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In this article in the special symposium On Wilson Carey McWilliams (1933 - 2005), the truths about human nature that the political theorist held are explored in relation to his views of political reform to understand the dimensions of the soul. McWilliams's perspective on human nature started with dependency-not freedom-at birth that requires humans to earn & learn their freedom, which is the self-discipline required for self-government. His critical view of the constitution portrays a vision that makes dominion over nature for the goal of maximizing each individual's personal security & comfort the only goal we share in common. The American moral doctrine-of self-interest rightly understood- & mistaken psychology of our constitutional theory was held to erode the decencies that support our moral practices, & the gradual encroachment of our principled individualism into all areas of life. The author reflects on the role of the teacher as moral guide in relation to McWilliams's explanation of American civic education as the struggle for the American soul. The political theorist & social philosopher sought to free students from the liberal or libertarian cave to open them up to the multidimensionality of the human soul, not through the religious right or the "new Democrats" of the liberal Left, but through humans that are "skilled in the discipline of self-denial.". References. J. Harwell

Argues that social classes have not died, but declined substantially in political significance, justifying a shift from class-centered analysis to multicausal explanations of political behavior & related social phenomena. Here, the key propositions of Clark & Lipset (1991) are extended, & new empirical evidence is added to commentaries by Mike Hout, Clem Brooks, & Jeff Manza (2001 [1993]) & Jan Pakulski (2001). Four general propositions are stated concerning where & why class is weaker or stronger, & then applied to several areas to consider how class has weakened in its impact, especially on politics. Several writers of Marxist background are cited to show how they have converged with others in interpreting central developments. The importance of organizations like unions & parties, independent of classes, in affecting political processes is noted. The rise of the welfare state in generally weakening class conflict by providing a safety net & benefits is discussed. The diversification of the occupational structure toward small firms, high-technology industries, & services weakens class organizational potentials, as does rising affluence. Political parties have correspondingly shifted from class conflict to noneconomic issues, eg, the environment. In many countries, the socialist & communist parties have drastically altered their programs away from traditional class politics toward new social issues & often toward constraining government. New nationalist parties have arisen stressing national identity & limiting immigration. Ways that these developments have cumulatively weakened class politics are described. 1 Table, 3 Figures, 57 References. Adapted from the source document.

Der Beitrag geht der Frage nach, wie die Generation der 60er- und 70er-Jahre in den letzten Jahrzehnten die empirische Politikforschung ausgebaut hat. Welche Schwerpunkte wurden dabei gesetzt? Welche Herausforderungen folgen aus diesen Entwicklungen für die jüngeren Generationen? Zur Beantwortung dieser Fragen werden zunächst die wichtigsten Themen der empirischen Politikwissenschaft betrachtet sowie die Einflussfaktoren, welche zu ihrer Anpassung und Neudefinition beigetragen haben. Der Autor zeigt, dass der Versuch, eine verhaltensorientierte empirische Politikwissenschaft aufzubauen, eine weithin akzeptierte Integration der allgemeinen Politikwissenschaft verhindert hat. Die starke Fragmentierung der deutschen Politikwissenschaft ist auch heute noch wirksam. Die wichtigste Herausforderung stellt für den Autor nicht nur die Integration der nächsten Generationen in die eigenen Netzwerke und Institutionen dar, sondern deren Öffnung für Kollegen anderer Schulen und Disziplinen. (ICA2)

"Doubt is our product", a cigarette executive once observed, "since it is the best means of competing with the "body of fact" that exists in the minds of the general public. It is also the means of establishing a controversy." In this eye-opening expose, David Michaels reveals how the tobacco industry's duplicitous tactics spawned a multimillion dollar industry that is dismantling public health safeguards. Product defense consultants, he argues, have increasingly skewed the scientific literature, manufactured and magnified scientific uncertainty, and influenced policy decis

This is the first systematic account of the Joint Arctic Weather Stations (JAWS), a collaborative science program between Canada and the United States that created a distinctive state presence in the Canadian Arctic Archipelago from 1946-1972. These five meteorological stations, constructed at Eureka, Resolute, Isachsen, Mould Bay, and Alert, became remote hubs for science and sovereignty, revealing the possibilities and limits of modernity in the High Arctic. Drawing on extensive archival evidence, unpublished personal memoirs, and interviews with former JAWS personnel, this book systematically analyzes the diplomatic, scientific, social, environmental, and civil-military dimensions of this binational program. From the corridors of power in Washington and Ottawa to everyday life at the small outposts, The Joint Arctic Weather Stations explores delicate statecraft, changing scientific practices, as well as the distinctive station cultures that emerged as humans coped with isolation in polar environments.

In a purely theoretical analysis of pol'al change in racially plural societies, 3 diff analytical perspectives are presented. Marxist theory emphasizes the primacy of class relations in a revolutionary dialectic of pol'al change, but there are many difficulties in its application to a racially plural society, arising more particularly from the fact that racial & class divisions do not fully coincide, & from the failure in class solidarity between members of diff races. Models derived from E. Durkheim's analysis of the progressive DofL provide a theory of evolutionary change based upon the development of cross-cutting relationships between members of diff races which establish new forms of solidarity, transcending the old divisions. Again, in racially plural societies, where the races are pol'ly incorporated on a basis of inequality, it is difficult to see how interpersonal relations & solidarities between individual members of diff racial sections can be translated into pol'al change by evolutionary means. Plural society theory emphasizes the structural cleavages between the races & may explain some of the otherwise intractable phenomena of change in plural societies. A model of revolutionary change, based on the Marxist model, is presented, but derived from the diff'ial pol'al incorporation of the races, instead of the diff'ial relationship to the means of production. AA.

International audience ; Perfluoroalkyl and polyfluoroalkyl substances (PFASs) are ubiquitous emerging contaminants that have been used in many applications since the 1950s. They have been detected in many drinking water sources, sometimes at μg/L level in water impacted by point sources. Following growing concerns on adverse ecological and human health effects, in the early 2000s several countries established regulations on the PFASs of most concern. Fluorinated alternatives were consequently developed by manufacturers, resulting in the release of novel PFASs that have recently been detected in water resources. Like legacy PFASs, most of them are recalcitrant to conventional drinking water treatments. Governments face the challenge of defining guideline values for water often containing a mixture of several PFASs with little conclusive toxicological and epidemiological evidence. Around 3000 PFASs have been available on the global market, so the other key challenge is to identify the main ones in contaminated water resources, and to detect novel PFASs quicker than was the case for legacy PFASs.

International audience ; Perfluoroalkyl and polyfluoroalkyl substances (PFASs) are ubiquitous emerging contaminants that have been used in many applications since the 1950s. They have been detected in many drinking water sources, sometimes at μg/L level in water impacted by point sources. Following growing concerns on adverse ecological and human health effects, in the early 2000s several countries established regulations on the PFASs of most concern. Fluorinated alternatives were consequently developed by manufacturers, resulting in the release of novel PFASs that have recently been detected in water resources. Like legacy PFASs, most of them are recalcitrant to conventional drinking water treatments. Governments face the challenge of defining guideline values for water often containing a mixture of several PFASs with little conclusive toxicological and epidemiological evidence. Around 3000 PFASs have been available on the global market, so the other key challenge is to identify the main ones in contaminated water resources, and to detect novel PFASs quicker than was the case for legacy PFASs.

Despite repeated attacks on various figures of authority and political leaders such as Saddam Hussein, the scholarly debates in the law of armed conflict have not given much attention to an analysis of if, and if so, when, state and political leadership may be subject to lawful attack, or the question of when physical objects associated with exercising of the official functions contributing to the prosecution of military operations can satisfy the criteria of the definition of military objectives. Whilst examining various positions of leadership, such as Prime Ministers and political party figures, it is argued that there is a relationship between the character and the scope of the activity of such individuals, which may impact a legal assessment of the objects used or intended to be used in the furtherance of such functions. The existence of such relationships is best demonstrated by the example of individuals vested with the Commander-in-Chief functions. This Article demonstrates, contrary to previous assertions in the literature, that their status will be based either on their membership in armed forces or on their conduct constituting direct participation in hostilities. The result of such assessment could result in opposing outcomes of legal evaluation of the infrastructure associated with activity of such individuals, with possibly far-reaching consequences of incorrect application of the principle of distinction in armed conflict.

The primary interest of this study lay in exploring the potential of the personnel relations in "schools villages" in reducing science teacher stress. The schools-village concept which has a Greek origin and is gaining wide acceptance in many countries of the world, is built on the philosophy of maximum resource utilization and the engendering of communal spirit. Data gathered from 368 science teachers in Nigeria indicate that science teacher interactions in the "schools villages" had a significant depressing effect on stress level on five clusters of stressors: curriculum, facilities, student characteristics, administrative, and professional growth and self-satisfaction. The implications of the results for science teacher welfare and for preparing the citizenry for the science and technology-dominated world of the twenty-first Century are drawn.

This article is about how political regimes should generally be classified, & how Latin American regimes should be classified for the 1945-1999 period. We make five general claims about regime classification: (1) regime classification should rest on sound concepts & definitions, (2) it should be based on explicit & sensible coding & aggregation rules, (3) it necessarily involves some subjective judgments, (4) the debate about dichotomous vs continuous measures of democracy creates a false dilemma, & (5) dichotomous measures of democracy fail to capture intermediate regime types, obscuring variation that is essential for studying political regimes. This general discussion provides the grounding for our trichotomous ordinal scale, which codes regimes as democratic, semidemocratic, or authoritarian in 19 Latin American countries. Our trichotomous classification achieves greater differentiation than dichotomous classifications & yet avoids the need for massive information that a very finegrained measure would require. 2 Tables, 1 Figure, 47 References. Adapted from the source document.

This paper constructs and examines a macroeconomic model which combines features from both real and political business cycle models. We augment a standard real business cycle tax model by allowing for varying levels of government partisanship and competence in order to replicate two important empirical regularities: First, that on average the economy expands early under Democratic Presidents and contracts early under Republican Presidents. Second, that Presidents whose parties successfully retain the presidency have stronger than average growth in the second half of their terms. The model generates both of these features that conform to U.S. Post World War II data.