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Counterinsurgency (COIN) requires an integrated military, political, and economic program best developed by teams that field both civilians and soldiers. These units should operate with some independence but under a coherent command. In Vietnam, after several false starts, the United States developed an effective unified organization, Civil Operations and Revolutionary Development Support (CORDS), to guide the counterinsurgency. CORDS had three components absent from our efforts in Afghanistan today: sufficient personnel (particularly civilian), numerous teams, and a single chain of command that united the separate COIN programs of the disparate American departments at the district, provincial, regional, and national levels. This Paper focuses on the third issue and describes the benefits that unity of command at every level would bring to the American war in Afghanistan. The work begins with a brief introduction to counterinsurgency theory, using a population-centric model, and examines how this warfare challenges the United States. It traces the evolution of the Provincial Reconstruction Teams (PRTs) and the country team, describing problems at both levels. Similar efforts in Vietnam are compared, where persistent executive attention finally integrated the government's counterinsurgency campaign under the unified command of the CORDS program. The next section attributes the American tendency towards a segregated response to cultural differences between the primary departments, executive neglect, and societal concepts of war. The Paper argues that, in its approach to COIN, the United States has forsaken the military concept of unity of command in favor of "unity of effort" expressed in multiagency literature. The final sections describe how unified authority would improve our efforts in Afghanistan and propose a model for the future. ; https://press.armywarcollege.edu/monographs/1346/thumbnail.jpg

Algeria's intrastate war in the 1990s, during which militant Islamists and the state fought fiercely against each other, still raises questions concerning the decisive factors leading to its onset and escalation. This paper uses the resource curse approach and the rentier state theory to understand the impact resource wealth could have had on the outbreak of this violent conflict, then goes one step further, adopting a context-sensitive approach. This approach attempts to juxtapose those conditions directly linked to the resource sector with the general conflict-fueling conditions diagnosed in Algeria. It takes into account conditions both within the country and in the international context. The application of a context matrix allows us to examine the interplay of resource-related factors and other conflictdriving forces, such as socioeconomic, demographic and ideological changes. Such an approach not only broadens the general understanding of the resource-violence link but also enhances our understanding of the eruption of violence in Algeria. -- Algeria ; oil ; civil war ; resource curse ; rentier state theory ; context approach ; Erdöl und der Ausbruch des algerischen Bürgerkriegs: Eine kontextsensible Analyse der ambivalenten Auswirkungen von Ressourcenreichtum Der innerstaatliche Krieg in Algerien, in dem militante Islamisten und die staatlichen Sicherheitskräfte über acht Jahre lang gegeneinander kämpften, lässt Fragen offen hinsichtlich der entscheidenden Faktoren, die zu seinem Ausbruch und seiner Eskalation führten. Um den Einfluss des Ressourcenreichtums auf den Beginn dieses Krieges zu verstehen, verwendet der vorliegende Artikel den Ressourcenfluch-Ansatz und die Rentierstaatstheorie, geht jedoch mit einer kontextsensiblen Analyse noch einen Schritt weiter. Mit einer Kontext-Matrix kann das Zusammenspiel von ressourcenbezogenen Faktoren mit anderen Konflikt treibenden Kräften, wie sozioökonomischen, demografischen und ideologischen Veränderungen, systematisch untersucht werden. Dabei werden direkt mit dem Ressourcensektor verknüpfte Bedingungen von solchen unterschieden, die als allgemeine Konflikt fördernde Bedingungen in Algerien diagnostiziert werden können, und dies nicht nur innerhalb des Landes sondern auch mit Blick auf sein internationales Umfeld. Damit trägt die vorliegende Analyse zu einem differenzierteren Verständnis der multiplen Ursachen des Gewaltausbruchs in Algerien bei. ; Miriam Shabafrouz ; Zsfassung in dt. Sprache ; Parallel als Buch-Ausg. erschienen

Article 2 paragraph (2) Law No.1 of 1974 stated that every marriage must be recorded as evidence of the Marriage Certificate issued. Viewed from the aspect of history, marriage records still reflect the political classification of residents based on the Civil Ordinance for the European group No. S.1849. 25, Civil Ordinance for the Chinese S. No. 1917. 1919 No. 130 Jo. 81, Civil Ordinance for class citizen Christian Original S. No. 19,330. 1936 No. 75 Jo. 607. In Indonesia the law of political developments have led to no longer recognize classification population. Since 1966, has issued instructions of the Cabinet Presidium Ampera No. 31/U/IN/12/1966 and followed-up by the Presidential Decree No.12 Year 1983, and finally Law No. 23 Year 2006 concerning Population and Administrative and Regulation No.37 Year 2007 as its implementing regulations. Recording of marriage is a state of institutional behavior and decision or reflect the will of the state establishment, and the product of a decision or other form of establishment of the Marriage Act and Marriage Act quotation. If the Marriage Act's passage can be read law and political unknown and the state of institutional readiness in implementing its mission. This study aims to determine the development of the Marriage Act Excerpt substances, particularly applicable to non-Muslim population The approach used in research is a normative juridical and the results obtained is that the study of the development of the Marriage Act Excerpt substance for non-Muslims in touch with the historical aspects that show the existence of variation.Keywords: Growth, Quotes Marriage Act, Non-Muslims

The β decays of N12 and B12 have been studied at KVI and JYFL to resolve the composition of the broad and interfering 0+ and 2 + strengths in the triple-α continuum. For the first time a complete treatment of 3α decay is presented including all major breakup channels. A multilevel, many-channel R-matrix formalism has been developed for the complete description of the breakup in combination with the recently published separate analysis of angular correlations. We find that, in addition to the Hoyle state at 7.65 MeV, more than one 0+ and 2+ state is needed to reproduce the spectra. Broad 03+ and 22+ states are found between 10.5 and 12 MeV in this work. The presence of β strength up to the N12 Q-value window suggests the presence of additional 0+ and 2 + components in the C12 structure at energies above 12.7 MeV. © 2010 The American Physical Society. ; Supported by the Academy of Finland (Project No. 44875), by the Spanish Agency CICYT (Nos. FPA2005-02379 and FPA2007-62216) and MEC Consolider Project No. CSD2007-00042, by the Belgian IAP P6/23 project and FWO-Vlaanderen, by the European Union sixth Framework Programme "EURONS"(No. 506065), and by the Swedish Research Council and the Knut and Alice Wallenberg Foundation. T.N. is a Royal Swedish Academy of Sciences Research Fellow supported by a grant from the Knut and Alice Wallenberg Foundation. The work at KVI was performed as part of Program 48 (TRIµP) of the Stichting voor Fundamenteel Onderzoek der Materie (FOM). ; Peer Reviewed

The purpose of this study is to explore what makes a state powerful in contemporary world. Debate on the nature of political power is one of the most complicated ones in the Theory of International Relations and the ever growing complexity of modern global processes provides new forums for discussion. Not only scholars are preoccupied with the changing concept of power. Rhetoric of political leaders makes an important contribution to the process of power construction. Argumentation on power, and namely on Great Power Restoration has been one of the focal points of Vladimir Putin's rule. Thus, I have chosen Russia as an interesting and fruitful case for research. The main research question of this study is 'What kind of an understanding of what makes a state powerful emerges from Putin's speeches?' In order to answer it I will analyze Vladimir Putin's argumentation on power applying Stephen Toulmin's Model of Argument, concentrating on those speeches in which the issue of power has been discussed. Using Toulmin's layout for the structure of argument I will identify its main elements – claim, data, warrant, rebuttal and qualifier. This will enable me to determine what is implicit in the argument and to create a coherent picture of what constituents of power are. The results of methodical investigation will be further put under theoretical analysis conducted according to the framework based on constructivist meta-theory and applying Barnett and Duval classification of forms of power. The concluding part of this study answers the main research question revealing that the combination of compulsory, structural, and productive forms of power makes the state powerful. Asiasanat:Putin's Russia, power, political argumentation

URL is to book. Chapter listed in TOC ; This paper compares and contrasts the U.S. and French systems of labor market regulation. The U.S. system is specialized: Regulating authority is dispersed among a host of different agencies each with a relatively narrow jurisdiction, and as a result with responsibility for a very limited domain. Authority is further divided between the federal and the state governments. The French system is a unified or general system: A single agency is responsible for the enforcement of the whole labor code. As a result, the French system is a street-level bureaucracy in which considerable power and authority rests with the line agents, the work inspectors themselves. The structure of the system (quite paradoxically in the light of the centralization generally attributed to the French state) gives the inspectors virtually complete autonomy in the geographic area to which they are assigned. As a result, and contrary to the contrast generally drawn between civil law and common law countries, at least in the literature of economics, the French system is considerably more flexible and able to adjust to variations in economic and social conditions across the territory but also over time than is the U.S. system. The contrast is of broader importance because the French system was adopted by Spain (and Italy) and from there spread to Latin America, where the issue of labor standards enforcement has become central to bilateral trade treaties with the United States. The paper goes on to discuss the various managerial issues posed by the two systems and the problems of reconciling their contrasting dynamics in a unified global trading regime.

Kolb, C. E. Cox, R. A. Abbatt, J. P. D. Ammann, M. Davis, E. J. Donaldson, D. J. Garrett, B. C. George, C. Griffiths, P. T. Hanson, D. R. Kulmala, M. McFiggans, G. Poeschl, U. Riipinen, I. Rossi, M. J. Rudich, Y. Wagner, P. E. Winkler, P. M. Worsnop, D. R. O' Dowd, C. D. ; International audience A workshop was held in the framework of the ACCENT (Atmospheric Composition Change - a European Network) Joint Research Programme on "Aerosols" and the Programme on "Access to Laboratory Data". The aim of the workshop was to hold "Gordon Conference" type discussion covering accommodation and reactive uptake of water vapour and trace pollutant gases on condensed phase atmospheric materials. The scope was to review and define the current state of knowledge of accommodation coefficients for water vapour on water droplet and ice surfaces, and uptake of trace gas species on a variety of different surfaces characteristic of the atmospheric condensed phase particulate matter and cloud droplets. Twenty-six scientists participated in this meeting through presentations, discussions and the development of a consensus review. In this review we present an analysis of the state of knowledge on the thermal and mass accommodation coefficient for water vapour on aqueous droplets and ice and a survey of current state-of the-art of reactive uptake of trace gases on a range of liquid and solid atmospheric droplets and particles. The review recommends consistent definitions of the various parameters that are needed for quantitative representation of the range of gas/condensed surface kinetic processes important for the atmosphere and identifies topics that require additional research.

Americans may find it surprising to learn that many eligible citizens in the United States are denied the right to cast ballots and have them counted on Election Day. The sad reality is that many voters are turned away from polls because their names do not appear on a list of registered voters, for a host of different reasons that may or may not be the responsibility of the individual voter.To correct this problem, Congress enacted "fail-safe" provisional voting requirements in the Help America Vote Act of 2002 (HAVA), 42 U.S.C. S 15301, et seq. Under Section 302 of HAVA, election officials are required to provide provisional ballots to individuals who are not listed on the official list of registered voters but believe themselves to be properly registered and eligible to vote. Once the appropriate election officials determine that the individual is indeed eligible to vote, the ballot is counted. The results of this HAVA mandate have been mixed. In some situations, poll workers have failed to offer provisional ballots to voters at all. In cases where poll workers have actually offered ballots to voters, states have applied such varying methodologies for counting provisional ballots that the "fail-safe" mechanism under HAVA has been frustrated.This legislative brief outlines the reasons why thousands of provisional ballots have not been counted since the passage of HAVA, and why the use of provisional ballots should be limited. It also provides policy recommendations which, if implemented by all states, would increase the likelihood that a voter's provisional ballot would count.

На основе анализа литературы и проведенного автором эмпирического исследования формулируется самостоятельное понятие уголовно-правового воздействия на преступность, а также определяется содержание данной категории. ; In the article the author gives an independent concept of legal influence on the basis of the analysis of legal literature and his own research. The author's definition essentially differs from the traditional position. The author proves the idea according to which the influence on crime by legal means today is of developing, not real character. It is caused by the imperfection of criminal legislation, as a result of which the formally existing means of influence are not practically applied. The judgment of a law enforcer is also important, for means of influence in practical activities can be used subjectively according to one's own vision of situation, vital circumstances, etc. All this allowed the author to draw a conclusion that the state, carrying out the key role in the mechanism of legal influence on crime, is not the only regulator of public relations developing in connection with crime committing. Practical bodies, whose activity influences on application or non-application of a legal norm, on the intensity of the influence during practical realization of the same positions of law in different conditions, are of great importance, too. Thus, legal influence, in the opinion of the author, is not only special activity of the state on regulation of public relations arising in occasion of commitment of crimes, but also actual activity of law enforcement bodies on application of the means of crime counteraction formulated at the state level.

Objective: This article is an investigation of the effectiveness of sonifications, which are continuous auditory alerts mapped to the state of a monitored task, in supporting unmanned aerial vehicle (UAV) supervisory control. Background: UAV supervisory control requires monitoring a UAV across multiple tasks (e.g., course maintenance) via a predominantly visual display, which currently is supported with discrete auditory alerts. Sonification has been shown to enhance monitoring performance in domains such as anesthesiology by allowing an operator to immediately determine an entity's (e.g., patient) current and projected states, and is a promising alternative to discrete alerts in UAV control. However, minimal research compares sonification to discrete alerts, and no research assesses the effectiveness of sonification for monitoring multiple entities (e.g., multiple UAVs). Method: The authors conducted an experiment with 39 military personnel, using a simulated setup. Participants controlled single and multiple UAVs and received sonifications or discrete alerts based on UAV course deviations and late target arrivals. Results: Regardless of the number of UAVs supervised, the course deviation sonification resulted in reactions to course deviations that were 1.9 s faster, a 19% enhancement, compared with discrete alerts. However, course deviation sonifications interfered with the effectiveness of discrete late arrival alerts in general and with operator responses to late arrivals when supervising multiple vehicles. Conclusions: Sonifications can outperform discrete alerts when designed to aid operators to predict future states of monitored tasks. However, sonifications may mask other auditory alerts and interfere with other monitoring tasks that require divided attention. Applications: This research has implications for supervisory control display design.

- The aim of this essay is to argue a new thesis about the conception of the rightful autonomy of the political or civil sphere from that of religion and the Church. On the one hand, the relations between politics and religion are decided following the principle of autonomy, understood as a theoretical and practical affirmation of the autonomy of both spheres; autonomy supported by reciprocal collaboration in the service of the person. The secular State is a State of reason, grounded on rights and duties and on relations that do not oppose to religion, recognised as one of the multiple reality that constitute the public sphere. On the other hand, it is important to discern two different propositions of autonomy in the modern context. The first is marked with a hostile openness towards religion and a second, which is attentive to dialogue with it. The reason for this dichotomy has been caused by misunderstanding democratic reality, which are possible to solve with a double discernment: in what sense are all the people the foundation of political sovereignty? And which is the democratic value of ethic pluralism? Popular sovereignty becomes real when there is an effective respect of the inviolable nature of a several goods of the human person, beyond the different interests of the State or of the majority. Pluralism, when it is severed from the ethic of indifference and it is not relegated to private life, is another barrier in the face of the ambition of the State.Keywords: laicality, laicism, democracy, sovereignty, pluralism

What interests us here is the fact that Babel as a figure of confusion became almost the self-named epithet of 17th-century England. All the participants of the debate that took place during the revolution or the postbellum associated Babel with the conceptual chaos of the civil war. The lively "pamphlet war" then brought a pluralistic forum for public opinion in which all the confused languages of politics were equal. When all could read the Bible, everyone could read the story of Babel in their own way. But nothing could reconcile those who read the divine right of kings in it with those who read the divine right of the people in it. In the 17th century, Babel was seen as a figure of discursive confusion, as the confusion was experienced in the form of fanatical languages of arguing sects. Liberalism, if the English-speaking world is acknowledged to be its cradle, constitutes an attempt to escape the impasse of the discursive Babel via the legalistic means of the state of law. According to Hobbes, the irreversible multitude of languages makes one ask what public order can reconcile nominalism in the sphere of political opinion with the social Diaspora of individuals released from the bonds of status or corporation. How to build a state while one Christian faith is disintegrating into many sects fighting each other? How to build a state in the chronic pluralism of the social world and multifaceted dissociation of the traditional community? This is why Babel as a figure of confusion provides the primary conceptual capacity for the liberal organization of the world.

Zu den mächtigsten Bildern des Alten Testamentes gehören die beiden Monstra des Leviathan und des Behemoth, die Gott vor dem aufbegehrenden Hiob erscheinen läßt, um seine Macht zu demonstrieren. Während das Symbol des Leviathan als hobbesches Urbild des modernen Staates immer wieder erforscht worden ist, trifft dies auf den Behemoth weniger zu. Ausgehend von William Blakes Darstellungen der beiden Monstra versucht der Artikel in groben Zügen eine Geschichte des Mit- und Gegeneinanders der beiden Untiere des Buches Hiob zu verfolgen. Beide besaßen immer auch eine politische Bedeutung: als Antipoden zum ägyptischen Horus, als apotropäische Verkörperungen des Antichristen und des Teufels im Mittelalter und als oppositionelle Bestien des Staatsfriedens und des Bürgerkriegs bei Hobbes. Mit Blick auf das zwanzigste Jahrhundert verfolgt der Essay, wie Behemoth und Leviathan gleichsam die Fronten wechselten und wie mit der Schreckensminderung des Leviathan auch der Behemoth zivile Züge bekam, wie schließlich aber die Rückkehr des Staates eine Rückkehr zur Strenge des alttestamentlichen Textes erwarten läßt. ; The two monstrosities Leviathan and Behemoth belong to the most powerful images of the Old Testamemt, which God let appear before the uprising Job to demonstrate his power. While the symbol of Leviathan has been researched as Hobbes archaic image of the modern state, this applies less to Behemoth. This article tries to follow the history of the cooperation and the conflict of the two monsters along general lines based on William Blakes' presentation of the two monstrosities of the book of Job. Both have always also had a political significance: as antipode to the egyptian Horus and as apotropaic personification of the antichrist and the devil of the middle ages and as an oppositional beast of the state peace and the civil war in Hobbes. In view of the 20th century, the essay shows how Behemoth and Leviathan both changed sides and while Leviathan became less frightening Behemoth obtained civil features. Eventually the return of the state anticipates the return of the severity of the Old Testament.