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Singapore is a new state without a long tradition of independent, democratic politics. The current political leadership is dedicated towards institutionalizing a political system which is both democratic and effective. Attainment of this goal will depend to a significant extent on the creation of citizens who are politically aware, who feel competent to participate in politics and who will participate through legitimate political channels to promote and protect their interests. In terms of contemporary political theory one of Singapore's immediate problems is the creation of a cognitive political culture which is congruent with a democratic and effective political structure. This article focuses on the content, creation and consequences of political awareness amongst farmers in rural Singapore.

Under embargo until: 2021-01-22 ; Citizen science is put forward as a method for extending science to include communities in learning about, and adapting to, climate variability and change in the places they live. But it is difficult to find evidence of how citizen science influences climate adaptation governance. The citizen science field lacks the assessment frameworks and empirical studies for understanding impacts on citizen scientists' common adaptive capacities for supporting social processes of adaptation. In addressing this gap, this paper describes a citizen science initiative carried out with communities in northeast Bangladesh, and assesses how it contributed to local governance capacity for climate adaptation. In doing so, it develops and tests a novel framework that assesses citizen science's contributions a high-quality knowledge base, and to five different capital stocks. The assessment saw high increases in citizen scientists' human capital relative to their awareness and understanding of local rainfall; learning that they applied in adaptive practices at work and at home, and local leadership. There were also high increases in social capital among citizen scientists, but more moderate increases in technological and resource capital, and in political capital. There was some evidence of the citizen science being used to support public adaptation decision-making. The initiative had the least impact on institutional capital. ; acceptedVersion

Frontmatter -- Contents -- List of Figures -- List of Tables -- Preface -- Chapter One: Political Choices and Valence Politics -- Chapter Two: Flawless Campaign, Fragile Victory: The 2006 Canadian Federal Election -- Chapter Three: Too Close to Call: The 2004 Canadian Federal Election -- Chapter Four: Red Voters, Blue Voters: The 2004 American Presidential Election -- Chapter Five: Doing Politics His Way: The 2000 American Presidential Election -- Chapter Six: A Big Blue Wave: The 2006 American Congressional Election -- Chapter Seven: Mulroney, Reagan, and Three Big Elections -- Chapter Eight: At the Polls? Why (Some) People Vote -- Chapter Nine: Political Choices Reconsidered -- References -- Index by Name -- Index by Subject

This study explains about the emergence of political identity in Indonesia, especially in Islamic community. As a nation, Indonesia is heterogeneous in religion, ethnicity and regionalism, so the emergence of political identity cannot be avoided. Post independence, the issue of political identity, has emerged and developed. In the reformation era, the issue of political identity not only caused horizontal conflicts, but also entered political contestation in Regent, Governor and Presidential elections. In 2017 Jakarta Governor Election, the issue of political identity arose in an effort to suppress incumbents. Likewise, with the 2018 national regional head elections, political identity emerged in some regions where candidate used ethnicity and religion –based- political issues. Entering 2019 simultaneous Election, the symptoms of the emergence of political identity have also begun to appear. In several surveys, some people were worried that the emergence of political identity would color the campaign and contestation. The emergence of this phenomenon of political identity will disrupt the future of democracy in Indonesia. Moreover, the actors who use political identity are carried out by several elites and civil society, which, in fact, are the main actors for the consolidation of democracy in Indonesia.

In this article, we offer an analysis of the gender gap in political ambition that takes personality and other canonical predictors of levels of ambition into account simultaneously. We use original large-N survey data from Britain. We find that the gender gap in nascent ambition is robust to the inclusion of measures of personality alongside traditional socio-economic predictors of political ambition. Second, we find that increased extraversion is related to higher levels of nascent ambition, but only for women. Third, we find that personality does not drive any move from intending to run for office to actually doing so.