunité des compétences acquises en fonction des besoins sociétaux, humains et économiques à venir ; et, donc, - L'efficience de la formation, dans le souci de ne point gaspiller leur argent et leur temps aux bailleurs de fonds, à l'étudiant, aux employeurs et à la communauté. C'est dire que l'on entame pas une réforme, quand celle-ci engage des fonds lourds et des risques majeurs pour le devenir d'un pays, juste pour le plaisir d'adopter une nouvelle terminologie et la structuration qui en découle (ou qu'elle traduit ?). Celle-ci n'est pas qu'un habillage. Elle est une instrumentalisation conceptuelle qui, pour rétablir dans le droit et rendre meilleur, a dû s'assurer d'une conscience cognitive critique, donc d'un diagnostic fiable, qui, même en tenant compte des maqâmat (séances informelles) de l'opinion publique, doit formaliser cette dernière et la transcender, afin de décider de ce qui est à conserver ou à réformer du système objet de Réforme, tel que celle-ci pourrait se traduire dans le quotidien des professeurs, et dans les performances des établissements. La Réforme implique une nouvelle normalisation. Je voudrais dans les lignes qui suivent démontrer qu'en dépit de la richesse des tableaux, et des documents produits pour la Réforme et autour d'elle, l'on a oublié d'inscrire quelques garanties, dans la police de l'assurance qualité à l'Université.

This thesis delves into the principles of ownership and conditionality in development cooperation. Since the 1990s, ownership has become a central tenet in aid. The idea is that in order to avoid the mistakes of the past decades of failed development interventions, recipients must be empowered to take the lead in development planning and implementation. At the same time, though, the number of aid conditionalities that donors adhere to keeps rising. Also Finnish aid interventions must support not only ownership but also e.g. poverty reduction, democratisation, decentralisation, gender equality, environmental protection and good governance, values that do not always sit together easily with strong recipient ownership. The donor is faced with contradictory incentives, on the one hand to let go and on the other to keep control. The empirical focus is on Quang Tri Rural Development Programme (QTRDP), a bilateral development cooperation project in Central Vietnam funded by Finland. The research task is to assess the success of donor policies in the project as understood by donor side actors: how were donor policies, both ownership and conditionality, reflected in project practice, and conversely, how was project practice interpreted in the light of donor policies? The primary research material consists of interviews with fifteen people involved in QTRDP either through the Ministry for Foreign Affairs of Finland (MFA, the donor agency) or the consultancy company contracted to support programme implementation. The research method was empirical and quite simple: interview texts, thematised and coded, formed the basis for analysis. My methodological approach was loosely based on Olivier de Sardan's entangled social logic approach, combining both realist/factual and constructionist perspectives to analysis. The research is set in the framework of 'inside' and 'outside' perspectives to the aid relationship. The former sees aid as a rationalist activity based on planning and shared goals, the problems of which have been a consequence on ill-conceived donor policies. In this view, the ownership agenda is a much needed initiative to transfer power to the recipient. In the latter view, aid inevitably leads to donor domination, and any new policy rhetoric will not make a difference. In aid literature ownership is primarily understood as power and control over aid processes. Seen in this light, it is obvious that in QTRDP the recipient (primarily the provincial authorities) held exceptionally strong ownership over programme activities: in most central disagreements with the donor they got their way. This was enabled by the internal workings of the ownership policy. Disciplined by the discourse and the history of accusations of donor intrusion it carries with it, the donor was unwilling to use open imposition based on its financial muscle. But it was at least to an equal measure due to the exceptional strength of the recipient and his/her insistence on taking that ownership. But giving away total control (total ownership) was not an acceptable option to the interviewees: the donor also had her/his share of the right to control. Justification for the few instances of donor domination apparent in the project, as well as the general justification for donor interference in the use of aid funds, was found in the defects of the recipient, the Other, in opposition to whom the image of Self was constructed. The Other was corrupt and did not care for the hardship of vulnerable groups, qualities quite incongruent with Finnish aid policies and values in general. Therefore, the donor and the consultant were morally obliged to control the way aid funds were used. All in all the interviewees found the balance between ownership and conditionality in the programme quite good: recipient ownership had dominated over Finnish aid conditions to some degree, but still something was achieved on all fronts. Vietnamese predomination was presented as ownership, and cases of donor imposition as essential promotion of other donor goals. This way both actions congruent with ownership and actions congruent with 'donorship' were presented as successful instances of authorised policy. This study questions the inevitability of donor dominance in the aid relationship assumed by outside critics. It also questions the assumption of much inside literature that the key to ownership lies in dialogue based on trust and openness. In QTRDP there was not much trust or openness between the recipient and the donor side, but compromises acceptable to all parties could always be negotiated. This study suggests that instead of assuming either dominance or mutuality of goals, development studies and aid practice would benefit from further study into the field realities of how development cooperation actually happens: how different actors in development strategize in their dealings with other agents, how they are constrained yet able to subvert the objectives of others, and how policies influence aid interventions and are influenced by them. Tämä tutkimus paneutuu omistajuuden ja ehdollisuuden käsitteisiin kehitysyhteistyössä. 90-luvulta alkaen omistajuudesta on tullut keskeinen opinkappale avussa. Ideana on, että epäonnistuneiden apuinterventioiden historiasta irti pääsemiseksi avunsaajien täytyy voimallistua ottamaan avun suunnittelu ja toteutus omiin käsiinsä. Samalla kuitenkin erilaisten avun ehtojen määrä jatkaa nousuaan. Myös Suomen kehityshankkeiden täytyy tukea paitsi omistajuutta, myös esimerkiksi köyhyyden vähentämistä, demokratisaatiota, desentralisaatiota, sukupuolten välistä tasa-arvoa, ympäristönsuojelua ja hyvää hallintoa, arvoja jotka eivät välttämättä saumattomasti istu vahvaan avunsaajamaan omistajuuteen. Avunantaja on ristiriitaisessa tilanteessa, jossa toisaalta tulisi luopua kontrollista, toisaalta pitää siitä kiinni. Empiirisesti tutkielma keskittyy Quang Trin maaseutukehitysohjelmaan (QTRDP), Suomen rahoittamaan kahdenväliseen kehitysyhteistyöhankkeeseen Keski-Vietnamissa. Tutkimustehtävänä on arvioida Suomen kehityspolitiikan toteutumista hankkeessa rahoittajaosapuolen näkökulmasta. Miten omistajuuden periaate ja toisaalta avun ehdot heijastuivat projektin käytäntöihin, ja toisaalta miten käytäntöjä tulkittiin politiikkatavoitteiden valossa? Ensisijainen tutkimusmateriaali koostuu 15 projektin kanssa joko ulkoasiainministeriön (rahoittaja) tai projektin toteutusta tukemaan palkatun konsulttifirman kautta työskennelleen ihmisen haastatteluista. Metodi oli empiirisen yksinkertainen: teemoitellut ja koodatut haastattelutekstit muodostivat analyysin pohjan. Tutkimukseen on löysästi sovellettu Olivier de Sardanin 'sotkuisen sosiaalisen logiikan' (entangled social logic) menetelmää, joka yhdistelee faktuaalista ja konstruktionistista näkökulmaa analyysiin. Tutkimus asettuu apusuhteen 'idealistisen' ja 'kriittisen' tutkimusperinteen luomaan kehikkoon. Ensimmäisen mukaan apu on jaetuille tavoitteille perustuvaa suunniteltua ja rationaalista toimintaa, jossa koetut ongelmat selitetään virheellisillä apuparadigmoilla. Tästä näkökulmasta omistajuus-agenda näyttäytyy hyödyllisenä aloitteena vallan siirtämiseksi avunsaajan suuntaan. Jälkimmäisen koulukunnan mukaan apu johtaa väistämättä avunantajan dominointiin eikä mikään poliittinen tai periaatteellinen retoriikka muuta tätä perustotuutta. Apukirjallisuudessa omistajuus ymmärretään ensisijaisesti valtana ja apuprosessien hallintana. Tässä valossa vaikuttaa ilmeiseltä että QTRDP:ssa avunsaajan (ensijaisesti provinssitason viranomaiset) omistajuus oli harvinaisen voimakas: useimmissa kiistoissa rahoittajan kanssa he vetivät pitemmän korren. Tätä edesauttoi omistajuus-politiikan luoma sisäinen kuri. Omistajuus-diskurssi ja sen keskeisenä osana avunantajan toimiin kohdituva kritiikki tekivät rahoittajan haluttomaksi avoimesti käyttämään rahan tuomaa valtaa. Mutta vähintään yhtä tärkeää oli avunsaajan poikkeuksellinen vahvuus ja heidän voimakas omistajuus-vaatimuksensa. Haastateltavien mukaan täyden hallinnan (täyden omistajuuden) antaminen avunsaajalle ei kuitenkaan ollut mahdollista: myös avunantajalla nähtiin olevan oikeus jonkinasteiseen hallintaan. Oikeutus muutamille selville rahoittajan painostuksesta syntyneille päätöksille kuten myös yleinen oikeutus projektin toteutukseen puuttumiselle löydettiin avunsaajan puutteista. Kuva itsestä rakennettiin vastakkaissuhteessa avunsaajaan, joka kuvattin korruptoituneena ja välinpitämättömänä ihmisten kärsimyksiä kohtaan – varsin sopimattomia ominaisuuksia Suomen kehityspolitiikan näkökulmasta. Rahoittajalla ja konsultilla oli siis suorastaan moraalinen velvollisuus puuttua apuvarojen käyttöön. Omistajuuden ja ehdollisuuden välinen tasapaino nähtiin hankkeessa kaiken kaikkiaan melko hyvänä. Avunsaajan omistajuus oli ollut jonkin verran Suomen avun ehtoihin paneutumista vahvempaa, mutta kaikissa asioissa koettiin kuitenkin edistytyn. Vietnamilainen hallinta esitettiin omistajuutena ja avunantajapuolen painostustoimet Suomen avun tavoitteiden välttämättömänä ajamisena. Sillä tavoin molemmat, sekä omistajuutta että ehdollisuutta tukevat toimet, pystyttiin esittämään menestyksekkäänä Suomen apupolitiikan toteuttamisena. Tutkielma kyseenalaistaa apukriittisen koulukunnan oletuksen avunantajan väistämättömästä dominoinnista apusuhteessa. Se kyseenalaistaa myös instrumentaalisen koulukunnan oletuksen, jonka mukaan omistajuuteen päästään luottamukseen ja avoimuuteen perustuvan dialogin kautta. QTRDP:ssa avunantajapuolen ja avunsaajapuolen väliltä ei juuri löytynyt avoimuutta tai luottamusta, mutta siitä huolimatta osapuolia tyydyttäviä kompromisseja pystyttiin aina löytämään. Tulokset viittaavat siihen, että dominoinnin tai vaihtoehtoisesti yhtenevien tavoitteiden olettamisen sijaan kehitysyhteistyön tutkimisessa olisi syytä paneutua syvällisemmin apusuhteiden kenttätodellisuuteen: eri toimijoiden taktiikoihin sekä siihen, miten omat ja muiden tavoitteet rajoittavat (ja mahdollistavat) toimintaa ja miten niiden toteutumista toisaalta rajoitetaan.

The Biodiversity Coalition Newsletter No. 13 May 1996 An International NGO Network for Biodiversity Conservation (C/- P. 0., Cygnet 7112, Tasmania, Australia, ph/fax: +61-02- 9 5174 5 ) Code Number: NL96008 Size of Files: Text: 64K Graphics: Line Drawings (gif) - 19K GEF ABANDONS BIODIVERSITY In petulant refusal to be guided by the CBD's COP, let alone operate under its authority and control, the GEF Council has effectively stopped funding biodiversity projects. At its latest meeting in Washington (2-4 April 1996), GEF Council approved less than $5 million for expenditure on only two biodiversity related projects - one involves Kazakhstan which has not ratified and the other involves the ten southern African countries including Namibia and Angola which have not ratified - out of total approved expenditure of more than $260 million. --- FAO STILL UP TO ITS OLD TRICKS AT LEIPZIG FAO(UN)'s supposedly 'technical' international conference at Leipzig next month looks like being a political 'talk-fest'. This regrettable prospect is a direct and inevitable consequence of the FAO(UN)'s self-serving political aggression. On the one hand, their CPGR networks stubbornly refuse to recognise the new international legal regime with respect to ownership and control of genetic resources established by entry into force of the Biodiversity Convention. --- HELP! The Biodiversity Coalition is in desperate need of funds. Local sources of financial and in-kind support are not likely to be forthcoming next financial year (from June 1996) for a variety of reasons. While we appreciate that most recipients of the Newsletter are in no position to contribute financially to its continued publication - which is one of the objectives of the Newsletter, after all - this is a plea to those organisations and individuals who may have some capacity to pay to consider making a substantial contribution. --- EX-SITU/IN-SITU CONSERVATION - DEFINITIONS AND RESPONSIBILITIES The Biodiversity Convention defines 'ex-situ conservation' as "the conservation of components of biological diversity outside their natural habitats" while 'in-situ conservation' is defined as "the conservation of ecosystems and natural habitats and the maintenance and recovery of viable populations of species in their natural surroundings and, in the case of domesticated or cultivated species, in the surroundings where they have developed their distinctive properties". --- SUSTAINABILITY - FOR WHAT AND FOR WHOM? A Job for SBSTTA "Sustainability" has become one of those words which everyone chooses to interpret in their own way to reflect their own interests. While the problem is not limited to biodiversity conservation, if the Biodiversity Convention is to be properly implemented, the CBD's COP must come up with its interpretation of sustainability - based on advice from its scientific advisory body, the SBSTTA. --- CRITERIA FOR ASSESSING THE SUSTAINABILITY OF TRADE IN WILD FAUNA AND FLORA (Abridged Draft Prepared by the Wildlife Use Working Group of the Species Survival Network, a network of NGOs working within CITES for the protection and conservation of species in international commercial trade, 5 Jan 1996) --- COMMERCIALISING TRADITIONAL USES - MAKING THE TRANSITION FROM HUNTER-GATHERING TO AGRICULTURAL PRODUCTION A common theme in the history of human civilisation is the domestication of wild species of animals and plants as the key to producing agricultural surpluses capable of supporting urban communities. Such domestication is necessary to allow intensive production to meet high demand - especially in these modern days of global trade and massive markets. --- ITTO DOES BETTER Donors now contribute substantially more money to the ITTO [International Tropical Timber Organisation] than they do to the GEF biodiversity window. The graph, reproduced from the latest issue of 'Tropical Forest Update [6(1 ) March 1996/1 ], the ITTO's own in-house magazine, shows they have donated about US$130M over the last eight years. --- COUNTRIES OF ORIGIN AND COUNTRIES PROVIDING GENETIC RESOURCES - THE POLITICS OF DEFINITIONS The final text of the Biodiversity Convention refers to 'countries of origin' of and 'countries providing' genetic resources. This distinction was lobbied for by seed and gene bank interests (the IARC networks, national agencies of both 'north' and 'south' and corporations) to ensure that the Convention's benefit sharing obligations did not apply to holders or users of genetic material already held in ex-situ collections at the time of entry into force of the Convention [See Article 2. Definitions and Article 15(3) Access to Genetic Resources]. Countries of origin (of specified genetic resources) are those conserving those resources in-situ and/or providing resources directly from in-situ sources i.e., not from ex-situ collections. --- NICARAGUAN ARMY TO DEFEND NATURE: IUCN [Bulleting 4/95] reports that "Environmental conservation will now be one of the Nicaraguan army's priority objectives." "The Nicaraguan army is a green army, not because of the colour of its uniforms, but thanks to its commitment to natural resource conservation in our country", said General Joaquin Lacayo, Commander-in-Chief of the Nicaraguan armed forces. --- PAYING THE RENT With donor governments having left the field for a while in stopping GEF funding for CBD implementation, now is the time to push for establishing a COP-controlled fund based on contributions from corporate users of genetic resources - principally seed and gene companies, pharmaceutical companies and biotech companies. Exploratory discussions need to be pursued vigorously by the Secretariat to the mandate given to it by COP 2 to "further explore possibilities to identify additional financial resources" with a view to convening a meeting of interested corporations later this year. --- RATIFICATION PROGRESS 142 countries have now ratified the Convention, as of 21 February 1996. It is particularly pleasing to see that Poland and Yemen despite the latter's recent troubles, have now ratified. The following 35 countries, however, despite being original signatories to the CBD, have still not ratified. Other Governments and NGOs with access to these tardy Governments are urged to persuade them to ratify as soon as possible: As ever, the absence of the USA remains a great disappointment. --- COOPERATION GOING WELL While the GEF may have gone off in a sulk, other international agencies have been showing enthusiastic support for the CBD. Following signature of an MoU with the Ramsat Secretariat last year, the CBD Secretariat has just signed a similar MoU with the CITES Secretariat. Also, in March this year, the IOC [Intergovernmental Oceanographic Commission] has committed itself to full cooperation through SBSTTA. Interestingly, it looks like UNESCO-serviced international organisations and networks, like the IOC, the Man and the Biosphere Programme and the World Heritage Committee, are all responding very positively to the CBD - in marked contrast to FAO and the World Bank. --- WHODUNNIT The Biodiversity Coalition is a project of WWF(Australia) funded by the Biodiversity Unit of the Australian Federal Government's Department of Environment. It is coordinated by Alistair Graham and its principal output is this Newsletter plus the giving of advice, encouragement and support to numerous groups and individuals, many of whom have contributed to the ideas and information in the Newsletter. For further information, please contact: Alistair Graham, C/- P.O., Cygnet 7112, Tasmania, Australia; ph/fax:+61-02-951745 --- Invitacion FORO LATINOAMERICANO DE BIODIVERSIDAD Mayo 26-29 de 1996, Centro de Convenciones Hotel Irotama, Santa Marta, Colombia, en contribucion al proceso del: Foro Global de Biodiversidad Antecedentes El Foro Latinoamericano de Biodiversidad es la contribucion regional al Foro Global de Biodiversidad auspiciado por la UICN, el WRI yel PNUMA, como un aporte al debate asociado a la Convencion sobre Diversidad Biologica firmada por los Jefes de Estados en Rio de Janiero en 1992, puesta en vigor a partir de diciembre de 1993, y hoy en dia ratificada por alrededor de 130 gobiernos. Desde entonces se hart realizado tres Foros Globales de Biodiversidad cuyos resultados han contribuido a la definicion de la agenda para la toma de decisiones durante las reuniones de la Conferencia de las Partes.

Arviointi, mikäli sen kaikkia mahdollisuuksia hyödynnettäisiin, olisi tärkeä työkalu avustamaan julkista sekä yksityissektoria ja kansalaisyhteiskuntaa inhimillisen hyvinvoinnin lisäämiseksi. Valitettavasti, vaikka tehtyjen arviointien määrä on maailmanlaajuisesti lisääntymässä, näiden arviointien alhainen hyödyntämisaste on samoin kasvamassa. Tästä esimerkkinä on kehitystyö, jossa lukemattomat tuotetut ja oppimislähteenä käytettäväksi oletetut arviointiraportit kuitenkin todellisuudessa makaavat koskemattomina. Tämä toteutumaton "käyttö" on todellista ajan ja rajallisten julkisten varojen tuhlausta. Arviointien hyödyllisyyden määrittäminen tiukasti näiden julkaistujen arviointiraporttien käyttöön perustuvaksi, mikä useimmiten on tilanne, laiminlyö ja vähentää muiden käytettävissä olevien arviointielementtien, kuten arviointitoimeksiannon tai arviointiprosessin hyödyntämistä ja käyttöä, mikä yhä enemmän supistaa arvioinnin kokonaisvaikuttavuutta. Tämän tansanialaisessa ammattikoulussa, Mwanza Home Craft Centressä (MHCC), toteutetun arviointikokeilun tarkoitus oli hyödyntää arviointia, etenkin sen arviointiprosessia, arviointivaikutusten osoittamiseksi. Kokeiluni, joka toteutettiin suomalaisin kehitystyövaroin käynnistetyssä kansalaisjärjestöhankkeessa, tehtiin kehityshankkeesta rinnan hankkeen edetessä, oli vastakohta kehnosti hyödynnetyille ulkopuolisten arvioitsijoiden vallitsevaa tilivelvollisuus- ja kontrollitarkoitusta varten tekemille, menneeseen fokusoituneille ja kovia tutkimusmenetelmiä käyttäville kehitysarvioinneille, jotka sulkevat paikalliset ulkopuolelle ja ovat heille vieraita, ja siksi saavat vähäistä paikallista arviointivaikuttavuutta aikaan. Noissa arvioinneissa on suosittu hallitsevaa länsimaista ja Eurooppa-keskeistä positivistista tulokulmaa, rahoittajakeskeistä arviointiparadigmaa ja hegemonista kieltä, joka saa alkunsa uudesta julkishallinnon johtamisliikkeestä. Sen sijaan, kokeiluni oli mikrokuvaus ja reflektio hankkeen rahoittajan sponsoroimasta, paikallis- ja asianomaiskeskeisestä, oppimis- ja tulevaisuussuuntautuneesta, paikallisesti hyödynnetystä ja vaikuttaneesta kehitysarvioinnista. Arviointikokeilu koostui kahdesta komponentista. Arviointiosuudessa tutkittiin ammatillisen koulutuksen sosio-ekonomisia vaikutuksia. Arviointitutkimusosiossa fokusoitiin arvioinnin prosessikäyttöön ja arvioinnin vaikuttavuuteen. Ammattikouluhankkeessa kaikkien asianomaisten arviointioppimista pyrittiin tukemaan arvioinnin aikana arviointiprosessia hyödyntäen. Yksilöllisiä, interpersoonallisia ja kollektiivisia arviointivaikutuksia tavoiteltiin henkilökohtaisen ja organisaation osallistumisen, saadun arviointikokemuksen ja valmennuksen sekä dialogin kautta. Mandaattini oli integroida, "arviointimassoja", tarkoittaen avun vastaanottajia, paikallisten arviointivaikutusten aikaansaamiseksi, ja tarkastella arvioinnissa suhdetta valtaan heidän näkökulmastaan. Yleisesti ottaen heillä on vähemmän valtaa ja ääntä nykyisessä kehitysarvioinnissa kuin vahvemmilla, "eliitillä", avun rahoittajilla. Asetin hypoteesikseni, että jokainen tutkimus ja arviointitutkimus on tulokulmasidonnaista, mikä vaikuttaa arvioinnin käytettävyyteen, ja siten myös arvioinnin vaikutuksiin, vaikutustyyppeihin, -tasoon, -ryhmiin, ja vaikuttavuuden kestoon. Tässä tutkimuksessa painotettiin sellaisia arvioinninkäytössä ja arvioinnin vaikuttavuudessa keskeisessä roolissa olevia elementtejä, kuten arviointiparadigmaa, arviointimallia ja metodologiaa, arvioijan asemaa ja näkökulmaa, arvioinnin käyttäjien asemaa, arviointitarkoitusta, arvioinnin aikakehikkoa, ja arviointietiikkaa. Tässä tutkimuksessa käytettiin toimintatutkimuksellisesti suuntautunutta strategiaa. Tutkimusaineisto koottiin kahden Tansanian kenttämatkan aikana useita aineistonkeruumenetelmiä hyödyntäen. Arvioinnin vaikutuksia ja arvioinnin prosessikäyttöä tutkittiin aineistosta, joka saatiin ammattikoulutustapauksen kahdesta MHCC:n henkilöstölle ja komiteanjäsenille organisoidusta seminaarista ja työpajasta, samoin kuin henkilöstön jäsenten teemahaastatteluista ja komitean, henkilöstön antamasta kirjallisesta arviointipalautteesta ja yhdestä 11 hengen ryhmähaastattelusta. Lisäksi, ammatillisen koulutuksen sosio-ekonomisia vaikutuksia kerättiin 115 opiskelijan kirjallisen kertomuksen ja taustalomakkeen sekä 11 opiskelijan ja 20 muun arvioijan teemahaastattelun avulla. Kirjallinen aineisto koodattiin käyttäen teoriavetoista (tai -suuntautunutta) laadullista sisällönanalyysiä, johon pohjautuen johtopäätökset tehtiin. MHCC:n arviointikokeilu osoitti, että valittu arvioinnin tulokulma ja paradigma erilaisten arviointifaktorissa olevien elementtien hyödyntämisen kautta vaikutti arvioinnin käyttöön ja arvioinnin vaikutuksiin. Kokeilu sai aikaan vaikuttavuutta; arviointia automaattisesti hyödynnettiin jo arvioitaessa sen prosessikäytön vuoksi. Arviointiprosessiin osallistuneiden henkilöiden ja heidän instituutioidensa omakohtaisia arviointikokemuksia ei voinut vain "jättää hyllylle". Heidän yksilöllinen, henkilöiden välinen ja kollektiivinen arviointioppiminen arvioidessa kiistatta myötävaikutti, ei vain välittömiin vaan myös pidempiaikaisiin kognitiivisiin, affektiivisiin, sosiaalisiin, toiminnallisiin, jopa taloudellisiin ja kulttuurillisiin muutoksiin kehitysintervention eri tasoilla, jopa ammattioppilaitoksen ulkopuolella. Tämän tutkimusten löydösten perusteella, päättelin, että prosessuaalinen arvioinnin käyttö oli vahva työkalu ja MHCC:n muutosprosessien kiihdyttäjä, etenkin niille arvioinnin asianomaisille, jotka omaksuivat arvioivaa mieltä. Tämä ajattelutavan muutos, valistuminen ("mwanga"), mahdollisti siirtymisen jälki- ja menneisyysorientoituneesta historiaa tarkastelleesta ajattelusta tulevaisuussuuntautuneeseen omaehtoiseen kehittämistoimintaan. Tämä tutkimusaineisto antanee ymmärtää, että arviointiprosessilla ja -tuloksilla samanaikaisesti hyödynnettynä arvioivan oppimisen lähteinä oli pitkäaikaisia vaikutuksia – ehkä pidempiaikaisia kuin vain arviointituloksia yksin hyödynnettäessä voitaisiin aikaansaada. Nämä vaikutukset saattoivat muodostua MHCC:n reflektion, nopeamman ympäristöön reagoinnin ja jatkuvan sopeuttamisen elinehdoiksi. Tämä selitti, kuinka ammattikoulutusinstituutio MHCC on ollut kykenevä jatkuvasti uudistumaan ja muuttamaan toimintojaan tarvittaessa, huomioiden taloutensa ja ympäröivän yhteiskunnan vaatimukset sekä olemaan taloudellisesti itsensä kannattava yli 20 vuotta (mikä on ainutlaatuista koulutussektorilla maailmalaajuisestikin, puhumattakaan kehitysmaista, kuten Tansaniasta). Lisäksi, kokeilun ansiosta saatiin uutta tietoa arviointikohteesta, MHCC:stä opiskelijoineen, sen arviointikäytänteistä ja oppilaitosta ympäröivästä todellisuudesta. Ammattikoulun nimi muutettiin, uusia osastoja, kuten ajoneuvo, sähkö, sekä hotellinjohto ja turismi, lanseerattiin, ja uusia iltakursseja käynnistettiin, metallityön lisäkoulutusta, sekä tietokone- ja englannin kielen kursseja aloitettiin. Tämän tutkimuksen yleisenä yhteenvetona totean, että kansalaisjärjestöjen rooli on edelleen tärkeä ammatillisen koulutuksen järjestäjänä Tansanian kehityshankkeissa neljästä syystä. Ensiksi, koska maan koulutuksen yleistaso on dramaattisesti huonontunut. Toiseksi, koska riittävät ammattikoulutusmahdollisuudet puuttuvat. Kolmanneksi, koska ammattikoulutus on yleisesti ottaen hyödyllistä: se näytti vaikuttaneen ei vain yksilön köyhyyden vähentämiseen vaan laajemminkin yhteiskuntaan. Kuitenkin, tutkimustulokset esittivät yllättävän todisteen, mikä on vastakkaista länsimaalaiselle suoraviivaiselle ajattelulle ja oletukselle ammattitaidon ja ammatillisen koulutuksen valtavasta taloudellisesta voimasta ja hyödystä saajalleen; ei edes kokoaikatyö köyhyyden vähentämis- ja automaattisesti elintasoa nostavana keinona toiminut. Kaikesta huolimatta, minkä ammattiin opiskelleiden elämää koskeva aineisto todistaa, niiden, jotka kokivat positiivisia, merkittäviä, kestäviä taloudellisia, sosiaalisia ja henkilökohtaisia koulutusvaikutuksia MHCC:n koulutushankkeen vuoksi, nämä ammatillisen koulutuksen sosio-ekonomiset materiaaliset ja immateriaaliset positiiviset, tuotteliaat vaikutusketjut näyttivät ulottuneen myös laajennettuun perheeseen, ikätovereihin, yhteisöjen jäseniin ja tansanialaiseen yhteiskuntaan merkittävin seurannaisvaikutuksin. Esimerkkinä mainittakoon valmistuneiden opiskelijoiden sukulaisilleen, ikätovereilleen ja yhteisöjensä jäsenilleen tarjoama "epävirallinen, yksityinen oppisopimuskoulutusjärjestelmä"; jonka kautta yksi MHCC:stä valmistunut on epävirallisesti kouluttanut yli 50 henkilöä. Tosin, näitä sosio-ekonomisia koulutusvaikutuksia olisi voitu tehostaa resursoimalla ja tekemällä säännöllisesti arviointeja sekä syöttämällä niiden tuloksia edelleen ammattioppilaitoksen palvelujen parantamiseksi (esim. työvälineet tai yrittäjyyskurssit ammattiin valmistuneille). Neljänneksi, tutkimus osoitti, että kehitysmaissa työpaikat olivat tarjolla pääasiassa informaalilla sektorilla ja itsenäisenä ammatinharjoittajana työskenteleminen oli useimmille valmistuneille ainoa työllistymisvaihtoehto. Näin ollen, kansalaisjärjestöjen toteuttama ammattikoulutus oppilaitoksen kannattavuudelle välttämättömine tulonhankkimisprojekteineen (jotka yleensä puuttuvat valtion omistamista ammattioppilaitoksista) voi toimia erinomaisena yrittäjyyshenkeä vahvistavana oppimisympäristönä. Tutkimuslöytöjä voitaneen soveltaa seuraavasti. Ensiksi, huolestuttava arviointien käyttämättömyys ja/tai tehoton käyttö tulee tiedostaa. Toiseksi, arvioinnin teettäjien, käynnistäjien, rahoittajien ja avunantajien tulee saada lisätietoa merkittävistä arvioinnin positiiviseen käyttöön ja vaikuttavuuteen tai sitä estävistä kontekstuaalisista, arviointi- ja inhimillisistä faktoreista elementteineen. Esimerkiksi, sellaisia kontekstuaalisia tekijöitä, jotka liittyvät taloudellisiin ja poliittisiin rajoitteisiin ja arviointisysteemeihin ja jotka negatiivisesti vaikuttavat arviointien hyödyntämiseen ja vaikutuksiin, tulee paljastaa. Kolmanneksi, arviointien puutteellista hyödyntämistä vastaan tulee hyökätä muun muassa arviointiprosessia käyttämällä. Neljänneksi, jokaisessa arviointipolitiikassa ja -suunnitelmassa jo arvioinnin toimeksiantovaiheessa tulee edellyttää konkreettisia toimia arviointien hyödyntämiseksi. Jokaiselta julkisin varoin tuotetulta arvioinnilta tulee vaatia arvioinninkäyttösuunnitelma tavoiteltavine arviointivaikutuksineen ennen arvioinnin toimeenpano vaihetta. Viidenneksi, arviointikäyttö tulee uudelleen käsitteellistää arviointipolitiikkojen ja -suunnitelmien sanastossa. Kaikki tarjolla olevat arvioinnin käytön keskeiset elementit — arvioinnin toimeksianto, arviointiprosessi (eikä ainoastaan arviointilöydökset) — tulee maksimaalisesti valjastaa kaikilla arvioinnin tasoilla, myös kansalaisjärjestöissä, rajallisten evaluointiresurssien vuoksi, tuodakseen maksimaalisen arvon arviointikohteelle, sen asianomaisille ja arvioinnin käyttäjille. Kuudenneksi, arviointien hyödyntämistä tulee ohjeistaa, kannustaa ja rahoittaa. Arvioinnin käynnistäjien ja rahoittajien tulisi palkita arvioinnin asianomaisia ja heidän organisaatiotaan, mikäli arviointia hyödynnetään ja se saa aikaan vaikuttavuutta. Seitsemänneksi, arvioinnin vaikuttavuus/vaikutus -termit tarvitsevat selkeyttämistä, ei ainoastaan viitaten vain arvioinnin positiivisiin seurauksiin, vaan myös sen negatiivisiin, tahattomiin vaikutuksiin, joihin täytyy myös puuttua. ; Evaluation, if utilised to its full potential, would be an important tool for helping governments, the private sector and civil society to increase human well-being. Unfortunately, though the number of evaluations conducted is increasing worldwide, a low rate of utilisation of these evaluations is increasing as well. An example of this is the development field, where countless evaluation reports are produced and assumed to be used as sources of learning, when in reality they lie untouched. This non-actualised "use" is a real waste of time and of limited public funds. The usefulness of evaluations, when strictly determined based on the use of the published evaluation reports (as is the case most of the time), neglects the usefulness and reduces the utilisation of other evaluation elements available, such as evaluation commissioning or evaluation process, which further reduce the overall impact of the evaluation. This evaluation experiment, conducted in the Tanzanian vocational education and training (VET) centre, Mwanza Home Craft Centre (MHCC), was designed to utilise the evaluation, especially its process, to show evaluation impacts. My experiment, conducted upon the development intervention of non-governmental organisations (NGOs) established by Finnish funds, was performed concurrently alongside and from within the development intervention, in contrast to the poorly utilised development evaluations conducted for dominating accountability and control purposes by external evaluators using a past-focussed orientation combined with hard evaluation methods, all of which were exclusive and unfamiliar to the locals and thus, had minor local evaluation impact. In those evaluations the donorcentred standpoint, overarching evaluation paradigm and hegemonic language, having their origin in the New Public Management movement were favoured. Instead, I devised a micro explanation of, and provided reflections about, the donorsponsored, local- and stakeholder-centred, learning- and future-oriented, and locally utilised development evaluation with impacts. The evaluation experiment consisted of two components. In the evaluation section, the socio-economic impacts of VET were studied. In the research on evaluation section the focus was put on the process use of evaluation and evaluation impacts. In the VET project, all the stakeholders' evaluative learning was targeted to be supported with the assistance of the process use of evaluation while evaluating. It was aimed at individual, interpersonal and collective evaluation impacts through personal and organisational involvement, evaluative experience and training received, as well as dialogue. My mandate was to integrate into the evaluation process, evaluation "masses," that is, the aid recipients, to generate stronger local evaluation impacts, and to look at the relation to power in evaluation from their standpoint. Generally speaking, they have less power and voice in the current development evaluations than do "the elite," the financial donors. I hypothesised that every research and evaluation research is standpoint-bound, which has influence on evaluation usability, and then, on evaluation impacts, their types, levels, user groups, and duration. In this research, emphasis was placed on those elements playing key roles in evaluation use and evaluation impact, such as the evaluation paradigm, evaluation design and methodology; the evaluator's location and standpoint; the position of the evaluation users; the evaluation purpose; the evaluation time-frame; and evaluation ethics. In this research, the action research-oriented strategy was used. The research data was generated during two Tanzanian field trips by utilising various data generation methods. Evaluation impacts and process use of evaluation were studied through the data received from the VET case, its two seminars and workshops organised for the MHCC staff and committee members, as well as from thematic interviews of some staff persons and written evaluative feedback given by the committee, staff members and an 11-participant group interview. Again, socio-economic VET impacts were collected through the data of 115 former students' written stories and background questionnaires, as well as of 11 former students' and 20 other evaluees' thematic interviews. The written data of the evaluation experiment was coded by using the theory-driven (or theory-directed) qualitative content analysis, on which the conclusions were based and drawn. The evaluation experiment at MHCC indicated that the chosen evaluation standpoint and paradigm, through the utilisation of various elements existing in the evaluation factor, affected evaluation use and evaluation impacts. The experiment contributed to impact; the evaluation was automatically brought into utilisation while evaluating due to its process use. The first-hand evaluative experience of the participants and of their institutions involved in the evaluation process could not "just be left on the shelf." Their individual, interpersonal and collective evaluative learning, while evaluating, inevitably contributed not only to immediate but also to long-term cognitive, affective, social, behavioural, even economic, and cultural changes at various levels of the development intervention, even outside the VET centre. Based on findings of this research, I suggested that the processual use of evaluation was a powerful tool and an accelerator of MHCC's change processes, even for those stakeholders whose evaluative minds were made up. This change in the pattern of thought, enlightenment ("mwanga"), enabled a shift in focus from the post- and past-oriented, history observing thinking, to the future-directed independent line of development action. This research data might imply that evaluation process, with its findings utilised simultaneously as evaluative learning sources, had long-term effects — maybe longer than the findings use alone can generate. These impacts could become the lifeblood at MHCC for reflection, quicker reactivity to the environment and on-going adaptation. This presented an explanation for how the VET institution MHCC could have been capable of being renewed continuously and transforming its activities, as needed, regarding its economy and the demands of surrounding society, as well as being self-supporting for over 20 years (which is unique in the educational sector worldwide, let alone in the developing countries, like Tanzania). In addition, with the experiment, the new knowledge was received about the evaluand, MHCC and its students, its evaluation practices, and MHCC's surrounding reality. Again, the VET centre's name was changed, new departments such as motor vehicle, electricity, as well as hotel management and tourism were launched, and new evening courses, further education and training in welding and fabrication, as well as computer and English language courses, were started. As the general conclusion of this research I state that NGOs still have an important role as VET providers of Tanzanian development interventions, for four reasons. First, because the country's general education level has dramatically deteriorated. Second, because of a lack of sufficient VET opportunities. Third, because in general VET was beneficial: it seemed to have had impacts not only on an individual's poverty reduction, but even more widely on the society. However, this data also provided surprising evidence that, in direct contradiction to Western linear thinking and assumptions about the enormous economic power and benefit of vocational skills for its acquirer gained in VET, even full-time employment did not function as a tool for alleviating poverty and automatically raising the person's living standards. Nevertheless, as was evidenced by the lives of these VET trainees, who experienced positive, significant, sustainable economic, social, and personal education impacts due to the development project MHCC, these material and immaterial socio-economic impact chains were positive and productive and seemed to have had very far-reaching and significant ramifications for the lives of extended families, peers, community members, and the Tanzanian society. A case in point was the informal "private apprenticeship training system" offered by the former students to their relatives, peers and community members; through which one MHCC graduate has unofficially "trained" over 50 persons. Indeed, these socio-economic impacts of education could have been intensified by resourcing and carrying out evaluations frequently as well as by feeding their results forward for the VET institution's service improvements (e.g., equipment or entrepreneurial courses for VET graduates). Fourth, the research indicated that jobs in the developing countries were offered in the informal sector and self-employment was, for the majority of graduates, the sole option to be employed. Hence, NGO-implemented VET, with their essential income-generating projects for the institution's sustainability (generally lacking from government-owned VET centres), could operate as an excellent learning environment, strengthening the entrepreneurial spirit. The research findings might have the following applications. First, the worrying trend towards evaluation non-use and/or deficient use is worth acknowledging. Second, evaluation commissioners, initiators, funders, and donors need to gain further knowledge about significant positive or prohibitive contextual, evaluation and human factors (with their related elements) that lie behind evaluation utilisation and impact. For instance, those contextual factors which are related to financial and political constraints and evaluation systems and which negatively affect evaluation utilisation and impacts must be revealed. Third, an attack against the inadequate use of evaluations could be launched among others with processual evaluation use. Fourth, in every evaluation policy and plan in an evaluation commissioning phase, concrete actions need to be made necessary for evaluation utilisation. A written plan on evaluation use with evaluation impacts intended should be demanded to be produced from every evaluation conducted with public funds before the evaluation commissioning phase. Fifth, evaluation use in the vocabulary of evaluation policies and plans should be reconceptualised. All the available key elements of the evaluation use — the evaluation commissioning, evaluation process (not solely evaluation findings) — should be maximally harnessed at all the evaluation levels, also in NGOs, due to the scarcity of funding opportunities available for evaluations, to bring maximal value to a target of the evaluation, its stakeholders and evaluation users. Sixth, evaluation utilisation should be instructed, encouraged and funded. Evaluation stakeholders and their organisations should be rewarded by evaluation commissioners and funders, if the evaluation is used and it contributes to impacts. Seventh, terms such as evaluation impact/impacts need to be clarified, to refer not only to positive evaluation consequences but also to negative, unintended impacts, which must also be tackled.

This paper examines the experiences of the World Bank Group in other countries, and explores its work in Iraq in light of its mandate and areas of impact. It outlines the objectives the Bank Group has sought to meet and the procedures used to adapt to the Iraqi context, while focusing on transparency, inclusiveness, and sustainability. While the Bank's current focus in Iraq is on reconstruction and essential services, the near term offers a chance to lay the groundwork for credible institutions of social inclusion, in addition to supporting sustainable reconstruction and reform. This paper looks at how Iraq, a country with ample natural and human capital, can look past the immediate needs of post-conflict reconstruction to an eventual return as a middle-income country that managed its own affairs and contributed assistance to other countries. Models for reconstruction are closely looked at as to how to move Iraq to country ownership. The paper also looks at how to adopt post conflict reconstruction experience and adapting it to Iraq. The final section of the paper deals with lessons of experience and lessons learned.